Synkers of walles and finders of springes.
Tile makers.
Lyme makers.
Quarrells to digge tile.
Bricklayers.
Roughe Masons.
Tilers.
Carpinters.
Thachers with reedes, russhes, broome, or strawe.
Lathmakers.
Artesans, Sekvinge Our Firste Planters, and in Parte Servinge for
Traficque.
Barbors.
Bottlemakers of London.
Launders.
Shoemakers, coblers.
Tailors.
Tanners, white tawyers.
Botchers.
Buffe skynne dressers.
Paile makers.
Shamew skynne dressers.
Burcachiomakers.
A Present Provision For Raisinge a Notable Trade for the Time to Come.
The knitt wollen cappe of Toledo in Spaine, called _bonetto rugio
colterado_, so infinitely solde to the Moores in Barbarie and Affricke, is
to be prepared in London, Hereforde, and Rosse, and to be vented to the
people, and may become a notable trade of gaine to the marchaunte, and a
greate reliefe to oure poore people and a sale of our woll and of our
labour; and beinge suche a cappe that every particular person will buye
and may easelie compasse, the sale wil be greate in shorte time,
especially if our people weare them at their first arryvall there.
Thinges Forgotten May Here Be Noted As They Come To Mynde, and After Be
Placed With The Rest, and After That In All Be Reduced Into The Best
Order.(83)
That there be appointed one or twoo preachers for the voyadge, that God
may be honoured, the people instructed, mutinies the better avoided, and
obedience the better used, that the voyadge may have the better successe.
That the voyadge be furnished with Bibles and with Bookes of service. That
the bookes of the discoveries and conquests of the Easte Indies be carried
with you.
That the bookes of the discoveries of the West Indies, and the conquests
of the same, be also caried, to kepe men occupied from worse cogitations,
and to raise their myndes to courage and highe enterprizes, and to make
them lesse careles for the better shonnynge of comon daungers in suche
cases arisinge. And because men are more apte to make themselves subjecte
in obedience to prescribed lawes sett downe and signed by a prince, then
to the changeable will of any capitaine, be he never so wise or temperate,
never so free from desire of revenge, it is wisshed that it were learned
oute what course bothe the Spaniardes and Portingales tooke, in their
discoveries, for government, and that the same were delivered to learned
men, that had pased most of the lawes of the empire and of other princes
lawes, and that thereupon some speciall orders, fitt for voyadges and
begynnynges, mighte upon deliberation be sett downe and allowed by the
Queenes moste excellent Majestie and her wise counsell; and, faire
ingrossed, mighte in a table be sett before the eyes of suche as goe in
the voyadge, that no man poonished or executed may justly complaine of
manifeste and open wronge offred.
That some phisition be provided to minister by counsell and by phisicke,
to kepe and preserve from sicknes, or by skill to cure suche as fall into
disease and distemperature.
A surgeon to lett bloude, and for such as may chaunce, by warres or
otherwise, to be hurte, is more nedefull for the voyadge.
An apothecarye to serve the phisition is requisite; and the phisition
deinge, he may chaunce (well chosen) to stande in steede of one and
thother, and to sende into the realme, by seede and roote, herbes and
plantes of rare excellencie.
If suche plentie of honye be in these regions as is saied, yt were to
goodd purpose to cary in the voyadge suche of the servauntes of the Russia
Companie as have the skill to make the drincke called meth, which they use
in Russia and Poland, and nerer, as in North Wales, for their wine; and,
if you cannot cary any suche, to cary the order of the makinge of yt in
writinge, that it may be made for a nede.
And, before many thinges, this one thinge is to be called, as yt were,
with spede to mynde, that the prisons and corners of London are full of
decayed marchantes, overthrowen by losse at sea, by usuerers,
suertishippe, and by sondry other suche meanes, and dare or cannot for
their debtes shewe their faces; and in truthe many excellent giftes be in
many of these men, and their goodd gtftes are not ymployed to any manner
of use, nor are not like of themselves to procure libertie to employe
themselves, but are, withoute some speciall meane used, to starve by
wante, or to shorten their tymes by thoughte; and for that these men,
schooled in the house of adversitie, are drawen to a degree higher in
excellencye, and may be employed to greater uses in this purposed voyadge,
yt were to greate purpose to use meanes by aucthoritie for suche as
maliciously, wrongfully, or for triflinge causes are deteyned, and to take
of them and of others that hide their heades, and to employe them; for so
they may be relieved, and the enterprice furthered in many respectes.
(M253) And, in choice of all artesanes for the voyadge, this general rule
were goodd to be observed, that no man be chosen that is knowen to be a
Papiste, for the speciall inclynation they have of favour to the Kinge of
Spaine.
That also, of those artesanes which are Protestantes, that where you may
have chaunge and choice, that suche as be moste stronge and lusty men be
chosen, and suche as can best handle his bowe or his harquebushe; for the
more goodd giftes that the goers in the voyadge have, the more ys the
voyadge benefited. And therefore (many goinge) yf every mans giftes and
goodd qualities be entred into a booke before they be receaved, they may
be employed upon any necessitie in the voyadge in this or in that,
according as occasion of nede shall require.
FINIS.
XXIII. The letters patents, granted by the Queenes Maiestie to M. Walter
Ralegh now Knight, for the discovering and planting of new lands and
Countries, to continue the space of 6. yeeres and no more.
Elizabeth by the grace of God of England, France and Ireland Queene,
defender of the faith, &c. To all people to whom these presents shal come,
greeting. Know ye that of our especial grace, certaine science, and meere
motion, we haue giuen and graunted, and by these presents for vs, our
heires and successors doe graunt to our trusty and welbeloued seruant
Walter Ralegh Esquire, and to his heires and assignes for euer, free
liberty and licence from time to time, and at all times for euer
hereafter, to discouer, search, finde out, and view such remote, heathen
and barbarous lands, countreis, and territories, not actually possessed of
any Christian prince, nor inhabited by Christian people, as to him, his
heires and assignes, and to euery or any of them shall seeme good, and the
same to haue, holde, occupy and enioy to him, his heires and assignes for
euer, with all prerogatiues, commodities, iurisdictions, royalties,
priuiledges, franchises and preeminences, thereto or thereabouts both by
sea and land, whatsoeuer we by our letters patents may grant, and as we or
any of our noble progenitors haue heretofore granted to any person or
persons, bodies politique or corporate: and the saide Walter Ralegh, his
heires and assignes, and all such as from time to time, by licence of vs,
our heires and successors, shal goe or trauaile thither to inhabite or
remaine, there to build and fortifie, at the discretion of the said Walter
Ralegh, his heires and assignes, the statutes or act or Parliament made
against fugitiues, or against such as shall depart, remaine or continue
out of our Realme of England without licence, or any other statute, act,
law, or any ordinance whatsoeuer to the contrary in any wise
notwithstanding.
And we do likewise by these presents, of our especiall grace, meere
motion, and certaine knowledge, for us, our heires and successors, giue
and graunt full authoritie, libertie and power to the said Walter Ralegh,
his heires and assignes, and euery of them, that he and they, and euery or
any of them, shall and may at all and euery time and times hereafter,
haue, take and leade in the sayde voyage, and trauaile thitherward, or to
inhabite there with him or them, and euery or any of them, such, and so
many of our subiects as shall willingly accompany him or them, and euery
or any of them: and to whom also we doe by these presents, giue full
libertie and authoritie in that behalfe, and also to haue, take and
employ, and vse sufficient shipping and furniture for the transportations,
and Nauigations in that behalfe, so that none of the same persons or any
of them be such as hereafter shall be restrained by vs, our heires or
successors.
And further that the said Walter Ralegh his heires and assignes, and euery
of them, shall haue, holde, occupie and enioy to him, his heires and
assignes, and euery of them for euer, all the soyle of all such landes,
territories, and Countreis, so to be discouered and possessed as
aforesayd, and of all such Cities, Castles, Townes, Villages, and places
in the same, with the right, royalties, franchises, and iurisdictions, as
well marine as other within the sayd landes, or Countreis, or the seas
thereunto adioyning, to be had, or vsed, with full power to dispose
thereof, and of euery part in fee simple or otherwise, according to the
order of the lawes of England, as neere as the same conueniently may be,
at his, and their will and pleasure, to any persons then being, or that
shall remaine within the allegiance of vs, our heires and successors:
reseruing alwayes to vs, our heires and successors, for all seruices,
dueties, and demaunds, the fift part of all the oare of gold and siluer,
that from time to time, and at all times after such discouerie, subduing
and possessing, shall be there gotten and obteined: All which lands,
Countreis, and territories shall for euer be holden of the said Walter
Ralegh, his heires and assignes, of vs, our heires and successors, by
homage, and by the sayd payment of the said fift part, reserued onely for
all seruices.
And moreouer, we do by these presents, for vs, our heires and successors,
give and grant licence to the said Walter Ralegh, his heires, and
assignes, and euery of them, that he, and they, and euery or any of them,
shall and may from time to time, and at all times for euer hereafter, for
his and their defence, encounter and expulse, repell and resist aswell by
sea as by lande, and by all other wayes whatsoeuer, all and euery such
person and persons whatsoeuer, as without the especiall liking and licence
of the sayd Walter Ralegh, and of his heires and assignes, shall attempt
to inhabite within the sayde Countreys, or any of them, or within the
space of two hundreth leagues neere to the place or places within such
Countreys as aforesayde (if they shall not bee before planted or inhabited
within the limits as aforesayd with the subiects of any Christian Prince
being in amitie with vs) where the sayd Walter Ralegh, his heires, or
assignes, or any of them, or his, or their, or any of their associats or
company, shall within sixe yeeres (next ensuing) make their dwellings or
abidings, or that shall enterprise or attempt at any time hereafter
vnlawfully to annoy, eyther by Sea or Lande the sayde Walter Ralegh, his
heires or assignes, or any of them, or his or their, or any of his or
their companies: giuing and graunting by these presents further power and
authoritie to the sayd Walter Ralegh, his heires and assignes, and every
of them from time to time, and at all times for euer hereafter, to take
and surprise by all maner of meanes whatsoeuer, all and euery those person
or persons, with their Shippes, Vessels, and other goods and furniture,
which without the licence of the sayde Walter Ralegh, or his heires, or
assignes, as aforesayd, shalbe found traffiquing into any Harbour, or
Harbours, Creeke, or Creekes, within the limits aforesayd, (the subiects
of our Realmes and Dominions, and all other persons in amitie with vs,
trading to the Newfound lands for fishing as heretofore they haue commonly
vsed, or being driuen by force of a tempest, or shipwracke onely
excepted:) and those persons, and every of them, with their shippes,
vessels, goods, and furniture to deteine and possess as of good and
lawfull prize, according to the discretion of him the sayd Walter Ralegh,
his heires, and assignes, and euery, or any of them. And for vniting in
more perfect league and amitie, of such Countryes, landes, and
territories, so to be possessed and inhabited as aforesayd with our
Realmes of England and Ireland, and the better incouragement of men to
these enterprises: we doe by these presents, graunt and declare that all
such Countries, so hereafter to be possessed and inhabited as is
aforesayd, from thencefoorth shall be of the allegiance of vs, our heires
and successors. (M254) And wee doe graunt to the sayd Walter Ralegh, his
heires and assignes, and to all, and euery of them, and to all, and euery
other person and persons, being of our allegiance, whose names shall be
noted or entred in some of our Courts of recorde within our Realme of
England, that with the assent of the sayd Walter Ralegh, his heires or
assignes, shall in his iourneis for discouerie, or in the iourneis for
conquest hereafter travaile to such lands, countreis, and territories, as
aforesayd, and to their, and to euery of their heires, that they, and
euery or any of them, being eyther borne within our sayde Realmes of
England or Irelande, or in any other place within our allegiance, and
which hereafter shall be inhabiting within any the Lands, Countryes, or
Territories, with such licence, (as aforesayd) shall and may haue all the
priuiledge of Denizens, and persons natiue of England, and within our
allegiance in such like ample maner and forme, as if they were borne and
personally resident within our said Realme of England, any law, custome,
or vsage to the contrary notwithstanding.
And forasmuch as vpon the finding out, discouering, or inhabiting of such
remote lands, countries, and territories as aforesaid, it shalbe necessary
for the safety of all men, that shall aduenture themselues in those
iourneyes or voyages, to determine to liue together in Christian peace,
and ciuill quietnesse eche with other, whereby euery one may with more
pleasure and profit enioy that whereunto they shall atteine with great
paine and perill, wee for vs, our heires and successors, are likewise
pleased and contented, and by these presents doe giue and grant to the
said Walter Ralegh, his heires and assigns for euer, that he and they, and
euery or any of them, shall and may from time to time for euer hereafter,
within the said mentioned remote lands and countries, in the way by the
seas thither, and from thence, haue full and meere power and authoritie to
correct, punish, pardon, gouerne, and rule by their and euery or any of
their good discretions and policies, as well in causes capitall, or
criminall, as ciuill, both marine and other, all such our subiects, as
shal from time to time aduenture themselues in the said iourneis or
voyages, or that shall at any time hereafter inhabite any such lands,
countreis, or territories as aforesayd, or that shall abide within 200.
leagues of any of the sayde place or places, where the sayde Walter
Ralegh, his heires or assignes, or any of them, or any of his or their
associats or companies, shall inhabite within 6. yeeres next ensuing the
date hereof, according to such statutes, lawes and ordinances as shall be
by him the sayd Walter Ralegh, his heires and assignes, and euery or any
of them deuised, or established, for the better gouernment of the said
people as aforesaid. So alwayes as the said statutes, lawes, and
ordinances may be, as nere as conueniently may bee, agreeable to the forme
of the lawes, statutes, gouernment, or pollicie of England, and also so as
they be not against the true Christian faith, nowe professed in the Church
of England, nor in any wise to withdrawe any of the subiects or people of
those lands or places from the alleagance of vs, our heires and
successors, as their immediate Soueraign vnder God.
And further, we doe by these presents for vs, our heires and successors,
giue and grant ful power and authoritie to our welbeloued Counsailour Sir
William Cecill knight, Lord Burghley, our high Treasourer of England, and
to the Lorde Treasourer of England, for vs, our heires and successors for
the time being, and to the priuie Counsaile of vs, our heires and
successors, or any foure or more of them for the time being, that he,
they, or any foure or more of them, shall and may from time to time and at
all times hereafter, vnder his or their handes or Seales by vertue of
these presents, authorise and licence the sayd Walter Ralegh, his heires
and assignes, and euery or any of them by him and by themselues, or by
their, or any of their sufficient Atturneis, Deputies, Officers,
Ministers, Factors, and seruants, to imbarke and transport out of our
Realme of England and Ireland, and the Dominions thereof, all or any of
his or their goods, and all or any the goods of his and their associats
and companies, and euery or any of them, with such other necessaries and
commodities, of any our Realmes, as to the sayde Lorde Treasurer, or foure
or more of the priuie Counsaile, of vs our heires and successors for the
time being (as aforesaid) shalbe from time to time by his or their
wisedomes, or discretions thought meete and conuenient, for the better
reliefe and supportation of him the sayde Walter Ralegh, his heires, and
assignes, and euery or any of them, and of his or their or any of their
associats and companies, any act, statute, law, or any thing to the
contrary in any wise notwithstanding.
Prouided alwayes, and our will and pleasure is, and wee do hereby declare
to all Christian kings, princes, and states, that if the sayde Walter
Ralegh, his heires or assignes, or any of them, or any other by their
licence or appointment, shall at any time or times hereafter robbe or
spoile by sea or by land, or doe any act of vniust or vnlawfull
hostilitie, to any of the subiects of vs, our heires or successors, or to
any of the subiects of any the kings, princes, rulers, Gouernors, or
estates, being then in perfect league and amitie with vs, our heires and
successors, and that vpon such iniurie, or vpon iust complaint of any such
Prince, Ruler, Gouernour or estate, or their subjects, wee, our heirs and
successors, shall make open Proclamation within any the portes of our
Realme of England, that the saide Walter Ralegh, his heires and assignes,
and adherents, or any to whom these our Letters patents may extende, shall
within the terms to bee limited, by such Proclamation, make full
restitution, and satisfaction of all such iniuries done: so as both we and
the said Princes, or other so complaining, may hold vs and themselues
fully contented: And that if the said Walter Ralegh, his heires and
assignes, shall not make or cause to be made satisfaction accordingly
within such time so to be limitted, that then it shal be lawful to vs, our
heires and successors, to put the sayde Walter Ralegh, his heires and
assignes, and adherents, and all the inhabitants of the saide places to be
discoured (as is aforesaid) or any of them out of our allegeance and
protection, and that from and after such time of putting out of protection
of the sayde Walter Ralegh, his heires, assignes, and adherents, and
others so to be put out, and the said places within their habitation,
possession and rule, shall be out of our allegeance and protection, and
free for all Princes and others to pursue with hostilitie, as being not
our subiects, nor by vs any way to be auouched, maintained, or defended,
nor to be holden as any of ours, nor to our protection, or dominion, or
allegeance any way belonging: for that expresse mention of the cleere
yeerely value of the certaintie of the premisses, or any part thereof, or
of any other gift, or grant by vs, or any our progenitors, or predecessors
to the said Walter Ralegh, before this time made in these presents bee not
expressed, or any other grant, ordinance, provision, proclamation or
restraint, to the contrary thereof, before the time, giuen, ordained, or
prouided, or any other thing, cause, or matter whatsoeuer, in any wise
notwithstanding. In witnesse whereof, wee haue caused these our letters to
be made Patents. (M255) Witnesse our selues, at Westminster, the fiue and
twentie day of March, in the sixe and twentith yeere of our Raigns.
XXIV. The first voyage made to the coasts of America, with two barks,
wherein were Captaines M. Philip Amadas, and M. Arthur Barlowe, who
discouered part of the Countrey now called Virginia Anno 1584. Written by
one of the said Captaines, and sent to sir Walter Ralegh knight, at whose
charge and direction, the said voyage was set forth.(84)
The 27 day of Aprill, in the yere of our redemption 1584, we departed the
West of England, with two barkes well furnished with men and victuals,
hauing receiued our last and perfect directions by your letters,
confirming the former instructions, and commandements deliuered by your
selfe at our leauing the riuer of Thames. And I thinke it a matter both
vnnecessary, for the manifest discouerie of the Countrey, as also for
tediousnesse sake, to remember vnto you the diurnall of our course,
sayling thither and returning: onely I haue presumed to present vnto you
this briefe discourse, by which you may iudge how profitable this land is
likely to succeede, as well to your selfe, (by whose direction and charge,
and by whose seruantes this our discouerie hath beene performed) as also
to her Highnesse, and the Common wealth, in which we hope your wisedome
wilbe satisfied, considering that as much by vs hath bene brought to
light, as by those smal meanes, and number of men we had, could any way
haue bene expected, or hoped for.
(M256) The tenth of May we arriued at the Canaries, and the tenth of Iune
in this present yeere, we were fallen with the Islands of the West Indies,
keeping a more Southeasterly course then was needefull, because wee
doubted that the current of the Bay of Mexico, disbogging betweene the
Cape of Florida and Hauana, had bene of greater force then afterwardes we
found it to bee. At which Islands we found the ayre very vnwholsome, and
our men grew for the most part ill disposed: so that hauing refreshed our
selues with sweet water, and fresh victuall, we departed the twelfth day
of our arriuall there. These Islands, with the rest adioyning, are so well
knowen to your selfe, and to many others, as I will not trouble you with
the remembrance of them.
(M257) The second of Iuly, we found shole water, wher we smelt so sweet,
and so strong a smel, as if we had bene in the midst of some delicate
garden abounding with all kinde of odoriferous flowers, by which we were
assured, that the land could not be farre distant: and keeping good watch,
and bearing but slacke saile, the fourth of the same moneth we arriued
vpon the coast, which we supposed to be a continent and firme lande, and
we sayled along the same a hundred and twentie English miles before we
could finde any entrance, or riuer issuing into the Sea. (M258) The first
that appeared vnto vs, we entred, though not without some difficultie, and
cast anker about three harquebuz-shot within the hauens mouth, on the left
hand of the same: and after thankes giuen to God for our safe arriuall
thither, we manned our boats, and went to view the land next adioyning,
and to take possession of the same, in the right of the Queenes most
excellent Maiestie, as rightfull Queene, and Princesse of the same, and
after deliuered the same ouer to your vse, according to her Maiesties
grant, and letters patents, vnder her Highnesse great seale. Which being
performed, according to the ceremonies vsed in such enterprises, we viewed
the land about vs, being (M259) whereas we first landed, very sandie and
low towards the waters side, but so full of grapes, as the very beating
and surge of the sea ouerflowed them, of which we found such plentie, as
well there as in all places else, both on the sand and on the greene soile
on the hils, as in the plaines, as well on euery little shrubbe, as also
climing towardes the tops of high Cedars, that I thinke in all the world
the like abundance is not to be found: and my selfe hauing seene those
parts of Europe that most abound, find such difference as were incredible
to be written.
(M260) We passed from the Sea side towardes the toppes of those hilles
next adioyning, being but of meane higth, and from thence wee behelde the
Sea on both sides to the North, and to the South, finding no ende any of
both wayes. This lande lay stretching it selfe to the West, which after
wee found to bee but an Island of twentie miles long, and not above sixe
miles broade. Vnder the banke or hill whereon we stoode, we behelde the
vallyes replenished with goodly Cedar trees, and hauing discharged our
harquebuz-shot, such a flocke of Cranes (the most part white) arose vnder
vs, with such a cry redoubled by many ecchoes, as if an armie of men had
showted all together.
This Island had many goodly woodes full of Deere, Conies, Hares, and
Fowle, euen in the middest of Summer in incredible abundance. The woodes
are not such as you finde in Bohemia, Moscouia, or Hercynia, barren and
fruitles, but the highest and reddest Cedars of the world, farre bettering
the Ceders of the Açores of the Indies, or Lybanus, Pynes, Cypres,
Sassaphras, the Lentisk, or the tree that beareth the Masticke, the tree
that beareth the vine of blacke Sinamon, of which Master Winter brought
from the streighte of Magellan, and many other of excellent smell and
qualitie. (M261) We remained by the side of this Island two whole dayes
before we saw any people of the Countrey: the third day we espied one
small boate rowing towardes vs having in it three persons: this boat came
to the Island side, foure harquebuz-shot from our shippes, and there two
of the people remaining, the third came along the shoreside towards vs,
and wee being then all within boord, he walked vp and downe vpon the point
of the land next vnto vs: then the Master and the Pilot of the Admirall,
Simon Ferdinando, and the Captaine Philip Amadas, my selfe, and others
rowed to the land, whose comming this fellow attended, neuer making any
shewe of feare or doubt. (M262) And after he had spoken of many things not
vnderstood by vs, we brought him with his owne good liking, aboord the
ships, and gaue him a shirt, a hat and some other things, and made him
taste of our wine, and our meat, which he liked very wel: and after hauing
viewed both barks, he departed, and went to his owne boat againe, which
hee had left in a little Coue or Creeke adioyning: assoone as hee was two
bow shoot into the water, he fell to fishing, and in lesse then halfe an
houre, he had laden his boate as deepe, as it could swimme, with which hee
came againe to the point of the lande, and there he diuided his fish into
two parts, pointing one part to the ship, and the other to the pinnesse;
which, after he had (as much as he might) requited the former benefites
receiued, departed out of our sight.
(M263) The next day there came vnto vs diuers boates, and in one of them
the Kings brother, accompanied with fortie or fiftie men, very handsome
and goodly people, and in their behauiour as mannerly and ciuill as any of
Europe. His name was Granganimeo, and the king is called Wingina, the
countrey Wingandacoa, and now by her Maiestie Virginia. The maner of his
comming was in this sort: hee left his boates altogether as the first man
did a little from the shippes by the shore, and came along to the place
ouer against the ships, followed with fortie men. When he came to the
place his seruants spread a long matte vpon the ground, on which he sate
downe, and at the other ende of the matte foure others of his companie did
the like, the rest of his men stood round about him, somewhat a farre off:
when we came to the shore to him with our weapons, hee neuer mooued from
his place, nor any of the other foure, nor neuer mistrusted any harme to
be offered from vs, but sitting still he beckoned vs to come and sit by
him, which we performed: and being set hee made all signes of ioy and
welcome, striking on his head and his breast and afterwardes on ours, to
shew wee were all one, smiling and making shewe the best he could of all
loue, and familiaritie. After hee had made a long speech vnto vs, wee
presented him with diuers things, which hee receiued very ioyfully, and
thankefully. None of the companie durst speake one worde all the time:
only the foure which were at theother ende, spake one in the others eare
very softly. The King is greately obeyed, and his brothers and children
reuerenced: the King himselfe in person was at our being there, sore
wounded in a fight which hee had with the King of the next countrey,
called Wingina, and was shot in two places through the body, and once
cleane through the thigh, but yet he recouered: by reason whereof and for
that hee lay at the chiefe towne of the countrey, being sixe dayes iourney
off, we saw him not at all.
After we had presented this his brother with such things as we thought he
liked, wee likewise gaue somewhat to the other that satte with him on the
matte: but presently he arose and tooke all from them and put it into his
owne basket, making signes and tokens, that all things ought to bee
deliuered vnto him, and the rest were but his seruants, and followers.
(M264) A day or two after this we fell to trading with them, exchanging
some things that we had, for Chamoys, Buffe, and Deere skinnes: when we
shewed him all our packet of merchandize, of all things that he sawe, a
bright tinne dish most pleased him, which hee presently tooke vp and clapt
it before his breast, and after made a hole in the brimme thereof and hung
it about his necke, making signes that it would defende him against his
enemies arrowes: for those people maintaine a deadly and terrible warre,
with the people and King adioyning. We exchanged our tinne dish for
twentie skinnes, woorth twentie Crownes, or twentie Nobles: and a copper
kettle for fiftie skins woorth fiftie Crownes. They offered vs good
exchange for our hatchets, and axes, and for kniues and would haue giuen
any thing for swordes: but wee would not depart with any. (M265) After two
or three dayes the Kings brother came aboord the shippes, and dranke wine,
and eat of our meat and of our bread, and liked exceedingly thereof: and
after a fewe days ouerpassed, he brought his wife with him to the ships,
his daughter and two or three children: his wife was very well fauoured,
of meane stature, and very bashfull: shee had on her backe a long cloake
of leather, with the furre side next to her body, and before her a piece
of the same: about her forehead shee had a bande of white Corall, and so
had her husband many times: in her eares shee had bracelets of pearles
hanging downe to her middle, (whereof wee deliuered your worship a little
bracelet) and those were of the bignes of good pease. The rest of her
women of the better sort had pendants of copper hanging in either eare,
and some of the children of the kings brother and other noble men, haue
fiue or sixe in either eare: he himselfe had vpon his head a broad plate
of golde, or copper, for being vnpolished we knew not what mettall it
should be, neither would he by any meanes suffer vs to take it off his
head, but feeling it, it would bow very easily. His apparell was as his
wiues, onely the women weare their haire long on both sides, and the men
but on one. They are of colour yellowish, and their hair black for the
most part, and yet we saw children that had very fine aburne and chesnut
coloured haire.
After that these women had bene there, there came downe from all parts
great store of people, bringing with them leather, corall, diuers kindes
of dies, very excellent, and exchanged with us: but when Granganimeo the
kings brother was present, none durst trade but himselfe: except such as
weare red pieces of copper on their heads like himselfe: for that is the
difference betweene the noble men, and the gouernours of countreys, and
the meaner sort. And we both noted there, and you haue vnderstood since by
these men, which we brought home, that no people in the worlde cary more
respect to their King, Nobilitie, and Gouernours, then these doe. The
Kings brothers wife, when she came to vs (as she did many times) was
followed with forty or fifty women alwayes: and when she came into the
shippe, she left them all on land, sauing her two daughters, her nurse and
one or two more. The kings brother alwayes kept this order, as many boates
as he would come withall to the shippes, so many fires would hee make on
the shore a farre off, to the end we might vnderstand with what strength
and company he approched. (M266) Their boates are made of one tree, either
of Pine or of Pitch trees: a wood not commenly knowen to our people, nor
found growing in England. They haue no edge-tooles to make them withall;
if they haue any they are very fewe, and those it seemes they had twentie
yeres since, which, as those two men declared, was out of a wracke which
happened vpon their coast of some Christian ship, being beaten that way by
some storme and outragious weather, whereof none of the people were saued,
but only the ship, or some part of her being cast vpon the sand, out of
whose sides they drew the nayles and the spikes, and with those they made
their best instruments. (M267) The manner of making their boates is thus:
they burne downe some great tree, or take such as are winde fallen,
putting gumme and rosen vpon one side thereof, they set fire into it, and
when it hath burnt it hollow, they cut out the coale with their shels, and
euer where they would burne it deeper or wider they lay on gummes, which
burne away the timber, and by this meanes they fashion very fine boates,
and such as will transport twentie men. Their oares are like scoopes, and
many times they set with long poles, as the depth serueth.
The Kings brother had great liking of our armour, a sword, and diuers
other things which we had: and offered to lay a great box of pearl in gage
for them: but we refused it for this time, because we would not make them
knowe, that we esteemed thereof, vntill we had vnderstoode in what places
of the countrey the pearle grew: which now your Worshippe doeth very well
vnderstand.
He was very iust of his promise: for many times we deliuered him
merchandize vpon his word, but euer he came within the day and performed
his promise. He sent vs euery day a brase or two of fat Bucks, Conies,
Hares, Fish the best of the world. He sent vs diuers kindes of fruites,
Melons, Walnuts, Cucumbers, Gourdes, Pease, and diuers rootes, and fruites
very excellent good, and of their Countrey corne, which is very white,
faire and well tasted, and groweth three times in fiue moneths: in May
they sow, in Iuly they reape, in Iune they sow, in August they reape: in
Iuly they sow, in September they reape: onely they cast the corne into the
ground, breaking a little of the soft turfe with a wodden mattock, or
pickeaxe: our selues prooued the soile, and put some of our Pease in the
ground, and in tenne dayes they were of fourteene ynches high: they haue
also Beanes very faire of diuers colours and wonderfull plentie: some
growing naturally, and some in their gardens, and so haue they wheat and
oates.
The soile is the most plentifull, sweete, fruitfull and wholsome of all
the worlde: there were aboue fourteene seuerall sweete smelling timber
trees, and the most part of their vnderwoods are Bayes and such like: they
haue those Okes that we haue, but farre greater and better. After they had
bene diuers times aboord our shippes, my selfe, with seuen more went
twentie mile into the Riuer, that runneth towarde the Citie of Skicoak,
which Riuer they call Occam: and the euening following, wee came to an
Island which they call Raonoak, distant from the harbour by which we
entered, seuen leagues: and at the north end thereof was a village of nine
houses, built of Cedar, and fortified round about with sharpe trees, to
keepe out their enemies, and the entrance into it made like a turne pike
very artificially; when wee came towardes it, standing neere vnto the
waters side, the wife of Granganimeo the kings brother came running out to
meete vs very cheerefully and friendly, her husband was not then in the
village: some of her people shee commanded to drawe our boate on shore for
the beating of the billoe: others she appointed to cary vs on their backes
to the dry ground, and others to bring our oares into the house for feare
of stealing. When we were come into the vtter roome, hauing fiue roomes in
her house, she caused vs to sit downe by a great fire, and after tooke off
our clothes and washed them, and dryed them againe: some of the women
plucked off our stockings and washed them, some washed our feete in warme
water, and shee her selfe tooke great paines to see all thinges ordered in
the best maner shee could, making great haste to dress some meate for vs
to eate.
After we had thus dryed ourselues, she brought vs into the inner roome,
where shee set on the boord standing along the house; some wheate like
furmentie, sodden Venison, and roasted, fish sodden, boyled and roasted,
Melons rawe, and sodden, rootes of diuers kindes and diuers fruites: their
drinke is commonly water, but while the grape lasteth, they drinke wine,
and for want of caskes to keepe it, all the yere after they drink water,
but it is sodden with Ginger in it, and black Sinamon, and sometimes
Sassaphras, and diuers others wholesome, and medicinable hearbes and
trees. We were entertained with all loue and kindnesse, and with as much
bountie (after their maner) as they could possibly deuise. We found the
people most gentle, louing, and faithfull, voide of all guile and treason,
and such as liue after the maner of the golden age. The people onely care
howe to defende them selues from the cold in their short winter, and to
feed themselues with such meat as the soile affoordeth: their meat is very
well sodden and they make broth very sweet and sauorie: their vessels are
earthern pots, very large, white and sweete, their dishes are wodden
platters of sweet timber: within the place where they feede was their
lodging, (M268) and within that their Idoll, which they worship, of whome
they speake incredible things. While we were at meate, there came in at
the gates two or three men with their bowes and arrowes from hunting, whom
when wee espied, we beganne to looke one towardes another, and offered to
reach our weapons: but assoone as shee espied our mistrust, shee was very
much mooued, and caused some of her men to runne out, and take away their
bowes and arrowes and breake them, and withall beate the poore fellowes
out of the gate againe. When we departed in the euening and would not tary
all night she was very sory, and gaue vs into our boate our supper halfe
dressed, pottes and all, and brought vs to our boate side, in which wee
lay all night, remoouing the same a prettie distance from the shoare: shee
perceiuing our ielousie, was much grieued, and sent diuers men and thirtie
women, to sit all night on the banke side by vs, and sent vs into our
boates fine mattes to couer vs from the raine, vsing very many wordes to
entreate vs to rest in their houses: but because wee were fewe men, and if
wee had miscaried, the voyage had bene in very great danger, wee durst not
adventure any thing, although there was no cause of doubt: for a more
kinde and louing people there can not be found in the worlde, as farre as
we haue hitherto had triall.
(M269) Beyond this Island there is the maine lande, and ouer against this
Island falleth into this spacious water, the great riuer called Occam by
the inhabitants on which standeth a towne called Pomeiock; and sixe dayes
journey from the same is situate their greatest citie, called Skicoak,
which this people affirme to be very greate: but the Sauages were neuer at
it, only they speake of it by the report of their fathers and other men,
whom they have heard affirme it to bee aboue one houres iourney about.
Into this riuer falleth another great riuer, called Cipo, in which there
is found great store of Muskles in which there are pearles: likewise there
descendeth into this Occam, another riuer, called Nomopana, on the one
side whereof standeth a great towne called Chawanook, and the Lord of that
towne and countrey is called Pooneno: this Pooneho is not subject to the
king of Wingandacoa, but is a free Lord: beyond this country is there
another king, whom they call Menatonon, and these three kings are in
league with each other. (M270) Towards the Southwest, foure dayes iourney
is situate a towne called Sequotan, which is the Southermost towne of
Wingandacoa, neere unto which, sixe and twentie yeres past there was a
ship cast away, whereof some of the people were saued, and those were
white people, whom the countrey people preserued.
And after ten dayes remaining in an out Island vninhabited, called
Wocokon, they with the help of some of the dwellers of Sequotan, fastened
two boates of the countrey together and made mastes vnto them and sailes
of their shirtes, and hauing taken into them such victuals as the countrey
yeelded, they departed after they had remained in this out Island 3
weekes: but shortly after it seemed they were cast away, for the boates
were found vpon the coast cast a land in another Island adioyning: other
then these, there was neuer any people apparelled, or white of colour,
either seene or heard of amongst these people, and these aforesaid were
seene onely of the inhabitantes of Secotan, which appeared to be very
true, for they wondred maruelously when we were amongst them at the
whitenes of our skins, euer coueting to touch our breasts, and to view the
same. Besides they had our ships in marvelous admiration, and all things
els were so strange vnto them, as it appeared that none of them had euer
seene the like. When we discharged any piece, were it but an hargubuz,
they would tremble thereat for very feare, and for the strangenesse of tha
same: for the weapons which themselues vse are bowes and arrowes: the
arrowes are but of small canes, headed with a sharpe shell or tooth of a
fish sufficient ynough to kill a naked man. (M271) Their swordes be of
wood hardened: likewise they vse wooden breastplates for their defence.
They haue beside a kinde of club, in the end whereof they fasten the
sharpe hornes of a stagge, or other beast. When they goe to warres they
cary about with them their idol, of whom they aske counsel, as the Romans
were woont of the Oracle of Apollo. They sing songs as they march towardes
the battell in stead of drummes and trumpets: their warres are very cruell
and bloody, by reason whereof, and of their ciuill dissentions which haue
happened of late yeeres amongst them, the people are maruelously wasted,
and in some places the countrey left desolate.
(M272) Adioyning to this countrey aforesaid called Secotan beginneth a
countrey called Pomouik, belonging to another king whom they call
Piamacum, and this king is in league with the next king adioyning towards
the setting of the Sunne, and the countrey Newsiok, situate vpon a goodly
riuer called Neus: these kings haue mortall warre with Wingina king of
Wingandacoa: but about two yeeres past there was a peace made betweene the
King Piemacum, and the Lord of Secotan, as these men which we haue brought
with vs to England, haue giuen vs to vnderstand: but there remaineth a
mortall malice in the Secotanes, for many iniuries and slaughters done
vpon them by this Piemacum. They inuited diuers men, and thirtie women of
the best of his countrey to their towne to a feast: and when they were
altogether merry, and praying before their Idol, (which is nothing els but
a meer illusion of the deuill) the captaine or Lord of the town came
suddenly vpon them, and slewe them euery one, reseruing the women and
children: and these two haue oftentimes since perswaded vs to surprize
Piemacum his towne, hauing promised and assured vs, that there will be
found in it great store of commodities. But whether their perswasion be to
the ende they may be reuenged of their enemies, or for the loue they beare
to vs, we leaue that to the tryall hereafter.
Beyond this Island called Roanoak, are maine Islands very plentifull of
fruits and other naturall increases, together with many townes, and
villages, along the side of the continent, some bounding vpon the Islands,
and some stretching vp further into the land.
When we first had sight of this countrey, some thought the first land we
saw to bee the continent; but after we entred into the Hauen, we saw
before vs another mighty long Sea: for there lyeth along the coast a
tracte of Islands, two hundreth miles in length, adioyning to the Ocean
sea, and betweene the Islands, two or three entrances: when you are entred
betweene them (these Islands being very narrow for the most part, as in
most places sixe miles broad, in some places lesse, in fewe more) then
there appeareth another great Sea, containing in bredth in some places,
forty, and in some fifty, in some twenty miles ouer, before you come vnto
the continent: (M273) and in this inclosed Sea there are aboue an hundreth
Islands of diuers bignesses, whereof one is sixteene miles long, at which
we were, finding it a most pleasant and fertile ground, replenished with
goodly Cedars, and diuers other sweete woods, full of Corrants, of flaxe,
and many other notable commodities, which we at that time had no leasure
to view. Besides this Island there are many, as I haue sayd, some of two,
or three, of foure, of fiue miles, some more, some lesse, most beautifull
and pleasant to behold, replenished with Deere, Conies, Hares, and diuers
beasts, and about them the goodliest and best fish in the world, and in
greatest abundance.
Thus Sir, we haue acquainted you with the particulars of our discouery
made this present voyage, as farre foorth as the shortnesse of the time we
there continued would affoord vs to take viewe of: and so contenting our
selves with this seruice at this time, which wee hope hereafter to
inlarge, as occasion and assistance shalbe giuen, we resolued to leaue the
countrey, and to apply ourselues to returne for England, which we did
accordingly, and arriued safely in the West of England about the middest
of September.
And whereas wee haue aboue certified you of the countrey taken in
possession by vs, to her Maiesties vse, and so to yours by her Maiesties
grant, wee thought good for the better assurance thereof to record some of
the particular Gentlemen, and men of accompt, who then were present, as
witnesses of the same, that thereby all occasion of cauill to the title of
the countrey, in her Maiesties behalfe may be preuented, which otherwise,
such as like not the action may vse and pretend, whose names are:
Captains:
Master Philip Amadas
Master Arthur Barlow
Of the companie.
William Greeneuile,
Iohn Wood,
Iames Browewich,
Henry Greene,
Beniamin Wood,
Simon Ferdinando,
Nicholas Petman,
Iohn Hewes,
We brought home also two of the Sauages being lustie men, whose names were
Wanchese and Manteo.
XXV. The voiage made by Sir Richard Greenuile,(85) for Sir Walter Ralegh,
to Virginia, in the yeere 1585.
The 9. day of April, in the yeere abouesayd, we departed from Plymmouth,
our Fleete consisting of the number of seuen sailes, to wit, the Tyger, of
the burden of seuen score tunnes, a Flie-boat called the Roe-bucke, of the
like burden, the Lyon of a hundred tunnes or thereabouts, the Elizabeth,
of fiftie tunnes, and the Dorothie, a small barke: whereunto were also
adioyned for speedy seruices, two small pinnesses. The principall
Gentlemen of our Companie, were these, M. Ralph Lane, M. Tomas Candish, M.
Iohn Arundel, M. Raymund, M. Stukeley, M. Bremige, M. Vincent, and M. Iohn
Clarke, and diuers others, whereof some were Captaines, and other some
Assistants for counsell, and good directions in the voyage.
The 14. day of Aprill wee fell with Lancerota and Forteuentura, Isles of
the Canaries, and from thence, we continued our course for Dominica, one
of the Antiles of the West India, wherewith we fell the 7. day of May, and
the 10. day following wee came to an anker at Cotesa, a little Iland
situate neere to the Iland of S. Iohn, where we landed, and refreshed our
selues all that day.
(M274) The 12. day of May wee came to an anker in the Bay of Moskito, in
the Island of S. Iohn, within a Faulcon shot of the shoare: where our
Generall Sir Richard Greeneuil, and the most part of our companie landed,
and began to fortifie very neere to the Sea side: the riuer ran by the one
side of our forte, and the other two sides were inuironed with woods.
The 13. day we began to build a new pinnesse within the Fort, with the
timber that wee then felled in the countrey, some part whereof we fet
three miles vp in the land, and brought it to our Fort vpon trucks, the
Spaniard not daring to make or offer resistance.
The 16. day there appeared vnto vs out of the woods eight horsemen of the
Spaniards, about a quarter of a mile from our Fort, staying about halfe an
houre in viewing our forces: but assoone as they saw ten of our shot
marching towards them, they presently retired into the woods.
The 19. day Master Candish, who had bene separated from our fleete in a
storme in the Bay of Portugall, arriued at Cotesa, within the sight of the
Tiger: we thinking him a farre off to have beene either a Spaniard or
Frenchman of warre, thought it good to weigh ankers, and to goe roome with
him, which the Tiger did, and discerned him at last to be one of our
consorts, for ioy of whose comming our ships discharged their ordinance,
and saluted him according to the maner of the Seas.
The 22. day twentie other Spanish horsemen shewed themselues to vs vpon
the other side of the riuer: who beinge seene, our Generall dispatched 20.
footemen towards them, and two horsmen of ours, mounted vpon Spanish
horses, which wee before had taken in the time of our being on the Iland:
they shewed to our men a flagge of truce, and made signes to haue a parle
with vs: whereupon two of our men went halfe of the way vpon the sands,
and two of theirs came and met them: the two Spaniards offered very great
salutations to our men, but began according to their Spanish proud humors,
to expostulate with them about their arriuall and fortifying in their
countrey, who notwithstanding by our mens discreet answers were so cooled,
that (whereas they were told, that our principall intention was onely to
furnish our selues with water and victuales, and other necessaries,
whereof we stood in neede, which we craued might be yeelded vs with faire
and friendly meanes, otherwise our resolution was to practise force, and
to relieue ourselues by the sworde) the Spaniards in conclusion seeing our
men so resolute, yeelded to our requestes with large promises of all
curtesie, and great fauour, and so our men and theirs departed.
The 23. day our pinnesse was finished, and launched: which being done, our
Generall with his Captaines and Gentlemen, marched vp into the Countrey
about the space of 4. miles, where in a plaine marsh they stayed expecting
the comming of the Spaniards according to their promise, to furnish vs
with victuals: who keeping their olde custome for periurie and breach of
promise, came not, whereupon our Generall fired the woods thereabout, and
so retired to our Fort, which the same day was fired also, and each man
came aboord to be ready to set saile the next morning.
The 29.(86) day wee set saile from Saint Iohns, being many of vs stung
before vpon shoare with the Muskitos: but the same night wee tooke a
Spanish Frigat, which was forsaken by the Spaniards vpon the sight of vs,
and the next day in the morning very early we tooke another Frigat, with
good and rich fraight, and diuers Spaniards of account in her which
afterwards wee ransomed for good round summes, and landed them in S.
Iohns.
The 26. day our Lieutenant Master Ralph Lane went in one of the Frigats
which we had taken, to Roxo Bay vpon the Southwest side of Saint Iohn, to
fetch salt, being thither conducted by a Spanish Pilot: as soone as hee
arriued there, hee landed with his men to the number of 20. and intrenched
himselfe vpon the sandes immediatly, compassing one of their salte hils
within the trench: who being seene of the Spaniards, there came downe
towardes him two or three troopes of horsemen and footemen, who gaue him
the looking, and gazing on, but durst not come neere him to offer any
resistance, so that Master Lane maugre their troopes, caryed their salte
aboord and laded his Frigat, and so returned againe to our fleete the 27.
day, which road at S. Germans Bay. The same day we all departed, and the
next day arriued in the Iland of Hispaniola.
(M275) The 1. day of Iune we anchored at Isabella, on the North side of
Hispaniola.
The 3. of Iune, the Gouernour of Isabell, and Captaine of the Port de
Plata, being certified by the reports of sundry Spaniards, who had beene
well intertained aboard our shippes by our Generall, that in our fleete
were many braue and gallant Gentlemen, who greatly desired to see the
Gouernour aforesayd, he thereupon sent gentle commendations to our
Generall, promising within fewe dayes to come to him in person, which he
perfourmed accordingly.
The 5. day the aforesayd Gouernour accompanied with a trusty Fryer, and
twenty other Spaniards, with their seruants, and Negroes, came downe to
the Sea side, where our ships road at anker, who being seene, our Generall
manned immediatly the most part of his boates with the chiefe men of our
Fleete, euery man appointed, and furnished in the best sort: at the
landing of our Generall, the Spanish Gouernour receiued him very
courteeously, and the Spanish Gentlemen saluted our English Gentlemen, and
their inferiour sort did also salute our Souldiers and Sea men, liking our
men, and likewise their qualities, although at the first they seemed to
stand in feare of vs, and of so many of our boates whereof they desired
that all might not land their men, yet in the end, the courtesies that
passed on both sides were so great, that all feare and mistrust on the
Spaniards part was abandoned.
In the meane time while our English Generall and the Spanish Gouernour
discoursed betwixt them of diuers matters, as of the state of the
Countrey, the multitude of the Townes and people, and the commodities of
the Iland, our men prouided two banquetting houses couered with greene
boughes, the one for the Gentlemen, the other for the seruants and a
sumptuous banquet was brought in serued by vs all in plate, with the sound
of trumpets, and consorte of musicke, wherwith the Spaniards were more
then delighted. Which banquet being ended, the Spaniardes in recompence of
our courtesie, caused a great heard of white buls, and kyne to be brought
together from the mountaines, and appoynted for euery Gentleman and
Captaine that would ride, a horse ready sadled, and then singled out three
of the best of them to bee hunted by horsemen after their maner, so that
the pastime grewe very pleasant for the space of three houres, wherein all
three of the beasts were killed, whereof one tooke the Sea, and there was
slaine with a musket. After this sport many rare presents and gifts were
giuen and bestowed on both parts, and the next day wee played the
Merchants in bargaining with them by way of trucke and exchange of diuers
of their commodities, as horses, mares, kine, buls, goates, swine, sheepe,
bull hides, sugar, ginger, pearle, tobacco, and such like commodities of
the Iland.
The 7. day we departed with great good will from the Spaniards from the
Iland of Hispaniola: but the wiser sort doe impute this great shewe of
friendship, and courtesie vsed towards vs by the Spaniards rather to the
force that wee were of, and the vigilancie, and watchfulnesse that was
amongst vs, then to any heartie good will, or sure friendly
intertainement: for doubtlesse if they had bene stronger then wee, wee
might haue looked for no better curtesie at their handes, then Master Iohn
Haukins receiued at Saint John de Vilua, or Iohn Oxnam neere the streites
of Dariene, and diuers others of our Countrymen in other places.
The 8. day wee ankered at a small Iland to take Seales, which in that
place wee vnderstood to haue bene in great quantitie, where the Generall
and certaine others with him in the pinnesse were in very great danger to
haue beene all cast away, but by the helpe of God they escaped the hasard,
and returned aboord the Admirall in safetie.
(M276) The 9. day we arriued and landed in the Isle of Caycos, in which
Iland we searched for salte-pondes, vpon the aduertisement and information
of a Portugall: who in deede abused our Generall and vs, deseruing a
halter for his hire, if it had so pleased vs.
The 12 we ankered at Guanima, and landed.
The 15. and 16. we ankered and landed at Cyguateo.
The 20. we fell with the maine of Florida.
The 23. we were in great danger of a wracke on a breach called the Cape of
Feare.(87)
(M277) The 24. we came to anker in a harbour, where we caught in one tyde
so much fish as would haue yeelded vs twentie pounds in London: this was
our first landing in Florida.
The 26. we came to anker at Wocokon.
The 29. wee weighed anker to bring the Tyger into the harbour, where
through the vnskilfulnesse of the Master whose name was Fernando, the
Admirall strooke on ground, and sunke.
(M278) The 3. we sent word of our arriuing at Wocokon, to Wingina at
Roanoak.
The 6. M. Iohn Arundel was sent to the maine, and Manteo with him: and
Captaine Aubry and Captaine Boniten the same day were sent to Croatoan,
where they found two of our men left there with 30. other by Captaine
Reymond, some 20. dayes before.
The 8. Captaine Aubry and Captaine Boniten returned, with two of our men
found by them, to vs at Wocokon.
The 11. day the Generall accompanied in his Tilt boate with Master Iohn
Arundell, Master Stukeley, and diuers other Gentlemen, Master Lane, Master
Candish, Master Hariot, and twentie others in the new pinnesse, Captaine
Amadas, Captaine Clarke, with ten others in a shipboat, Francis Brooke,
and Iohn White in another ship-boate, passed ouer the water from Wocokon
to the maine land victualled for eight dayes, in which voyage we first
discouered the townes of Pomeiok, Aquascogoc and Secotan, and also the
great lake called by the Sauages Paquique,(88) with diuers other places,
and so returned with that discouery to our Fleete.
The 12. we came to the Towne of Pomeiok.
The 13. we passed by water to Aquascogok.
The 15. we came to Secotan, and were well entertained there of the
Sauages.
The 16. wee returned thence, and one of our boates with the Admirall was
sent to Aquascogok, to demaund a siluer cup which one of the Sauages had
stollen from vs, and not receiuing it according to his promise, wee burnt,
and spoyled their corne, and Towne, all the people being fled.
The 18. we returned from the discouery of Secotan, and the same day came
aboord our Fleete ryding at Wococon.
The 21. our Fleete ankering at Wococon, we weyed anker for Hatoraske.
The 27. our Fleete ankered at Hatorask, and there we rested.
The 29. Grangino brother to king Wingina came aboord the Admirall, and
Manteo with him.
(M279) The 2. the Admirall was sent to Weapomeiok.
The 5. M. Iohn Arundell was sent for England.
The 25. our Generall weyed anker, and set saile for England.
About the 31. he tooke a Spanish ship of 300. tunne richly loaden,
boording her with a boate made with boards of chests, which fell asunder,
and sunke at the ships side, assoone as euer he and his men were out of
it.
(M280) The 10. of September, by foule weather the Generall then shipped in
the prize, lost sight of the Tyger.
(M281) The 6. the Tyger fell with the Landes end, and the same day came to
anker at Falmouth.
The 18. the Generall came with the prize to Plymmouth, and was courteously
receiued by diuers of his worshipfull friends.
The names of those as well Gentlemen as others, that remained one whole
yeere in Virginia, vnder the Gouernement of Master Ralph Lane.
Master Philip Amadas, Admirall of the countrey.
Master Hariot.
Master Acton.
Master Edward Stafford.
Thomas Luddington.
Master Maruyn.
Master Gardiner.
Captaine Vaughan.
Master Kendall.
Master Prideox.
Robert Holecroft.
Rise Courtney.
Master Hugh Roger.
Master Thomas Haruie.
Master Snelling.
Master Anthony Russe.
Master Allyne.
Master Michael Polison.
Iohn Cage.
Thomas Parre.
William Randes.
Geffery Churchman.
William Farthow.
Iohn Taylor.
Philip Robyns.
Thomas Philips.
Valentine Beale.
Thomas Foxe.
Darby Glande.
Edward Nugen.
Edward Kelley
Iohn Gostigo.
Erasmus Clefs.
Edward Ketcheman.
Iohn Linsey.
Thomas Rottenbury.
Roger Deane.
Iohn Harris.
Francis Norris.
Matthew Lyne.
Edward Kettell.
Thomas Wisse.
Robert Biscombe.
William Backhouse.
William White.
Henry Potkin.
Dennis Barnes.
Ioseph Borges.
Dougham Gannes.
William Tenche.
Randall Latham.
Thomas Hulme.
Walter Mill.
Richard Gilbert.
Steuen Pomarie.
Iohn Brocke.
Bennet Harrie.
Iames Steuenson.
Charles Steuenson.
Christopher Lowde.
Ieremie Man.
Iames Mason.
Dauid Salter.
Richard Ireland.
Thomas Bookener.
William Philips.
Randall Mayne.
Iames Skinner.
George Eseuen.
Iohn Chandeler.
Philip Blunt.
Richard Poore.
Robert Yong.
Marmaduke Constable.
Thomas Hesket.
William Wasse.
Iohn Feuer.
Daniel.
Thomas Taylor.
Richard Humfrey.
Iohn Wright.
Gabriel North.
Bennet Chappell.
Richard Sare.
Iames Lacie.
Smolkin.
Thomas Smart.
Robert.
Iohn Euans.
Roger Large.
Humfrey Garden.
Francis Whitton.
Rowland Gryffin.
William Millard.
Iohn Twit.
Edward Seclemore.
Iohn Anwike.
Christopher Marshall.
Dauid Williams.
Nicholas Swabber.
Edward Chipping.
Siluester Beching.
Vincent Cheyne.
Hance Walters.
Edward Barecombe.
Thomas Skeuelabs.
William Walters.
XXVI. An extract of Master Ralph Lanes letter to M. Richard Hakluyt
Esquire, and another Gentleman of the middle Temple, from Virginia.
In the meane while you shall vnderstand, that since Sir Richard Greenuils
departure from vs, as also before, we haue discouered the maine to be the
goodliest soyle vnder the cope of heauen, so abounding with sweete trees,
that bring such sundry rich and pleasant gummes, grapes of such
greatenesse, yet wilde, as France, Spaine nor Italie haue no greater, so
many sortes of Apothecarie drugs, such seuerall kindes of flaxe, and one
kind like silke, the same gathered of a grasse, as common there, as grasse
is here. And nowe within these few dayes we haue found here Maiz or Guinie
wheate, whose eare yeeldeth corne for bread 400. vpon one eare, and the
Cane maketh very good and perfect sugar, also Terra Samia, otherwise Terra
sigillata. Besides that, it is the goodliest and most pleasing Territorie
of the world: for the continent is of an huge and vnknowen greatnesse, and
very well peopled and towned, though sauagely, and the climate so
wholsome, that wee had not one sicke since we touched the land here. To
conclude, if Virginia had but horses and kine in some reasonable
proportion, I dare assure my selfe, being inhabited with English, no
realme in Christendome were comparable to it. (M282) For this already we
finde, that what commodities soeuer Spaine, France, Italy, or the East
partes doe yeeld vnto vs, in wines of all sortes, in oyles, in flaxe, in
rosens, pitch, frankensence, corrans, sugers, and such like, these partes
doe abound with the growth of them all, but being Sauages that possess the
land, they know no vse of the same. And sundry other rich commodities,
that no parts of the world, be they West or East Indies, haue, here wee
finde great abundance of. (M283) The people naturally are most curteous,
and very desirous to haue clothes, bvt especially of course cloth rather
then silke, course canuas they also like well of, but copper caryeth the
price of all, so it be made red. Thus good M. Hakluyt and M.H. I haue
inioyned you both in one letter of remembrance, as two that I loue dearely
well, and commending me most heartily to you both I commit you to the
tuition of the Almightie. From the New Fort in Virginia, this third of
September, 1585.
Your most assured friend.
Ralph Lane.
XXVII. An account of the particularities of the imployments of the English
men left in Virginia by Richard Greeneuill vnder the charge of Master
Ralph Lane Generall of the same, from the 17. of August 1585. vntil the
18. of Iune 1586. at which time they departed the Countrey; sent and
directed to Sir Walter Ralegh.
(M284) That I may proceede with order in this discourse, I thinke it
requisite to diuide it into two parts. The first shall declare the
particularities of such partes of the Countrey within the maine, as our
weake number, and supply of things necessarie did inable vs to enter into
the discouery of.
The second part shall set downe the reasons generally mouing vs to resolue
on our departure at the instant with the Generall Sir Francis Drake, and
our common request for passage with him, when the barkes, pinnesses, and
boates with the Masters and Mariners meant by him to bee left in the
Countrey, for the supply of such, as for a further time meant to haue
stayed there, were caryed away with tempest and foule weather: In the
beginning whereof shall bee declared the conspiracie of Pemisapan, with
the Sauages of the maine to have cut vs off, &c.
The first part declaring the particularities of the Countrey of Virginia.
First therefore touching the particularities of the Countrey, you shall
vnderstand that our discouerie of the same hath beene extended from the
Island of Roanoak, (the same hauing bene the place of our settlement or
habitation) into the South, into the North, into the Northwest, and into
the West.
The vttermost place to the Southward of any discouery was Secotan, being
by estimation fourescore miles distant from Roanoak. The passage from
thence was through a broad sound within the mayne, the same being without
kenning of lande, and yet full of flats and shoalds:(89) we had but one
boate with four oares to passe through the same, which boate could not
carry aboue fifteene men with their furniture, baggage, and victuall for
seuen dayes at the most: and as for our pinesse, besides that she drew too
deep water for that shallow sound, she would not stirre for an oare: for
these and other reasons (winter also being at hand) we thought good wholly
to leeue the discouery of those parts vntill our stronger supply.
To the Northward our furthest discouery was to the Chesepians(90) distant
from Roanoak about 130. miles, the passage to it was very shallow and most
dangerous, by reason of the bredth of the sound, and the little succour
that vpon any flawe was there to be had.
(M285) But the Territorie and soyle of the Chesepians (being distant
fifteene miles from the shore) was for pleasantnes of seat, for
temperature of Climate, for fertilitie of soyle and for the commoditie of
the Sea, besides multitude of Beares (being an excellent good victuall)
with great woods of Sassafras, and Wallnut trees, is not to be excelled by
any other whatsoeuer.
There be sundry Kings, whom they call Weroances, and Countreys of great
fertility adioyning to the same, as the Mandoages, Tripanicks, and
Opossians, which all came to visite the Colonie of the English, which I
had for a time appointed to be resident there.
To the Northwest the farthest place of our discouery was to Chawanook
distant from Roanoak about 130. miles. Our passage thither lyeth through a
broad sound,(91) but all fresh water, and the chanell of a great depth,
nauigable for good shipping, but out of the chanell full of shoalds.
The Townes about the waters side situated by the way are these following:
Passaquenoke, The womans Towne, Chepanoc, Weapomeiok, Muscamunge, and
Metackwem: all these being vnder the iurisdiction of the king of
Weopomeiok, called Okisco: From Muscamunge we enter into the Riuer,(92)
and iurisdiction of Chawanook: There the Riuer beginneth to straighten
vntil it come to Chawanook, and then groweth to be as narrow as the Thames
betweene Westminster and Lambeth.
Betwene Muscamunge and Chawanook vpon the left hand as wee passe thither,
is a goodly high land, and there is a Towne which we called The blinde
Towne, but the Sauages called it Ohanoak, and hath a very goodly corne
field belonging vnto it: it is subiect to Chawanook.
(M286) Chawanook it selfe is the greatest Prouince and Seigniorie lying
vpon that Riuer, and that the Towne it selfe is able to put 700. fighting
men into the fielde, besides the force of the Prouince it selfe.
The king of the sayd Prouince is called Menatonon, a man impotent in his
lims, but otherwise for a Sauage, a very graue and wise man, and of a very
singular good discourse in matters concerning the state, not onely of his
owne Countrey, and the disposition of his owne men, but also of his
neighbours round about him as well farre as neere, and of the commodities
that eache Countrey yeeldeth. When I had him prisoner with me, for two
dayes that we were together, he gaue mee more vnderstanding and light of
the Countrey then I had receiued by all the searches and Sauages that
before I or any of my companie had had conference with: it was in March
last past 1586. Amongst other things he tolde me, that going three dayes
iourney in a Canoe vp his Riuer of Chawanook, and then descending to the
land, you are within foure dayes iourney to passe ouer land Northeast to a
certaine kings countrey, whose Prouince lyeth vpon the Sea, but his place
of greatest strength is an Island situate, as he described vnto mee, in a
Bay, the water round about the Island very deepe.
(M287) Out of this Bay hee signified vnto mee, that this King had so
greate quantitie of Pearle, and doeth so ordinarily take the same, as that
not onely his owne skinnes that hee weareth, and the better sort of his
gentlemen and followers are full set with the sayd Pearle, but also his
beds, and houses are garnished with them, and that hee hath such quantitie
of them, that it is a wonder to see.
He shewed me that the sayd King was with him at Chawanook two yeeres
before, and brought him certaine Pearle, but the same of the worst sort,
yet was he faine to buy them of him for copper at a deere rate, as he
thought. Hee gaue mee a rope of the same pearle, but they were blacke, and
naught, yet many of them were very great, and a few amongst a number very
orient and round, all which I lost with other things of mine, comming
aboord Sir Francis Drake his Fleete; yet he tolde me that the sayd King
had great store of Pearle that were white, great, and round, and that his
blacke Pearle his men did take out of shallow water, but the white Pearle
his men fished for in very deepe water.
It seemed to me by his speach, that the sayd King had traffique with white
men that had clothes as we haue, for these white Pearle, and that was the
reason that hee would not depart with other then with blacke Pearles, to
those of the same countrey.
The king of Chawanook promised to giue me guids to go ouer land into that
kings countrey whensoeuer I would: but he aduised me to take good store of
men with me, and good store of victuall, for he said, that king would be
loth to suffer any strangers to enter into his Countrey, and especially to
meddle with the fishing for any Pearle there, and that hee was able to
make a great many of men in to the field, which be sayd would fight very
well.
(M288) Hereupon I resumed with my selfe, that if your supplie had come
before the ende of Aprill, and that you had sent any store of boates or
men, to haue had them made in any reasonable time, with a sufficient
number of men and victuals to haue found vs vntill the newe corne were
come in, I would haue sent a small barke with two pinnesses about by Sea
to the Northward to haue found out the Bay he spake of, and to haue
sounded the barre if there were any, which should haue ridden there in the
sayd Bay about that Iland, while I with all the small boates I could make,
and with two hundred men would haue gone vp to the head of the riuer of
Chawanook with the guids that Menatonon would haue giuen me, which I would
haue bene assured should haue beene of his best men, (for I had his best
beloued sonne prisoner with me) who also should haue kept me companie in
an handlocke with the rest, foote by foote, all the voyage ouer land.
My meaning was further at the head of the Riuer in the place of my descent
where I would haue left my boates, to haue raised a sconse with a small
trench, and a pallisado vpon the top of it, in the which, and in the guard
of my boates I would haue left fiue and twentie, or thirtie men, with the
rest would I have marched with as much victuall as euery man could haue
caried, with their furniture, mattocks, spades and axes, two dayes
iourney. In the ende of my march vpon some conuenient plot would I haue
raised another sconse according to the former, where I would haue left
fiftene or twentie. And if it would haue fallen out conueniently, in the
way I would haue raised my saide sconse vpon some Corne fielde, that my
company might haue liued vpon it.
(M289) And so I would haue holden this course of insconsing euery two
dayes march, vntill I had bene arriued at the Bay or Port hee spake of:
which finding to bee worth the possession, I would there haue raised a
maine fort, both for the defence of the harborough, and our shipping also,
and would haue reduced our whole habitation from Roanoak and from the
harborough and port there (which by proofe is very naught) vnto this other
before mentioned, from whence, in the foure dayes march before specified,
could I at al times return with my company back vnto my boates riding
vnder my sconse, very neere whereunto directly from the West runneth a
most notable Riuer, and in all those parts most famous, called the Riuer
of Moratoc.(93) This Riuer openeth into the broad Sound of Weapomeiok.(94)
And whereas the Riuer of Chawanook, and all the other Sounds, and Bayes,
salt and fresh, shewe no current in the world in calme weather, but are
mooued altogether with the winde: This Riuer of Moratoc hath so violent a
current from the West and Southwest, that it made me almost of opinion
that with oares it would scarse be nauigable: it passeth with many creekes
and turnings, and for the space of thirtie miles rowing, and more, it is
as broad as the Thames betwixt Green-wich and the Isle of dogges, in some
places more, and in some lesse: the current runneth as strong, being
entred so high into the Riuer, as at London bridge vpon a vale water.
And for that not onely Menatonon, but also the Sauages of Moratoc
themselues doe report strange things of the head of that Riuer, it is
thirtie dayes as some of them say, and some say fourtie dayes voyage to
the head thereof, which head they say springeth out of a maine rocke in
that abundance, that forthwith it maketh a most violent streame: and
further, that this huge rock standeth so neere vnto a Sea, that many times
in stormes (the winde comming outwardly from the sea) the waues thereof
are beaten into the said fresh streame, so that the fresh water for a
certaine space, groweth salt and brackish: I tooke a resolution with my
selfe, hauing dismissed Menatonon vpon a ransome agreed for, and sent his
sonne into the Pinnesse to Roanoak, to enter presently so farre into that
Riuer with two double whirries, and fourtie persons one or other, as I
could haue victuall to cary vs, vntil we could meete with more either of
the Moraroks, or of the Mangoaks, which is another kinde of Sauages,
dwelling more to the Westward of the said Riuer: but the hope of
recovering more victuall from the Sauages made mee and my company as
narrowly to escape starving in that discouerie before our returne, as euer
men did, that missed the same.
(M290) For Pemisapan, who had changed his name of Wingina vpon the death
of his brother Granganimo, had giuen both the Choanists, and Mangoaks
worde of my purpose towarde them, I hauing bene inforced to make him
priuie to the same, to bee serued by him of a guide to the Mangoaks, and
yet hee did neuer rest to solicite continually my going vpon them,
certifying mee of a generall assembly euen at that time made by Menatonon
at Chawanook of all his Weroances, and allies to the number of three
thousand bowes, preparing to come vpon vs at Roanoak, and that the
Mangoaks also were ioyned in the same confederacie, who were able of
themselues to bring as many more to the enterprise: And true it was that
at that time the assembly was holden at Chawanook about vs, as I found at
my comming thither, which being vnlooked for did so dismay them, as it
made vs haue the better hand at them. But this confederacie against vs of
the Choanists and Mangoaks was altogether and wholly procured by Pemisapan
himselfe, as Menatonon confessed vnto me, who sent them continual word,
that our purpose was fully bent to destroy them: on the other side he told
me, that they had the like meaning towards vs.
Hee in like sort having sent worde to the Mangoaks of mine intention to
passe vp into their Riuer, and to kill them (as he saide) both they and
the Moratoks, with whom before wee were entred into a league, and they had
euer dealt kindly with vs, abandoned their Townes along the Riuer, and
retired themselues with their Crenepos(M291), and their Corne within the
maine: insomuch as hauing passed three dayes voyage vp the River, wee
could not meete a man, nor finde a graine of Corne in any of their Townes:
whereupon considering with my selfe that wee had but two dayes victuall
left, and that wee were then 160. miles from home, besides casualtie of
contrarie windes or stormes, and suspecting treason of our owne Sauages in
the discouerie of our voyage intended, though wee had no intention to bee
hurtfull to any of them, otherwise then for our copper to haue had corne
of them: I at night vpon the Corps of guard, before the putting foorth of
Centinels, aduertised the whole company of the case wee stoode in for
victuall, and of mine opinion that we were betrayed by our owne Sauages,
and of purpose drawen foorth by them vpon vaine hope to be in the ende
starued, seeing all the Countrey fled betore vs, and therefore while wee
had those two dayes victual left, I thought it good for vs to make our
returne homeward, and that it were necessary for vs to get the other side
of the Sound of Weopomeiok in time, where wee might be relieued vpon the
weares of Chypanum, and the womens Towne, although the people were fled.
Thus much I signified vnto them, as the safest way: neuerthelesse I did
referre it to the greatest number of voyces, whether wee should aduenture
the spending of our whole victuall in some further viewe of that most
goodly Riuer in hope to meete with some better happe, or otherwise to
retire our selues backe againe. And for that they might be the better
advised, I willed them to deliberate all night vpon the matter, and in the
morning at our going aborde to set our course according to the desires of
the greatest part. Their resolution fully and wholy was (and not three
founde to bee of the contrary opinion) that whiles there was lefte but one
halfe pinte of Corne for a man, wee should not leaue the search of that
Riuer, and that there were in the companie two Mastiues vpon the pottage
of which, with Sassafras leaues (if the worst fell out) the company would
make shift to liue two dayes, which time would bring them downe the
current to the mouth of the Riuer, and to the entrie of the Sound, and in
two dayes more at the farthest they hoped to crosse the Sound and to bee
relieued by the weares, which two dayes they would fast rather then be
drawen backe a foote till they had seene the Mangoaks, either as friendes
or foes. This resolution of theirs did not a little please mee, since it
came of themselues, although for mistrust of that which afterwards did
happen, I pretended to haue bene rather of the contrary opinion.
And that which made me most desirous to haue some doings with the Mangoaks
either in friendship or otherwise to haue had one or two of them
prisoners, was, for that it is a thing most notorious to all the countrey,
that there is a Prouince to the which the said Mangoaks haue recourse and
trafique vp that (M292) Riuer of Moratoc, which hath a marueilous and most
strange Minerall. This Mine is so notorious amongst them, as not onely to
the Sauages dwelling vp the said riuer, and also to the Sauages of
Chawanook, and all them to the Westward, but also to all them of the
maine: the Countreis name is of fame, and is called Chaunis Temoatan.
The Minerall they say is Wassador, which is copper, but they call by the
name of Wassador euery mettall whatsoeuer: they say it is of the colour of
our copper, but our copper is better then theirs: and the reason is for
that it is redder and harder, whereas that of Chaunis Temoatan is very
soft, and pale: they say that they take the saide mettall out of a riuer
that falleth very swift from the rockes and hils, and they take it in
shallow water: the maner is this. They take a great bowle by their
description as great as one of our targets, and wrappe a skinne ouer the
hollow parte thereof, leauing one part open to receiue in the minerall:
that done, they watch the comming downe of the current, and the change of
the colour of the water, and then suddenly chop downe the said bowle with
the skinne, and receiue into the same as much oare as will come in, which
is euer as much as their bowle will holde, which presently they cast into
a fire, and foorthwith it melteth, and doeth yeeld in fiue parts at the
first melting, two parts of mettall for three partes of oare. Of this
mettall the Mangoaks haue so great store, by report of all the Sauages
adioyning, that they beautify their houses with greate plates of the same:
and this to be true, I receiued by report of all the countrey, and
particularly by yong Skiko, the King of Chawanooks sonne of my prisoner,
who also him selfe had bene prisoner with the Mangoaks, and set downe all
the particularities to me before mentioned: but he had not bene at Chaunis
Temoatan himselfe: for hee said it was twentie dayes iourney ouerland from
the Mangoaks, to the said Minerall Countrey, and that they passed through
certaine other territories betweene them and the Mangoaks, before they
came to the said Countrey.
Vpon report of the premisses, which I was very inquisitive in all places
where I came to take very particular information of by all the Sauages
that dwelt towardes these parts, and especially of Menatonon himselfe, who
in euery thing did very particularly informe mee, and promised me guides
of his owne men, who should passe ouer with me, euen to the said Country
of Chaunis Temoatan (for ouerland from Chawanook to the Mangoaks is but
one dayes iourney from Sunne rising to Sunne setting, whereas by water it
is seuen dayes with the soonest): These things, I say, made me very
desirous by all meanes possible to recouer the Mangoaks, and to get some
of that their copper for an assay, and therefore I willingly yeelded to
their resolution: But it fell out very contrary to all expectation, and
likelyhood: for after two dayes trauell, and our whole victuall spent,
lying on shoare all night, wee could neuer see man, onely fires we might
perceiue made alongst the shoare where we were to passe, and vp into the
Country, vntill the very last day. In the euening whereof, about three of
the clocke wee heard certaine Sauages call as we thought, Manteo, who was
also at that time with me in the boat, whereof we all being very glad,
hoping of some friendly conference with them, and making him to answere
them, they presently began a song, as we thought, in token of our welcome
to them: but Manteo presently betooke him to his piece, and tolde mee that
they meant to fight with vs: which word was not so soon spoken by him, and
the light horseman ready to put to shoare, but there lighted a vollie of
their arrowes amongst them in the boat, but did no hurt (God be thanked)
to any man. Immediatly, the other boate lying ready with their shot to
skoure the place for our hand weapons to lande vpon, which was presently
done, although the land was very high and steepe, the Sauages forthwith
quitted the shoare, and betooke themselues to flight: wee landed, and
hauing faire and easily followed for a smal time after them, who had
wooded themselues we know not where: the Sunne drawing then towards the
setting, and being then assured that the next day if wee would pursue
them, though we might happen to meete with them, yet wee should be assured
to meete with none of their victuall, which we then had good cause to
thinke of: therefore choosing for the company a conuenient ground in
safetie to lodge in for the night, making a strong Corps of guard, and
putting out good Centinels, I determined the next morning before the
rising of the Sunne to be going back againe, if possibly we might recouer
the mouth of the riuer, into the broad sound, which at my firste motion I
found my whole company ready to assent vnto: for they were nowe come to
their Dogges porredge, that they had bespoken for themselues if that
befell them which did, and I before did mistrust we should hardly escape.
The ende was, we came the next day by night to the Riuers mouth within
foure or fiue miles of the same, hauing rowed in one day downe the
current, much as in foure dayes wee had done against the same: we lodged
vpon an Iland, where wee had nothing in the world to eate but pottage of
Sassafras leaues, the like whereof for a meate was neuer used before as I
thinke. The broad sound wee had to passe the next day all fresh and
fasting: that day the winde blew so strongly, and the billow so great,
that there was no possibilitie of passage without sinking of our boates.
This was vpon Easter eue, which was fasted very truely. Vpon Easter day in
the morning the winde comming very calme, we entred the sound, and by
foure of the clocke we were at Chipanum, whence all the Sauages that we
had left there were left, but their weares did yeeld vs some fish, as God
was pleased not vtterly to suffer vs to be lost: for some of our company
of the light horsemen were farre spent. The next morning wee arriued at
our home Roanoak.
I haue set downe this Voyage somewhat particularly, to the ende it may
appeare vnto you, (as true it is) that there wanted no great good will
from the most to the least amongst vs, to haue perfited this discouerie of
the Mine: for that the discouery of a good Mine, by the goodnesse of God,
or a passage to the South-sea, or some way to it, and nothing els can
bring this Countrey in request to be inhabited by our nation. And with the
discouery of either of the two aboue shewed, it will bee the most sweet
and healthfullest climate, and therewithall the most fertile soyle (being
manured) in the world: and then will Sassafras, and many other rootes and
gummes there found make good marchandise and lading for shipping, which
otherwise of themselues will not be worth fetching.
Prouided also, that there be found out a better harborough then yet there
is, which must be to the Northward, if any there bee, which was mine
intention to haue spent this Summer in the search of, and of the Mine of
Chawnis Temoatan: the one I would haue done, if the barkes that I should
haue had of Sir Francis Drake, by his honourable courtesie, had not bene
driuen away by storme: the other if your supply of more men, and some
other necessaries had come to vs in any conuenient sufficiencie. For this
riuer of Moratico promiseth great things, and by the opinion of M. Hariots
the head of it by the description of the Countrey, either riseth from the
Bay of Mexico, or els from very neere vnto the same, that openeth out into
the South sea.
And touching the Minerall, thus doeth M. Youghan affirme, that though it
be but copper, seeing the Sauages are able to melt it, it is one of the
richest Minerals in the world.
Wherefore a good harborough found to the Northward, as before is saide,
and from thence foure dayes ouerland, to the Riuer of Choannak sconses
being raised, from whence againe ouerland through the prouince of Choanoak
one dayes voyage to the first towne of the Mangoaks vp the riuer of
Moratico by the way, as also vpon the said Riuer for the defence of our
boats like sconses being set, in this course of proceeding you shall
cleare your selfe from al those dangers and broad shallow sounds before
mentioned, and gaine within foure dayes trauell into the heart of the
maine 200. miles at the least, and so passe your discouery into that most
notable countrey, and to the likeliest parts of the maine, with farre
greater felicitie then otherwise can bee performed.
Thus Sir, I haue though simply, yet truely set downe vnto you, what my
labour with the rest of the gentlemen, and poore men of our company (not
without both paine and perill, which the Lord in his mercy many wayes
deliuered vs from) could yeeld vnto you, which might haue bene performed
in some more perfection, if the Lord had bene pleased that onely that
which you had prouided for vs had at the first bene left with vs, or that
hee had not in his eternall providence now at the last set some other
course in these things, than the wisedome of man coulde looke into, which
truely the carying away by a most strange and vnlooked for storme of all
our prouision, with Barks, Master, Mariners, and sundry also of mine owne
company, al hauing bene so courteously supplied by the generall Sir
Francis Drake, the same hauing bene most sufficient to haue performed the
greatest part of the premisses, must euer make me to thinke the hand of
God onely (for some his good purpose to my selfe yet vnknowen) to haue
bene in the matter.
The second part touching the conspiracie of Pemisapan, the discouery of
the same, and at the last, of our request to depart with Sir Francis Drake
for England.
Ensenore a Sauage father to Pemisapan being the onely friend to our nation
that we had amongest them, and about the King, died the 20. of April 1586.
He alone had before opposed himselfe in their consultations against all
matters proposed against vs, which both the King and all the rest of them
after Grangemoes death, were very willing to haue preferred. And he was
not onely by the meere prouidence of God during his life, a meane to saue
vs from hurt, as poysonings and such like, but also to doe vs very great
good, and singularly in this.
The King was advised and of himselfe disposed, as a ready meane to haue
assuredly brought vs to ruine in the moneth of March 1586. himselfe also
with all his Sauages to haue runne away from vs, and to haue left his
ground in the Iland vnsowed: which if hee had done, there had bene no
possibilitie in common reason, (but by the immediate hande of God) that
wee could haue bene preserued from staruing out of hande. (M293) For at
that time wee had no weares for fish, neither coulde our men skill of the
making of them, neither had wee one graine of Corne for seede to put into
the ground.
In mine absence on my voyage that I had made against the Chaonists, and
Mangoaks, they had raised a brute among themselues, that I and my company
were part slaine, and part starued by the Chaonists, and Mangoaks. One
part of this tale was too true, that I and mine were like to be starued,
but the other false.
Neuerthelesse vntill my returne it tooke such effect in Pemisapans breast,
and in those against vs, that they grew not onely into contempt of vs, but
also (contrary to their former reuerend opinion in shew, of the Almightie
God of heauen, and Iesus Christ whom wee serue and worship, whom before
they would acknowledge and confesse the onely God) now they began to
blaspheme, and flatly to say, that our Lorde God was not God, since hee
suffered vs to sustaine much hunger, and also to be killed of the
Renapoaks, for so they call by that generall name all the inhabitants of
the whole maine, of what prouince soeuer. Insomuch as olde Ensenore,
neither any of his fellowes, could for his sake haue no more credite for
vs: and it came so farre that the king was resolued to haue presently gone
away as is aforesaid.
But euen in the beginning of this bruite I returned, which when hee sawe
contrary to his expectation, and the aduertisement that hee had receiued:
that not onely my selfe, and my company were all safe, but also by report
of his owne 3. Sauages which had bene with mee besides Manteo in that
voyage, that is to say, Tetepano, his sisters husband Eracano, and
Cossine, that the Chanoists and Mangoaks (whose name and multitude besides
their valour is terrible to all the rest of the prouinces) durst not for
the most part of them abide vs, and that those that did abide vs were
killed, and that we had taken Menatonon prisoner, and brought his sonne
that he best loued to Roanoak with mee, it did not a little asswage all
deuises against vs: on the other side, it made Ensenores opinions to be
receiued againe with greater respects. For he had often before tolde them,
and then renewed those his former speeches, both to the King and the rest,
that wee were the seruants of God, and that wee were not subiect to bee
destroyed by them: but contrariwise, that they amongst them that sought
our destruction, shoulde finde their owne, and not bee able to worke ours,
and that we being dead men were able to doe them more hurt, then now we
could do being aliue: an opinion very confidently at this day holden by
the wisest amongst them, and of their old men, as also, that they haue
bene in the night, being 100. miles from any of vs, in the aire shot at,
and stroken by some men of ours, that by sicknesse had died among them:
and many of them holde opinion, that we be dead men returned into the
world againe, and that wee doe not remaine dead but for a certaine time,
and that then we returne againe.
All these speeches then againe grewe in ful credite with them, the King,
and all, touching vs, when hee sawe the small troupe returned againe, and
in that sort from those whose very names were terrible vnto them: But that
which made vp the matter on our side for that time was an accident, yea
rather (as all the rest was) the good prouidence of the Almightie for the
sauing of vs, which was this.
Within certaine dayes after my returne from the sayd iourney, Menatonon
sent a messenger to visite his sonne the prisoner with me, and sent me
certaine pearle for a present, or rather, as Pemisapan tolde mee, for the
ransome of his sonne, and therefore I refused them: but the greatest cause
of his sending then, was to signifie vnto mee, that hee had commaunded
Okisko King of Weopomiok, to yeelde himselfe seruant, and homager, to the
great Weroanza of England, and after her to Sir Walter Raleigh: to
perfourme which commandement receiued from Menatonon, the sayde Okiosko
ioyntly with this Menatonons messenger sent foure and twentie of his
principallest men to Roanoak to Pemisapan, to signifie that they were
ready to perfourme the same, and so had sent those his men to let mee
knowe that from that time forwarde, hee, and his successours were to
acknowledge her Maiestie their onely Soueraigne, and next vnto her, as is
aforesayd.
All which being done, and acknowledged by them all, in the presence of
Pemisapan his father, and all his Sauages in counsell then with him, it
did for the time thorowly (as it seemed) change him in disposition toward
vs: Insomuch as forthwith Ensenore wanne this resolution of him, that out
of hand he should goe about, and withall, to cause his men to set vp
weares foorthwith for vs: both which he at that present went in hande
withall, and did so labour the expedition of it, that in the end of April
he had sowed a good quantitie of ground, so much as had bene sufficient,
to haue fed our whole company (God blessing the grouth) and that by the
belly, for a whole yere: besides that he gaue vs a certaine plot of ground
for our selues to sowe. (M294) All which put vs in marueilous comfort, if
we could passe from Aprill vntill the beginning of Iuly, (which was to
haue bene the beginning of their haruest,) that then a newe supply out of
England or else our owne store would well ynough maintaine vs: All our
feare was of the two moneths betwixt, in which meane space if the Sauages
should not helpe vs with Chassaui, and Chyna, and that our weares should
faile vs, (as often they did) we might very well starue, notwithstanding
the growing corne, like the staruing horse in the stable, with the growing
grasse, as the prouerbe is: which wee very hardly had escaped, but onely
by the hand of God, as it pleased him to try vs. For within few dayes
after, as before is saide, Ensenore our friend died, who was no sooner
dead, but certaine of our great enemies about Pemisapan, as Osacan a
Weroance, Tanaquiny and Wanchese most principally, were in hand againe to
put their old practises in vse against vs, which were readily imbraced,
and all their former deuises against vs, reneued, and new brought in
question. But that of staruing vs, by their forbearing to sow, was broken
by Ensenore in his life, by hauing made the King all at one instant to sow
his ground, not onely in the Iland, but also at Dasamonquepeio in the
maine, within two leagues ouer against vs. Neuenhelesse there wanted no
store of mischieuous practises among them, and of all they resolued
principally of this following.
(M295) First that Okisko king of Weopomeiok with the Mandoage should bee
mooued, and with great quantitie of copper intertained to the number of 7.
or 8. hundreth bowes, to enterprise the matter thus to be ordered. They of
Weopomeiok should be inuited to a certaine kind of moneths minde which
they doe vse to solemnise in their Sauage maner for any great personage
dead, and should haue bene for Ensenore. At this instant also should the
Mandoaks, who were a great people, with the Chesepians and their friends
to the number of 700. of them, be armed at a day appointed to the maine of
Dasamonquepeio, and there lying close at the signe of fires, which should
interchangeably be made on both sides, when Pemisapan with his troupe
aboue named should haue executed me, and some of our Weroances (as they
called all our principall officers,) the maine forces of the rest should
haue come ouer into the Island, where they went to haue dispatched the
rest of the company, whom they did imagine to finde both dismayed and
dispersed abroad in the Island, seeking of crabs and fish to liue withall.
The maner of their enterprise was this.
Tarraquine and Andacon two principall men about Pemisapan, and very lustie
fellowes, with twentie more appointed to them had the charge of my person
to see an order taken for the same, which they ment should in this sort
haue bene executed. (M296) In the dead time of the night they would haue
beset my house, and put fire in the reedes that the same was couered with:
meaning (as it was likely) that my selfe would haue come running out of a
sudden amazed in my shirt without armes, vpon the instant whereof they
would haue knocked out my braines.
The same order was giuen to certaine of his fellowes, for M. Heriots: so
for all the rest of our better sort, all our houses at one instant being
set on fire as afore is saide, and that as well for them of the fort, as
for vs at the towne. (M297) Now to the ende that we might be the fewer in
number together, and so bee the more easily dealt withall (for in deed
tenne of vs with our armes prepared, were a terrour to a hundred of the
best sort of them,) they agreed and did immediatly put it in practise,
that they should not for any copper sell vs any victuals whatsoeuer:
besides that in the night they should sende to haue our weares robbed, and
also to cause them to bee broken, and once being broken neuer to bee
repaired againe by them. By this meanes the King stood assured, that I
must bee enforced for lacke of sustenance there, to disband my company
into sundry places to liue vpon shell fish, for so the Sauages themselues
doe, going to Hatorask, Croatoan, and other places, fishing and hunting,
while their grounds be in sowing, and their corne growing: which failed
not his expectation. For the famine grew so extreeme among vs, our weares
failing vs of fish, that I was enforced to sende Captaine Stafford with
20. with him to Croatoan my Lord Admirals Iland to serue two turnes in
one, that is to say, to feede himselfe and his company, and also to keepe
watch if any shipping came vpon the coast to warne vs of the same. I sent
M. Pridiox with the pinnesse to Hatorask, and ten with him, with the
Prouost Marshal to liue there, and also to wait for shipping: also I sent
every weeke 16. or 20. of the rest of the company to the maine ouer
against vs, to liue of Casada and oysters.
In the meane while Pemisapan, went of purpose to Dasamonquepeio for three
causes: The one to see his grounds there broken vp, and sowed for a second
crop: the other to withdrawe himselfe from my dayly sending to him for
supply of victuall for my company, for he was afraid to deny me any thing,
neither durst hee in my presence but by colour and with excuses, which I
was content to accept for the time, meaning in the ende as I had reason to
giue him the iumpe once for all: but in the meane whiles, as I had euer
done before, I and mine bare all wrongs, and accepted of all excuses.
My purpose was to haue relied my selfe with Menatonon, and the Chaonists,
who in trueth as they are more valiant people and in greater number then
the rest, so are they more faithfull in their promises, and since my late
being there had giuen many tokens of earnest desire they had to ioyne in
perfect league with vs, and therefore were greatly offended with Pemisapan
and Weopomeiok for making him beleeue such tales of vs.
The third cause of his going to Dasamonquepeio was to dispatch his
messengers to Weopomeiok, and to the Mandoages, as aforesaid, all which he
did with great imprest of copper in hand, making large promises to them of
greater spoile.
The answere within few dayes after came from Weopomeiok, which was deuided
into two parts. First for the King Okisko, who denied to be of the partie
for himselfe, or any of his especiall followers, and therefore did
immediatly retire himselfe with his force into the maine: the other was
concerning the rest of the prouince who accepted of it: and in like sort
the Mandoags receiued the imprest.
The day of their assembly aforesaid at Roanoak was appointed the 10. of
June: all which the premises were discouered by Skyco, the King Menatonon
his sonne my prisoner, who hauing once attempted to run away, I laid him
in the bylboes, threatening to cut off his head, whom I remitted at
Pemisapans request: whereupon hee being perswaded that hee was our enemie
to the death, he did not onely feed him with himselfe, but also made him
acquainted with all his practises. On the other side, the yong man finding
himselfe as well vsed at my hande, as I had meanes to shew, and that all
my company made much of him, he flatly discouered al vnto me, which also
afterwards was reueiled vnto me by one of Pemisapans owne men, that night
before he was slaine.
These mischiefes being all instantly vpon me and my company to be put in
execution, it stood mee in hand to study howe to prevent them, and also to
saue all others, which were at that time as aforesaid so farre from me:
whereupon I sent to Pemisapan to put suspition out of his head, that I
meant presently to go to Croatoan, for that I had heard of the arriual of
our fleete, (though I in trueth had neither heard nor hoped for so good
adventure,) and that I meant to come by him, to borrow of his men to fish
for my company, and to hunt for me at Croatoan, as also to buy some foure
dayes prouision to serue for my voyage.
He sent me word that he would himselfe come ouer to Roanoak, but from day
to day he deferred, onely to bring the Weopomeioks with him and the
Mandoags, whose time appointed was within eight dayes after. It was the
last of May 1586 when all his owne Sauages began to make their assembly at
Roanoak, at his commandement sent abroad vnto them, and I resolued not to
stay longer vpon his comming ouer, since he meant to come with so good
company, but thought good to go and visit him with such as I had, which I
resolued to do the next day: but that night I meant to giue them in the
Iland a camisado,(95) and at the instant to seize vpon all the canoas
about the Island, to keepe him from aduertisements.
But the towne tooke the alarme before I meant it to them: the occasion was
this, I had sent the Master of the light horsemen, with a fewe with him,
to gather vp all the canoas in the setting of the Sun, and to take as many
as were going from vs to Dasamonquepeio, but to suffer any that came from
thence, to land. (M298) He met with a canoa, going from the shore, and
ouerthrew the canoa, and cut off two Sauages heads: this was not done so
secretly but he was discovered from the shore; whereupon the cry arose:
for in trueth they, priuy to their owne villanous purposes against vs,
held as good espial vpon vs, both day and night, as we did vpon them.
The alarme giuen, they tooke themselues to their bowes, and we to our
armes: some three or foure of them at the first were slaine with our shot;
the rest fled into the woods. The next morning with the light horsemen and
one Canoa taking 25 with the Colonel of the Chesepians, and the Sergeant
maior, I went to Dasamonquepeio: and being landed, sent Pemisapan word by
one of his owne Sauages that met me at the shore, that I was going to
Croatoan, and meant to take him in the way to complaine vnto him of
Osocon, who the night past was conueying away my prisoner, whom I had
there present tied in an hand-locke. Heereupon the king did abide my
comming to him, and finding myselfe amidst seuen or eight of his
principall Weroances and followers, (not regarding any of the common sort)
I gaue the watch-word agreed vpon, (which was, Christ our victory) and
immediatly those his chiefe men and himselfe had by the mercy of God for
our deliuerance, that which they had purposed for vs. The king himselfe
being shot thorow by the Colonell with a pistoll, lying on the ground for
dead, and I looking as watchfully for the sauing of Manteos friends, as
others were busie that none of the rest should escape, suddenly he started
vp, and ran away as though he had not bene touched, insomuch as he ouerran
all the company, being by the way shot thwart the buttocks by mine Irish
boy with my petronell. (M299) In the end an Irish man seruing me, one
Nugent, and the deputy prouost, vndertooke him; and following him in the
woods, ouertooke him; and I in some doubt least we had lost both the king
and my man by our owne negligence to haue beene intercepted by the
Sauages, wee met him returning out of the woods with Pemisapans head in
his hand.
This fell out the first of Iune 1586, and the eight of the same came
aduertisement to me from captaine Stafford, lying at my lord Admirals
Island, that he had discouered a great fleet of three and twentie sailes:
but whether they were friends or foes, he could not yet discerne. He
aduised me to stand vpon as good guard as I could.
The ninth of the sayd moneth he himselfe came vnto me, hauing that night
before, and that same day trauelled by land twenty miles: and I most
truely report of him from the first to the last, hee was the gentleman
that neuer spared labour or perill either by land or water, faire weather
or foule, to performe any seruice committed vnto him.
(M300) He brought me a letter from the Generall Sir Francis Drake, with a
most bountifull and honourable offer for the supply of our necessities to
the performance of the action wee were entred into; and that not only of
victuals, munition, and clothing, but also of barks, pinnesses, and boats;
they also by him to be victualled, manned and furnished to my
contentation.
The tenth day he arriued in the road of our bad harborow: and comming
there to an anker, the eleuenth day I came to him, whom I found in deeds
most honourably to performe that which in writing and message he had most
curteously offered, he hauing aforehand propounded the matter to all the
captaines of his fleet, and got their liking and consent thereto.
With such thanks vnto him and his captaines for his care both of vs and of
our action, not as the matter deserued, but as I could both for my company
and myselfe, I (being aforehand prepared what I would desire) craued at
his hands that it would please him to take with him into England a number
of weake and vnfit men for any good action, which I would deliuer to him;
and in place of them to supply me of his company with oare-men,
artificers, and others.
That he would leaue vs so much shipping and victuall, as about August then
next following would cary me and all my company into England, when we had
discouered somewhat, that for lacke of needfull prouision in time left
with vs as yet remained vndone.
That it woulde please him withall to leaue some sufficient Masters not
onely to cary vs into England, when time should be, but also to search the
coast for some better harborow, if there were any, and especially to helpe
vs to some small boats and oare-men.
Also for a supply of calieuers, hand weapons, match and lead, tooles,
apparell, and such like.
He hauing receiued these my requests, according to his vsuall commendable
maner of gouernment (as it was told me) calling his captaines to counsell;
the resolution was that I should send such of my officers of my company as
I vsed in such matters, with their notes, to goe aboord with him; which
were the Master of the victuals, the Keeper of the store, and the
Vicetreasurer: to whom he appointed forthwith for me The Francis, being a
very proper barke of 70 tun, and tooke present order for bringing of
victual aboord her for 100 men for foure moneths, with all my other
demands whatsoeuer, to the vttermost.
And further, he appointed for me two pinnesses, and foure small boats: and
that which was to performe all his former liberality towards vs, was that
he had gotten the full assents of two of as sufficient experimented
Masters as were any in his fleet, by iudgment of them that knew them, with
very sufficient guide to tary with me, and to employ themselues most
earnestly in the action, as I should appoint them, vntill the terme which
I promised of our returne into England againe. The names of one of those
Masters was Abraham Kendall, the other Griffith Herne.
While these things were in hand, the prouision aforesaid being brought,
and in bringing aboord, my sayd Masters being also gone aboord, my sayd
barks hauing accepted of their charge, and mine owne officers, with others
in like sort of my company with them (all which was dispatched by the sayd
Generall the 12 of the sayde moneth) the 13 of the same there arose such
an vnwoonted storme, and continued foure dayes, that had like to haue
driuen all on shore, if the Lord had not held his holy hand ouer them, and
the Generall very prouidently foreseene the woorst himselfe, then about my
dispatch putting himselfe aboord: but in the end hauing driuen sundry of
the fleet to put to Sea the Francis also with all my provisions, my two
Masters, and my company aboord, she was seene to be free from the same,
and to put cleere to Sea.
This storme hauing continued from the 13 to the 16 of the moneth, and thus
my barke put away as aforesayd, the Generall comming ashore made a new
proffer vnto me; which was a ship of 170 tunne, called The barke Bonner,
with a sufficient Master and guide to tary with me the time appointed, and
victualled sufficiently to cary me and my company into England, with all
prouisions as before: but he tolde me that he would not for any thing
vndertake to haue her brought into our harbour, and therefore he was to
leaue her in the road, and to leaue the care of the rest vnto my selfe,
and aduised me to consider with my company of our case, and to deliuer
presently vnto him in writing what I would require him to doe for vs;
which being within his power, he did assure me aswell for his Captaines as
for himselfe, shoulde be most willingly performed.
Heereupon calling such Captaines and gentlemen of my company as then were
at hand, who were all as priuy as my selfe to the Generals offer; their
whole request was to me, that considering the case that we stood in, the
weaknesse of our company, the small number of the same, the carying away
of our first appointed barke, with those two especiall Masters, with our
principall provisions in the same, by the very hand of God as it seemed,
stretched out to take vs from thence; considering also, that his second
offer, though most honourable of his part, yet of ours not to be taken,
insomuch as there was no possibility for her with any safety to be brought
into the harbour: seeing furthermore, our hope for supply with Sir Richard
Greenuill, so vndoubtedly promised vs before Easter, not yet come, neither
then likely to come this yeere, considering the doings in England for
Flanders, and also for America, that therefore I would resolue my selfe
with my company to goe into England in that fleet, and accordingly to make
request to the Generall in all our names, that he would be pleased to giue
vs present passage with him. Which request of ours by my selfe deliuered
vnto him, hee most readily assented vnto: and so he sending immediatly his
pinnesses vnto our Island for the fetching away of a few that there were
left with our baggage, the weather was so boisterous, and the pinnesses so
often on ground, that the most of all we had, with all our Cards, Books
and writings were by the Sailers cast ouerboard, the greater number of the
fleet being much agrieued with their long and dangerous abode in that
miserable road.
From whence the Generall in the name of the Almighty, weying his ankers
(hauing bestowed vs among his fleet) for the reliefe of whom hee had in
that storme sustained more perill of wracke then in all his former most
honourable actions against the Spanyards, with praises vnto God for all,
set saile the nineteenth of Iune 1596, and arriued in Portsmouth the seuen
and twentieth of Iuly the same yeere.
END OF VOL. XIII., PART I.