223 [ {nomos}: the conjecture {noos}, "meaning," which is adopted by

many Editors, may be right; but {nomos} seems to mean the "customary

rule" which determines this form of sacrifice, the rule namely of "swift

to the swift."]

BOOK II. THE SECOND BOOK OF THE HISTORIES, CALLED EUTERPE

1. When Cyrus had brought his life to an end, Cambyses received the

royal power in succession, being the son of Cyrus and of Cassandane the

daughter of Pharnaspes, for whose death, which came about before his

own, Cyrus had made great mourning himself and also had proclaimed to

all those over whom he bore rule that they should make mourning for her:

Cambyses, I say, being the son of this woman and of Cyrus, regarded

the Ionians and Aiolians as slaves inherited from his father; and he

proceeded to march an army against Egypt, taking with him as helpers not

only the other nations of which he was the ruler, but also those of the

Hellenes over whom he had power besides.

2. Now the Egyptians, before the time when Psammetichos 1 became king

over them, were wont to suppose that they had come into being first of

all men; but since the time when Psammetichos having become king desired

to know what men had come into being first, they suppose that the

Phrygians came into being before themselves, but they themselves before

all other men. Now Psammetichos, when he was not able by inquiry to

find out any means of knowing who had come into being first of all men,

contrived a device of the following kind:—Taking two new-born children

belonging to persons of the common sort he gave them to a shepherd to

bring up at the place where his flocks were, with a manner of bringing

up such as I shall say, charging him namely that no man should utter any

word in their presence, and that they should be placed by themselves in

a room where none might come, and at the proper time he should bring to

them she-goats, and when he had satisfied them with milk he should do

for them whatever else was needed. These things Psammetichos did and

gave him this charge wishing to hear what word the children would let

break forth first, after they had ceased from wailings without sense.

And accordingly so it came to pass; for after a space of two years had

gone by, during which the shepherd went on acting so, at length, when

he opened the door and entered, both the children fell before him in

entreaty and uttered the word bekos, stretching forth their hands. At

first when he heard this the shepherd kept silence; but since this word

was often repeated, as he visited them constantly and attended to them,

at last he declared the matter to his master, and at his command he

brought the children before his face. Then Psammetichos having himself

also heard it, began to inquire about what nation of men named anything

bekos, and inquiring he found that the Phrygians had this name for

bread. In this manner and guided by an indication such as this, the

Egyptians were brought to allow that the Phrygians were a more ancient

people than themselves.

3. That so it came to pass I heard from the priests of that Hephaistos

who dwells at Memphis; 2 but the Hellenes relate, besides many other

idle tales, that Psammetichos cut out the tongues of certain women, and

then caused the children to live with these women.

With regard then to the rearing of the children they related so much as

I have said: and I heard also other things at Memphis when I had speech

with the priests of Hephaistos. Moreover I visited both Thebes and

Heliopolis 3 for this very cause, namely because I wished to know

whether the priests at these places would agree in their accounts with

those at Memphis; for the men of Heliopolis are said to be the most

learned in records of the Egyptians. Those of their narrations which I

heard with regard to the gods I am not earnest to relate in full, but

I shall name them only, 4 because I consider that all men are equally

ignorant of these matters: 5 and whatever things of them I may record, I

shall record only because I am compelled by the course of the story.

4. But as to those matters which concern men, the priests agreed with

one another in saying that the Egyptians were the first of all men on

earth to find out the course of the year, having divided the seasons

into twelve parts to make up the whole; and this they said they found

out from the stars: and they reckon to this extent more wisely than

the Hellenes, as it seems to me, inasmuch as the Hellenes throw in an

intercalated month every other year, to make the seasons right, whereas

the Egyptians, reckoning the twelve months at thirty days each, bring

in also every year five days beyond the number, and thus the circle of

their seasons is completed and comes round to the same point whence

it set out. They said moreover that the Egyptians were the first who

brought into use appellations for the twelve gods and the Hellenes took

up the use from them; and that they were the first who assigned altars

and images and temples to the gods, and who engraved figures on stones;

and with regard to the greater number of these things they showed me by

actual facts that they had happened so. They said also that the first

man 6 who became king of Egypt was Min; 7 and that in his time all Egypt

except the district of Thebes 8 was a swamp, and none of the regions

were then above water which now lie below the lake of Moiris, to which

lake it is a voyage of seven days up the river from the sea:

5, and I thought that they said well about the land; for it is manifest

in truth even to a person who has not heard it beforehand but has only

seen, at least if he have understanding, that the Egypt to which the

Hellenes come in ships is a land which has been won by the Egyptians as

an addition, and that it is a gift of the river: moreover the regions

which lie above this lake also for a distance of three days' sail, about

which they did not go on to say anything of this kind, are nevertheless

another instance of the same thing: for the nature of the land of Egypt

is as follows:—First when you are still approaching it in a ship and are

distant a day's run from the land, if you let down a sounding-line you

will bring up mud and will find yourself in eleven fathoms. This then so

far shows that there is a silting forward of the land.

6. Then secondly, as to Egypt itself, the extent of it along the sea is

sixty schoines, according to our definition of Egypt as extending from

the Gulf of Plinthine to the Serbonian lake, along which stretches Mount

Casion; from this lake then 9 the sixty schoines are reckoned: for those

of men who are poor in land have their country measured by fathoms,

those who are less poor by furlongs, those who have much land by

parasangs, and those who have land in very great abundance by schoines:

now the parasang is equal to thirty furlongs, and each schoine, which

is an Egyptian measure, is equal to sixty furlongs. So there would be

an extent of three thousand six hundred furlongs for the coast-land of

Egypt. 10

7. From thence and as far as Heliopolis inland Egypt is broad, and the

land is all flat and without springs of water 11 and formed of mud: and

the road as one goes inland from the sea to Heliopolis is about the

same in length as that which leads from the altar of the twelve gods at

Athens to Pisa and the temple of Olympian Zeus: reckoning up you would

find the difference very small by which these roads fail of being equal

in length, not more indeed than fifteen furlongs; for the road from

Athens to Pisa wants fifteen furlongs of being fifteen hundred, while

the road to Heliopolis from the sea reaches that number completely.

8. From Heliopolis however, as you go up, Egypt is narrow; for on the

one side a mountain-range belonging to Arabia stretches along by the

side of it, going in a direction from North towards the midday and the

South Wind, tending upwards without a break to that which is called the

Erythraian Sea, in which range are the stone-quarries which were used

in cutting stone for the pyramids at Memphis. On this side then the

mountain ends where I have said, and then takes a turn back; 12 and

where it is widest, as I was informed, it is a journey of two months

across from East to West; and the borders of it which turn towards the

East are said to produce frankincense. Such then is the nature of this

mountain-range; and on the side of Egypt towards Libya another range

extends, rocky and enveloped in sand: in this are the pyramids, and it

runs in the same direction as those parts of the Arabian mountains which

go towards the midday. So then, I say, from Heliopolis the land has no

longer a great extent so far as it belongs to Egypt, 13 and for about

four 14 days' sail up the river Egypt properly so called is narrow:

and the space between the mountain-ranges which have been mentioned is

plain-land, but where it is narrowest it did not seem to me to exceed

two hundred furlongs from the Arabian mountains to those which are

called the Libyan. After this again Egypt is broad.

9. Such is the nature of this land: and from Heliopolis to Thebes is

a voyage up the river of nine days, and the distance of the journey in

furlongs is four thousand eight hundred and sixty, the number of the

schoines being eighty-one. If these measures of Egypt in furlongs be put

together the result is as follows:—I have already before this shown

that the distance along the sea amounts to three thousand six hundred

furlongs, and I will now declare what the distance is inland from the

sea to Thebes, namely six thousand one hundred and twenty furlongs: and

again the distance from Thebes to the city called Elephantine is one

thousand eight hundred furlongs.

10. Of this land then, concerning which I have spoken, it seemed to

myself also, according as the priests said, that the greater part had

been won as an addition by the Egyptians; for it was evident to me that

the space between the aforesaid mountain-ranges, which lie above the

city of Memphis, once was a gulf of the sea, like the regions about

Ilion and Teuthrania and Ephesos and the plain of the Maiander, if it

be permitted to compare small things with great; and small these are in

comparison, for of the rivers which heaped up the soil in those regions

none is worthy to be compared in volume with a single one of the mouths

of the Nile, which has five mouths. 15 Moreover there are other rivers

also, not in size at all equal to the Nile, which have performed great

feats; of which I can mention the names of several, and especially the

Acheloös, which flowing through Acarnania and so issuing out into the

sea has already made half of the Echinades from islands into mainland.

11. Now there is in the land of Arabia, not far from Egypt, a gulf of

the sea running in from that which is called the Erythraian Sea, very

long and narrow, as I am about to tell. With respect to the length of

the voyage along it, one who set out from the innermost point to sail

out through it into the open sea, would spend forty days upon the

voyage, using oars; 16 and with respect to breadth, where the gulf is

broadest it is half a day's sail across: and there is in it an ebb and

flow of tide every day. Just such another gulf I suppose that Egypt was,

and that the one ran in towards Ethiopia from the Northern Sea, and the

other, the Arabian, of which I am about to speak, 17 tended from the

South towards Syria, the gulfs boring in so as almost to meet at their

extreme points, and passing by one another with but a small space left

between. If then the stream of the Nile should turn aside into this

Arabian gulf, what would hinder that gulf from being filled up with silt

as the river continued to flow, at all events within a period of twenty

thousand years? indeed for my part I am of opinion that it would be

filled up even within ten thousand years. How, then, in 18 all the time

that has elapsed before I came into being should not a gulf be filled up

even of much greater size than this by a river so great and so active?

12. As regards Egypt then, I both believe those who say that things

are so, and for myself also I am strongly of opinion that they are so;

because I have observed that Egypt runs out into the sea further than

the adjoining land, and that shells are found upon the mountains of it,

and an efflorescence of salt forms upon the surface, so that even

the pyramids are being eaten away by it, and moreover that of all the

mountains of Egypt, the range which lies above Memphis is the only one

which has sand: besides which I notice that Egypt resembles neither the

land of Arabia, which borders upon it, nor Libya, nor yet Syria (for

they are Syrians who dwell in the parts of Arabia lying along the sea),

but that it has soil which is black and easily breaks up, 19 seeing that

it is in truth mud and silt brought down from Ethiopia by the river: but

the soil of Libya, we know, is reddish in colour and rather sandy, while

that of Arabia and Syria is somewhat clayey and rocky. 1901

13. The priests also gave me a strong proof concerning this land as

follows, namely that in the reign of king Moiris, whenever the river

reached a height of at least eight cubits 20 it watered Egypt below

Memphis; and not yet nine hundred years had gone by since the death of

Moiris, when I heard these things from the priests: now however, unless

the river rises to sixteen cubits, or fifteen at the least, it does not

go over the land. I think too that those Egyptians who dwell below the

lake of Moiris and especially in that region which is called the Delta,

if that land continues to grow in height according to this proportion

and to increase similarly in extent, 21 will suffer for all remaining

time, from the Nile not overflowing their land, that same thing which

they themselves said that the Hellenes would at some time suffer: for

hearing that the whole land of the Hellenes has rain and is not watered

by rivers as theirs is, they said that the Hellenes would at some time

be disappointed of a great hope and would suffer the ills of famine.

This saying means that if the god 22 shall not send them rain, but shall

allow drought to prevail for a long time, the Hellenes will be destroyed

by hunger; for they have in fact no other supply of water to save them

except from Zeus alone.

14. This has been rightly said by the Egyptians with reference to

the Hellenes: but now let me tell how matters are with the Egyptians

themselves in their turn. If, in accordance with what I before said,

their land below Memphis (for this is that which is increasing) shall

continue to increase in height according to the same proportion as in

past time, assuredly those Egyptians who dwell here will suffer famine,

if their land shall not have rain nor the river be able to go over their

fields. It is certain however that now they gather in fruit from the

earth with less labour than any other men and also with less than the

other Egyptians; for they have no labour in breaking up furrows with a

plough nor in hoeing nor in any other of those labours which other men

have about a crop; but when the river has come up of itself and watered

their fields and after watering has left them again, then each man sows

his own field and turns into it swine, and when he has trodden the

seed into the ground by means of the swine, after that he waits for the

harvest; and when he has threshed the corn by means of the swine, then

he gathers it in.

15. If we desire to follow the opinions of the Ionians as regards Egypt,

who say that the Delta alone is Egypt, reckoning its sea-coast to be

from the watch-tower called of Perseus to the fish-curing houses of

Pelusion, a distance of forty schoines, and counting it to extend inland

as far as the city of Kercasoros, where the Nile divides and runs to

Pelusion and Canobos, while as for the rest of Egypt, they assign it

partly to Libya and partly to Arabia,—if, I say, we should follow this

account, we should thereby declare that in former times the Egyptians

had no land to live in; for, as we have seen, their Delta at any rate

is alluvial, and has appeared (so to speak) lately, as the Egyptians

themselves say and as my opinion is. If then at the first there was no

land for them to live in, why did they waste their labour to prove that

they had come into being before all other men? They needed not to have

made trial of the children to see what language they would first utter.

However I am not of opinion that the Egyptians came into being at the

same time as that which is called by the Ionians the Delta, but that

they existed always ever since the human race came into being, and that

as their land advanced forwards, many of them were left in their first

abodes and many came down gradually to the lower parts. At least it is

certain that in old times Thebes had the name of Egypt, and of this 23

the circumference measures six thousand one hundred and twenty furlongs.

16. If then we judge aright of these matters, the opinion of the Ionians

about Egypt is not sound: but if the judgment of the Ionians is right, I

declare that neither the Hellenes nor the Ionians themselves know how

to reckon since they say that the whole earth is made up of three

divisions, Europe, Asia, and Libya: for they ought to count in addition

to these the Delta of Egypt, since it belongs neither to Asia nor to

Libya; for at least it cannot be the river Nile by this reckoning which

divides Asia from Libya, 24 but the Nile is cleft at the point of this

Delta so as to flow round it, and the result is that this land would

come between Asia and Libya. 25

17. We dismiss then the opinion of the Ionians, and express a judgment

of our own in this matter also, that Egypt is all that land which is

inhabited by Egyptians, just as Kilikia is that which is inhabited by

Kilikians and Assyria that which is inhabited by Assyrians, and we

know of no boundary properly speaking between Asia and Libya except

the borders of Egypt. If however we shall adopt the opinion which is

commonly held by the Hellenes, we shall suppose that the whole of Egypt,

beginning from the Cataract 26 and the city of Elephantine, is divided

into two parts and that it thus partakes of both the names, since one

side will thus belong to Libya and the other to Asia; for the Nile from

the Cataract onwards flows to the sea cutting Egypt through the midst;

and as far as the city of Kercasoros the Nile flows in one single

stream, but from this city onwards it is parted into three ways; and

one, which is called the Pelusian mouth, turns towards the East; the

second of the ways goes towards the West, and this is called the Canobic

mouth; but that one of the ways which is straight runs thus,—when the

river in its course downwards comes to the point of the Delta, then it

cuts the Delta through the midst and so issues out to the sea. In this

we have 27 a portion of the water of the river which is not the smallest

nor the least famous, and it is called the Sebennytic mouth. There are

also two other mouths which part off from the Sebennytic and go to

the sea, and these are called, one the Saïtic, the other the Mendesian

mouth. The Bolbitinitic and Bucolic mouths, on the other hand, are not

natural but made by digging.

18. Moreover also the answer given by the Oracle of Ammon bears witness

in support of my opinion that Egypt is of the extent which I declare it

to be in my account; and of this answer I heard after I had formed my

own opinion about Egypt. For those of the city of Marea and of Apis,

dwelling in the parts of Egypt which border on Libya, being of opinion

themselves that they were Libyans and not Egyptians, and also being

burdened by the rules of religious service, because they desired not to

be debarred from the use of cows' flesh, sent to Ammon saying that they

had nought in common with the Egyptians, for they dwelt outside the

Delta and agreed with them in nothing; and they said they desired that

it might be lawful for them to eat everything without distinction. The

god however did not permit them to do so, but said that that land which

was Egypt which the Nile came over and watered, and that those were

Egyptians who dwelling below the city of Elephantine drank of that

river. Thus it was answered to them by the Oracle about this:

19, and the Nile, when it is in flood, goes over not only the Delta

but also of the land which is called Libyan and of that which is called

Arabian sometimes as much as two days' journey on each side, and at

times even more than this or at times less.

As regards the nature of the river, neither from the priests nor

yet from any other man was I able to obtain any knowledge: and I was

desirous especially to learn from them about these matters, namely

why the Nile comes down increasing in volume from the summer solstice

onwards for a hundred days, and then, when it has reached the number of

these days, turns and goes back, failing in its stream, so that through

the whole winter season it continues to be low, and until the summer

solstice returns. Of none of these things was I able to receive any

account from the Egyptians, when I inquired of them what power the Nile

has whereby it is of a nature opposite to that of other rivers. And

I made inquiry, desiring to know both this which I say and also why,

unlike all other rivers, it does not give rise to any breezes blowing

from it.

20. However some of the Hellenes who desired to gain distinction for

cleverness have given an account of this water in three different ways:

two of these I do not think it worth while even to speak of except only

to indicate their nature; of which the one says that the Etesian Winds

are the cause that makes the river rise, by preventing the Nile from

flowing out into the sea. But often the Etesian Winds fail and yet the

Nile does the same work as it is wont to do; and moreover, if these were

the cause, all the other rivers also which flow in a direction opposed

to the Etesian Winds ought to have been affected in the same way as the

Nile, and even more, in as much as they are smaller and present to them

a feebler flow of stream: but there are many of these rivers in Syria

and many also in Libya, and they are affected in no such manner as the

Nile.

21. The second way shows more ignorance than that which has been

mentioned, and it is more marvellous to tell; 28 for it says that the

river produces these effects because it flows from the Ocean, and that

the Ocean flows round the whole earth.

22. The third of the ways is much the most specious, but nevertheless it

is the most mistaken of all: for indeed this way has no more truth in

it than the rest, alleging as it does that the Nile flows from melting

snow; whereas it flows out of Libya through the midst of the Ethiopians,

and so comes out into Egypt. How then should it flow from snow, when it

flows from the hottest parts to those which are cooler? And indeed most

of the facts are such as to convince a man (one at least who is capable

of reasoning about such matters), that it is not at all likely that it

flows from snow. 29 The first and greatest evidence is afforded by the

winds, which blow hot from these regions; the second is that the land

is rainless always and without frost, whereas after snow has fallen rain

must necessarily come within five days, so that if it snowed in those

parts rain would fall there; the third evidence is afforded by the

people dwelling there, who are of a black colour by reason of the

burning heat. Moreover kites and swallows remain there through the year

and do not leave the land; and cranes flying from the cold weather which

comes on in the region of Scythia come regularly to these parts for

wintering: if then it snowed ever so little in that land through which

the Nile flows and in which it has its rise, none of these things would

take place, as necessity compels us to admit.

23. As for him who talked about the Ocean, he carried his tale into the

region of the unknown, and so he need not be refuted; 30 since I for my

part know of no river Ocean existing, but I think that Homer or one of

the poets who were before him invented the name and introduced it into

his verse.

24. If however after I have found fault with the opinions proposed, I

am bound to declare an opinion of my own about the matters which are in

doubt, I will tell what to my mind is the reason why the Nile increases

in the summer. In the winter season the Sun, being driven away from

his former path through the heaven 31 by the stormy winds, comes to the

upper parts of Libya. If one would set forth the matter in the shortest

way, all has now been said; for whatever region this god approaches most

and stands directly above, this it may reasonably be supposed is most in

want of water, and its native streams of rivers are dried up most.

The History of Herodotus — Volume 1 · 第 11 / 35 段