not listen to her, gathered together all her power and joined battle
with Cyrus. This battle of all the battles fought by Barbarians I
judge to have been the fiercest, and I am informed that it happened
thus:—first, it is said, they stood apart and shot at one another, and
afterwards when their arrows were all shot away, they fell upon one
another and engaged in close combat with their spears and daggers; and
so they continued to be in conflict with one another for a long time,
and neither side would flee; but at last the Massagetai got the better
in the fight: and the greater part of the Persian army was destroyed
there on the spot, and Cyrus himself brought his life to an end there,
after he had reigned in all thirty years wanting one. Then Tomyris
filled a skin with human blood and had search made among the Persian
dead for the corpse of Cyrus: and when she found it, she let his head
down into the skin and doing outrage to the corpse she said at the
same time this: "Though I yet live and have overcome thee in fight,
nevertheless thou didst undo me by taking my son with craft: but I
according to my threat will give thee thy fill of blood." Now as regards
the end of the life of Cyrus there are many tales told, but this which I
have related is to my mind the most worthy of belief.
215. As to the Massagetai, they wear a dress which is similar to that of
the Scythians, and they have a manner of life which is also like theirs;
and there are of them horsemen and also men who do not ride on horses
(for they have both fashions), and moreover there are both archers
and spearmen, and their custom it is to carry battle-axes; 220 and for
everything they use either gold or bronze, for in all that has to do
with spear-points or arrow-heads or battle-axes they use bronze, but for
head-dresses and girdles and belts round the arm-pits 221 they employ
gold as ornament: and in like manner as regards their horses, they put
breast-plates of bronze about their chests, but on their bridles and
bits and cheek-pieces they employ gold. Iron however and silver they use
not at all, for they have them not in their land, but gold and bronze in
abundance.
216. These are the customs which they have:—Each marries a wife, but
they have their wives in common; for that which the Hellenes say that
the Scythians do, is not in fact done by the Scythians but by the
Massagetai, that is to say, whatever woman a man of the Massagetai may
desire he hangs up his quiver in front of the waggon and has commerce
with her freely. They have no precise limit of age laid down for their
life, but when a man becomes very old, his nearest of kin come together
and slaughter him solemnly 222 and cattle also with him; and then after
that they boil the flesh and banquet upon it. This is considered by them
the happiest lot; but him who has ended his life by disease they do not
eat, but cover him up in the earth, counting it a misfortune that he did
not attain to being slaughtered. They sow no crops but live on cattle
and on fish, which last they get in abundance from the river Araxes;
moreover they are drinkers of milk. Of gods they reverence the Sun
alone, and to him they sacrifice horses: and the rule 223 of the
sacrifice is this:—to the swiftest of the gods they assign the swiftest
of all mortal things.
—————
NOTES TO BOOK I
1 [ {'Erodotou 'Alikarnesseos istories apodexis ede, os k.t.l.} The
meaning of the word {istorie} passes gradually from "research" or
"inquiry" to "narrative," "history"; cp. vii. 96. Aristotle in quoting
these words writes {Thouriou} for {'Alikarnesseos} ("Herodotus of
Thurii"), and we know from Plutarch that this reading existed in his
time as a variation.]
2 [ Probably {erga} may here mean enduring monuments like the pyramids
and the works at Samos, cp. i. 93, ii. 35, etc.; in that case {ta te
alla} refers back to {ta genomena}, though the verb {epolemesan} derives
its subject from the mention of Hellenes and Barbarians in the preceding
clause.]
3 [ Many Editors have "with the Phenicians," on the authority of some
inferior MSS. and of the Aldine edition.]
4 [ {arpages}.]
401 [ "thus or in some other particular way."]
5 [ {Surion}, see ch. 72. Herodotus perhaps meant to distinguish
{Surioi} from {Suroi}, and to use the first name for the Cappadokians
and the second for the people of Palestine, cp. ii. 104; but they are
naturally confused in the MSS.]
6 [ {ex epidromes arpage}.]
7 [ {tes anoigomenes thures}, "the door that is opened."]
8 [ Or "because she was ashamed."]
9 [ {phoitan}.]
10 [ {upeisdus}: Stein adopts the conjecture {upekdus}, "slipping out of
his hiding-place."]
11 [ This last sentence is by many regarded as an interpolation. The
line referred to is {Ou moi ta Gugeo tou polukhrosou melei}.]
12 [ See v. 92.]
13 [ i.e. like other kings of Lydia who came after him.]
14 [ {Kolophonos to astu}, as opposed apparently to the acropolis, cp.
viii. 51.]
15 [ See ch. 73.]
16 [ {o kai esballon tenikauta es ten Milesien ten stratien}: an
allusion apparently to the invasions of the Milesian land at harvest
time, which are described above. All the operations mentioned in the
last chapter have been loosely described to Alyattes, and a correction
is here added to inform the reader that they belong equally to his
father. It will hardly mend matters much if we take {o Audos} in ch. 17
to include both father and son.]
17 [ {didaxanta}.]
18 [ This name is applied by Herodotus to the southern part of the
peninsula only.]
19 [ Tarentum.]
20 [ {en toisi edolioisi}: properly "benches," but probably here the
raised deck at the stern.]
21 [ {ou mega}: many of the MSS. have {mega}.]
22 [ {stadioi}: furlongs of about 606 English feet.]
23 [ {to epilogo}.]
24 [ This list of nations is by some suspected as an interpolation; see
Stein's note on the passage.]
25 [ {sophistai}: cp. ii. 49, and iv. 95.]
26 [ {etheto}.]
27 [ {olbiotaton}.]
28 [ {stadious}.]
29 [ {romen}: many of the MSS. have {gnomen}, "good disposition."]
30 [ i.e. their mother: but some understand it to mean the goddess.]
31 [ {en telei touto eskhonto}.]
32 [ {anolbioi}.]
33 [ {eutukhees}.]
34 [ {aperos}: the MSS. have {apeiros}.]
35 [ {aikhme sideree blethenta}.]
36 [ "in the house of Croesus."]
37 [ {'Epistion}.]
38 [ {'Etaireion}.]
39 [ {suggrapsamenous}, i.e. have it written down by the {propsetes}
(see vii. 111 and viii. 37), who interpreted and put into regular verse
the inspired utterances of the prophetess {promantis}.]
40 [ {es to megaron}.]
41 [ {oida d' ego}: oracles often have a word of connection such as {de}
or {alla} at the beginning (cp. ch. 55, 174, etc.), which may indicate
that they are part of a larger connected utterance.]
42 [ Cp. vii. 178 and ix. 91 ("I accept the omen.")]
43 [ See viii. 134.]
44 [ {kai touton}, i.e. Amphiaraos: many Editors retain the readings of
the Aldine edition, {kai touto}, "that in this too he had found a true
Oracle."]
45 [ {emiplinthia}, the plinth being supposed to be square.]
46 [ {exapalaiota}, the palm being about three inches, cp. ii. 149.]
47 [ {apephthou khrusou}, "refined gold."]
48 [ {triton emitalanton}: the MSS. have {tria emitalanta}, which has
been corrected partly on the authority of Valla's translation.]
49 [ "white gold."]
50 [ Arranged evidently in stages, of which the highest consisted of the
4 half-plinths of pure gold, the second of 15 half-plinths, the third of
35, the fourth of 63, making 117 in all: see Stein's note.]
51 [ {elkon stathmon einaton emitalanton kai eti duodeka mneas}. The
{mnea} (mina) is 15.2 oz., and 60 of them go to a talent.]
52 [ {epi tou proneiou tes gonies}, cp. viii. 122: the use of {epi}
seems to suggest some kind of raised corner-stone upon which the
offerings stood.]
53 [ The {amphoreus} is about 9 gallons.]
54 [ Cp. iii. 41.]
55 [ {perirranteria}.]
56 [ {kheumata}, which some translate "jugs" or "bowls."]
57 [ {umin}, as if both Oracles were being addressed together.]
58 [ i.e. Delphi.]
59 [ {enephoreeto}, "he filled himself with it."]
60 [ {Krestona}: Niebuhr would read {Krotona} (Croton or Cortona in
Etruria), partly on the authority of Dionysius: see Stein's note. Two of
the best MSS. are defective in this part of the book.]
61 [ See ii. 51 and vi. 137.]
62 [ {auxetai es plethos ton ethneon pollon}: "has increased to a
multitude of its races, which are many." Stein and Abicht both venture
to adopt the conjecture {Pelasgon} for {pollon}, "Pelasgians especially
being added to them, and also many other Barbarian nations."]
6201 [ {pros de on emoige dokeei}: the MSS. have {emoi te}. Some Editors
read {os de on} (Stein {prosthe de on}) for {pros de on}. This
whole passage is probably in some way corrupt, but it can hardly be
successfully emended.]
63 [ i.e. as it is of the Hellenic race before it parted from the
Pelasgian and ceased to be Barbarian.]
64 [ {katekhomenon te kai diespasmenon... upo Peisistratou}.
Peisistratos was in part at least the cause of the divisions.]
65 [ {paralon}.]
66 [ {uperakrion}.]
67 [ {toutous}: some read by conjecture {triekosious}, "three hundred,"
the number which he actually had according to Polyænus, i. 21.]
68 [ {doruphoroi}, the usual word for a body-guard.]
69 [ {perielaunomenos de te stasi}: Stein says "harassed by attacks
of his own party," but the passage to which he refers in ch. 61,
{katallasseto ten ekhthren toisi stasiotesi}, may be referred to in the
quarrel made with his party by Megacles when he joined Peisistratos.]
70 [ More literally, "since from ancient time the Hellenic race had been
marked off from the Barbarians as being more skilful and more freed from
foolish simplicity, (and) since at that time among the Athenians, who
are accounted the first of the Hellenes in ability, these men devised a
trick as follows."]
71 [ The cubit is reckoned as 24 finger-breadths, i.e. about 18 inches.]
72 [ So Rawlinson.]
73 [ See v. 70.]
74 [ {dia endekatou eteos}. Not quite the same as {dia evdeka eteon}
("after an interval of eleven years"); rather "in the eleventh year"
(i.e. "after an interval of ten years").]
75 [ {thein pompe khreomenos}.]
76 [ For {'Akarnan} it has been suggested to read {'Akharneus}, because
this man is referred to as an Athenian by various writers. However
Acarnanians were celebrated for prophetic power, and he might be called
an Athenian as resident with Peisistratos at Athens.]
77 [ Or "for that part of the land from which the temple could be seen,"
but cp. Thuc. iii. 104. In either case the meaning is the same.]
7701 [ {enomotias kai triekadas kai sussitia}. The {enomotia} was the
primary division of the Spartan army: of the {triekas} nothing is known
for certain.]
78 [ {kibdelo}, properly "counterfeit": cp. ch. 75.]
79 [ {skhoino diametresamenoi}: whether actually, for the purpose of
distributing the work among them, or because the rope which fastened
them together lay on the ground like a measuring-tape, is left
uncertain.]
80 [ Cp. ix. 70.]
81 [ {epitarrothos}. Elsewhere (that is in Homer) the word always means
"helper," and Stein translates it so here, "thou shalt be protector and
patron of Tegea" (in the place of Orestes). Mr. Woods explains it by
the parallel of such phrases as {Danaoisi makhes epitarrothoi}, to mean
"thou shalt be a helper (of the Lacedemonians) in the matter of Tegea,"
but this perhaps would be a form of address too personal to the
envoy, who is usually addressed in the second person, but only
as representative of those who sent him. The conjectural reading
{epitarrothon exeis}, "thou shalt have him as a helper against Tegea,"
is tempting.]
82 [ {agathoergon}.]
83 [ This was to enable him the better to gain his ends at Tegea.]
84 [ Cp. ch. 51, note.]
85 [ See ch. 6.]
86 [ {euzono andri}: cp. ch. 104 and ii. 34. The word {euzonos} is used
of light-armed troops; Hesychius says, {euzonos, me ekhon phortion}.]
87 [ {orgen ouk akros}: this is the reading of all the best MSS., and
it is sufficiently supported by the parallel of v. 124, {psukhen ouk
akros}. Most Editors however have adopted the reading {orgen akros}, as
equivalent to {akrakholos}, "quick-tempered."]
88 [ It has been suggested by some that this clause is not genuine.
It should not, however, be taken to refer to the battle which was
interrupted by the eclipse, for (1) that did not occur in the period
here spoken of; (2) the next clause is introduced by {de} (which can
hardly here stand for {gar}); (3) when the eclipse occurred the fighting
ceased, therefore it was no more a {nuktomakhin} than any other battle
which is interrupted by darkness coming on.]
89 [ See ch. 188. Nabunita was his true name.]
90 [ See ch. 107 ff.]
91 [ Not "somewhere near the city of Sinope," for it must have been at a
considerable distance and probably far inland. Sinope itself is at least
fifty miles to the west of the Halys. I take it to mean that Pteria was
nearly due south of Sinope, i.e. that the nearest road from Pteria to
the sea led to Sinope. Pteria no doubt was the name of a region as well
as of a city.]
92 [ {anastatous epoiese}.]
93 [ This is the son of the man mentioned in ch. 74.]
94 [ {us en autou xeinikos}. Stein translates "so much of it as was
mercenary," but it may be doubted if this is possible. Mr. Woods, "which
army of his was a foreign one."]
95 [ {Metros Dindumenes}, i.e. Kybele: the mountain is Dindymos in
Phrygia.]
96 [ i.e. the whole strip of territory to the West of the peninsula
of Argolis, which includes Thyrea and extends southwards to Malea:
"westwards as far as Malea" would be absurd.]
97 [ {outos}: a conjectural emendation of {autos}.]
98 [ {autos}: some MSS. read {o autos}, "this same man."]
99 [ {aneneikamenon}, nearly equivalent to {anastemaxanta} (cp. Hom. Il.
xix. 314), {mnesamenos d' adinos aneneikato phonesen te}. Some translate
it here, "he recovered himself," cp. ch. 116, {aneneikhtheis}.]
100 [ {ubristai}.]
101 [ {proesousi}: a conjectural emendation of {poiesousi}, adopted in
most of the modern editions.]
102 [ {touto oneidisai}: or {touton oneidisai}, "to reproach the god
with these things." The best MSS. have {touto}.]
103 [ {to kai... eipe ta eipe Loxias k.t.l.}: various emendations have
been proposed. If any one is to be adopted, the boldest would perhaps be
the best, {to de kai... eipe Loxias}.]
104 [ {oia te kai alle khore}, "such as other lands have."]
105 [ {stadioi ex kai duo plethra}.]
106 [ {plethra tria kai deka}.]
107 [ {Gugaie}.]
108 [ Or "Tyrrhenia."]
109 [ Or "Umbrians."]
110 [ {tes ano 'Asies}, i.e. the parts which are removed from the
Mediterranean.]
111 [ i.e. nature would not be likely to supply so many regularly
ascending circles. Stein alters the text so that the sentence runs thus,
"and whereas there are seven circles of all, within the last is the
royal palace," etc.]
112 [ i.e. "to laugh or to spit is unseemly for those in presence of
the king, and this last for all, whether in the presence of the king
or not." Cp. Xen. Cyrop. i. 2. 16, {aiskhron men gar eti kai nun esti
Persais kai to apoptuein kai to apomuttesthai}, (quoted by Stein, who
however gives a different interpretation).]
113 [ {tauta de peri eouton esemnune}: the translation given is that of
Mr. Woods.]
114 [ {allos mentoi eouton eu ekontes}: the translation is partly due to
Mr. Woods.]
115 [ i.e. East of the Halys: see note on ch. 95.]
116 [ See iv. 12.]
117 [ Cp. ch. 72.]
118 [ {ten katuperthe odon}, i.e. further away from the Euxine
eastwards.]
119 [ {o theos}.]
120 [ {khoris men gar phoron}: many Editors substitute {phoron} for
{phoron}, but {phoron} may stand if taken not with {khoris} but with {to
ekastoisi epeballon}.]
121 [ Cp. ch. 184, "the Assyrian history."]
122 [ {uperthemenos}, a conjectural emendation of {upothemenos}, cp. ch.
108 where the MSS. give {uperthemenos}, (the Medicean with {upo} written
above as a correction).]
123 [ Or "expose me to risk," "stake my safety."]
124 [ Or "thou wilt suffer the most evil kind of death": cp. ch. 167.]
12401 [ {tas aggelias pherein}, i.e. to have the office of
{aggeliephoros} (ch. 120) or {esaggeleus} (iii. 84), the chamberlain
through whom communications passed.]
125 [ {dialabein}. So translated by Mr. Woods.]
126 [ {es tas anagkas}, "to the necessity," mentioned above.]
127 [ Or "to celebrate good fortune."]
128 [ {akreon kheiron te kai podon}: cp. ii. 121 (e), {apotamonta en to
omo ten kheira}.]
129 [ {esti te o pais kai periesti}. So translated by Mr. Woods.]
130 [ {erkhe}: a few inferior MSS. have {eikhe}, which is adopted by
several Editors.]
131 [ {para smikra... kekhoreke}, "have come out equal to trifles."]
132 [ {kuon}: cp. ch. 110.]
133 [ {su nun}, answering to {se gar theoi eporeousi}: the MSS. and some
Editors read {su nun}.]
134 [ i.e. of the race of Perses: see vii. 61.]
135 [ "how his change from a throne to slavery was as compared with that
feast, etc.," i.e. what did he think of it as a retribution.]
136 [ See ch. 106. The actual duration of the Median supremacy would be
therefore a hundred years.]
13601 [ This is by some altered to "Alilat," by comparison of iii. 8.]
137 [ {stemmasi}, i.e. the chaplets wound round with wool which were
worn at Hellenic sacrifices.]
138 [ {oulesi}.]
13801 [ Cp. vii. 61.]
139 [ {sitoisi}: perhaps "plain dishes."]
140 [ {proskuneei}, i.e. kisses his feet or the ground.]
141 [ {ton legomenon}, a correction of {to legomeno}. (The Medicean
MS. has {toi legomenoi} like the rest, not {toi legomeno}, as stated by
Stein.)]
142 [ {ekhomenon, kata ton auton de logon}: the MSS. and most Editors
have {ekhomenon}. {kata ton auton de logon}; "and this same rule the
Persians observe in giving honour." This, however, makes it difficult
(though not impossible) to refer {to ethnos} in the next clause to the
Medes, and it can hardly be referred to the Persians, who certainly
had not the same system of government. Perhaps however we may translate
thus, "for each race extended forward thus their rule or their deputed
authority."]
143 [ Cp. vii. 194.]
144 [ {polloi}: omitted, or corrected variously, by Editors. There is,
perhaps, something wrong about the text in the next clause also, for it
seems clear that white doves were not objected to by the Persians. See
Stein's note.]
145 [ See ch. 95.]
146 [ These words, "neither those towards the East nor those towards the
West" have perhaps been interpolated as an explanation of {ta ano} and
{ta kato}. As an explanation they can hardly be correct, but the whole
passage is vaguely expressed.]
147 [ {tropous tesseras paragogeon}.]
148 [ i.e. the Asiatic Ionians who had formed a separate confederacy.
Some understand it to mean the Milesians, but this would give no
satisfactory connection with what follows.]
149 [ {pentapolios}.]
150 [ {exapolios}.]
151 [ {mesogaioi}. Several of the other cities are at some distance from
the coast, but the region is meant in each case rather than the city
(hence such forms as {Tritaiees}).]
152 [ {'Elikonio}.]
153 [ This is condemned as an interpolation by some Editors.]
154 [ {oreon de ekousan ouk omoios}.]
155 [ {katastas}: cp. iii. 46.]
156 [ {ktesamenoi}: Stein reads {stesamenoi} by conjecture: cp. vi. 58.]
157 [ {phrontizo me ariston e}. The translation is Rawlinson's.]
158 [ {kephale anamaxas}: cp. Hom. Od. xix. 92.]
159 [ {es tous Bragkhidas}, i.e. the priests of the temple. The name of
the place {Bragkhidai} is feminine, cp. ch. 92.]
160 [ {onax}, addressing Apollo.]
161 [ {exaipee tous strouthous k.t.l.} The verb is one which is commonly
used of the destruction and depopulation of cities, cp. ch. 176.
(Stein.)]
162 [ {tou de 'Atarneos toutou esti khoros tes Musies}.]
163 [ {ouk oligoi stadioi}.]
164 [ {katirosai}, i.e. dedicate it to the king as a token of
submission.]
165 [ i.e. Corsica.]
166 [ {anaphanenai}: the MSS. have {anaphenai}, which can only be
translated by supplying {ton ponton} from {katepontosan}, "till the sea
produced it again," but this is hardly satisfactory.]
167 [ {Karkhedonioi}.]
168 [ {elakhon te auton pollo pleious}. Several Editors suppose that
words have been lost or that the text is corrupt. I understand it to
mean that many more of them fell into the hands of the enemy than were
rescued by their own side. Some translate "divided most of them by lot";
but this would be {dielakhon}, and the proceeding would have no object
if the prisoners were to be put to death at once. For {pleious} Stein
reads {pleistous}.]
169 [ {ton Kurnon... ktisai eron eonta, all' ou ten neson}.]
170 [ {bouleuterion}.]
171 [ {outoi}: the MSS. have {outo}.]
172 [ {autokhthonas epeirotas}.]
173 [ Many Editors insert {oi} before {tes khores tes spheteres} and
alter the punctuation accordingly.]
174 [ Or "all their land came within the isthmus."]
175 [ {epexiontes}: the MSS. have {upexiontes}, which Mr. Woods explains
to mean "coming forth suddenly."]
176 [ {epexelthontes}: the MSS. have {upexelthontes}.]
177 [ {stadion}, and so throughout.]
178 [ The "royal cubit" appears to have measured about twenty-one
inches.]
179 [ {tous agkhonas}, the walls on the North and South of the city,
called so because built at an angle with the side walls.]
180 [ {laurai}, "lanes."]
181 [ {kai autai}, but perhaps the text is not sound.]
182 [ {thorex}, as opposed to the inner wall, which would be the
{kithon} (cp. vii. 139).]
183 [ {steinoteron}: Mr. Woods says "of less thickness," the top of the
wall being regarded as a road.]
184 [ {duo stadion pante}, i.e. 404 yards square.]
185 [ {tou irou}, i.e. the sacred precincts; cp. {en to temenei touto}.]
186 [ {neos}, the inner house of the temple.]
187 [ {promantis}.]
188 [ {ta telea ton probaton}.]
189 [ "at that time."]
18901 [ {katapleontes ton Euphreten}: the MSS. have {katapleontes es ton
E}. (It is not true, as stated by Abicht, that the Medicean MS. omits
{es}.)]
190 [ {oligon ti parateinousa apo tou potamou}.]
191 [ {ou gar ameinon}, an Epic phrase, cp. iii. 71 and 82.]
192 [ {eskeuasmenos}, a conjectural emendation of {eskeuasmenoisi},
"with provisions well prepared."]
193 [ {kateteine skhoinoteneas upodexas diorukhas}. Stein understands
{kateteine ten stratien} (resumed afterwards by {diataxas}), "he
extended his army, having first marked out channels straight by lines."]
194 [ {proesaxanto}, from {proesago}: it may be however from {prosatto},
"they had heaped together provisions for themselves beforehand."]
195 [ {ten stratien apasan}. Stein thinks that some correction is
needed.]
196 [ {oi d' an perudontes k.t.l.}: the MSS. have {oud' an perudontes},
"they would not even have allowed them to enter the city (from the
river)," but the negative is awkward referring to the participle alone,
and the admission of the enemy to the river-bed within the city would
have been an essential part of the scheme, not to be omitted in the
description.]
197 [ The Attic medimnos (= 48 choinikes) was rather less than 12
gallons.]
198 [ {ton tes Demetros karpon}.]
199 [ Stein supposes that words have fallen out before {ta gar de alla
dendrea}, chiefly because some mention of the palm-trees might have been
expected here.]
200 [ {phoinikeious}: some Editors (following Valla) have altered this
to {phoinikeiou} ("casks of palm-wine"), but it is not likely that
palm-wine would have been thus imported, see ch. 193.]
201 [ {kai o men eso elkei to plektron o de exo otheei}. I take it to
mean that there is one steering-oar on each side, and the "inside" is
the side nearer to the bank of the river. The current would naturally
run faster on the "outside" and consequently would tend to turn the boat
round, and therefore the inside oarsman pulls his oar constantly towards
himself and the outside man pushes his oar from himself (i.e. backs
water), to keep the boat straight. Various explanations are given. Stein
takes {eso, exo} with the verbs, "one draws the boat towards himself,
the other pushes it from himself." Mr. Woods understands that only one
oar is used at a time and by two men looking different ways, of whom {o
men eso} is he who stands nearest to the side of the boat.]
202 [ If the talents meant are Euboic, this would be about 170 tons.]
203 [ {mitresi}: cp. vii. 62.]
204 [ {os an ai parthenoi ginoiato}, equivalent to {osai aei parthenoi
ginoiato}, which Stein suggests as a correction.]
205 [ This sentence, "in order that—city," is thought by Stein to be
either interpolated or misplaced.]
206 [ {katestekee}: some Editors adopt the correction {katesteke}, "is
established."]
207 [ {iron}, afterwards called {temenos}.]
208 [ {panta tropon odon}: some MSS. have {odon} for {odon}, and {odon
ekhousi} might perhaps mean "afford a passage." (The reading of the
Medicean MS. is {odon}.)]
209 [ "I call upon Mylitta against thee"; or perhaps, "I call upon
Mylitta to be favourable to thee."]
210 [ {aposiosamene te theo}.]
211 [ {eideos te epammenai eisi kai megatheos}.]
212 [ {patriai}.]
213 [ {antion}.]
214 [ That is perhaps, "if one rows as well as sails," using oars when
the wind is not favourable, cp. ii. 11.]
215 [ {genomene}, or {ginomene}, "which he met with."]
216 [ {eonta akharita}: most of the MSS. have {ta eonta akharita}, with
which reading the sentence would be, "the sufferings which I have, have
proved bitter lessons of wisdom to me."]
217 [ {me eie}.]
218 [ {tou katharou stratou}, perhaps "the effective part," without the
encumbrances, cp. iv. 135.]
219 [ {alexomenous}.]
220 [ {sagaris nomizontes ekhein}: cp. iv. 5.]
221 [ {maskhalisteras}.]
222 [ {thuousi}.]