throughe the frozen seas, but in a temperate climate unto a contrie muche
like to those partes of Gascoigne and Guyen, where heretofore our nation
for a longe tyme have inhabited. And it requireth not, as longe voyadges
doe, the takinge in of freshe water by the way in divers places, by reason
it may be sailed in five or sixe weekes. Whereby the marchante nede [not]
to expecte twoo or three yeres for one returne, as in the voyadge of Sir
Fraunces Drake, of Fenton and William Hawkins; but may receave twoo
returnes every yere in the selfe same shippes, I saye, and well repose
themselves at their arryvalls; which thinge I myselfe have seene and
understoode in Ffraunce this presente yere don by the Frenchemen; whoe,
settinge furthe in January, broughte their bancke fishe which they tooke
on the Bancke, forty or three-score leagues from Newefoundelande, to Roan,
in greate quantitie, by the ende of May, and afterwarde retained this yere
againe to the fisshinge, and are looked for at home towardes the fifte of
November. To the spedy perfourmaunce of which voyadge this is a speciall
furtheraunce: that whereas moste of our other voyadges of like lengthe
require twoo or three sortes of windes at the leaste, one onely winde
suffiseth to make this; which was no doubte the cause of the quicke
returne of my frende Stephen Bellinger of Roan, whoe departed from
Newhaven in January was twelve moneths, arryved at Cape Briton in xxii
daies space, and from thence discouered very diligently CC. leagues
towardes Norumbega, and had traficque with the people in tenne or twelue
places; founde a towne conteyninge fourescore houses, and returned home,
with a diligent description of the coaste, in the space of foure monethes,
with many comodities of the contrie, which he shewed me.
Moreover this passage is neither by the Straites of Giberaulter, nor on
the coastes of Spaine, Portingall, Fraunce nor Flaunders, neither by the
Sounde of Denmarke, nor Wardhouse in Norwey: so as in takinge our course
on the highe seas wee shall not be in daunger of the corsaries in the
Levant, nor of the gallies of Barbarie, nor of the Turke, nor of any state
of Italie, neither of the Spaniarde, the Frenche, nor the Dane, nor of any
other prince nor potentate within the Sounde in the northe, or in the
northeaste partes of the worlde.
Wee may also trauell thither and perfourme the same at all tymes of the
yere, with the like facilitie as our marchantes of Bristowe, Weymouthe,
and other partes of the West Contries travell for woade to the iles of St.
Mighell and Tercera (which are halfe the way thither) all the yere longe.
For this coaste is never subjecte to the ise, which is never lightly seene
to the southe of Cape Razo in Newfounde lande.
Besides this, in our way as wee passe to and froe, wee shall have in
tempestes and other necessities the portes of Ireland to our aide, and no
nerer coaste of any enemye. Moreover by the ordinary entercourse wee may
annoye the enemyes to Ireland, and succour the Queens Majesties faithfull
subjects, and drawe the Irishe by little and little to more civilitie, and
in shorte tyme wee may yelde them from the coastes of America whatsoever
comodities they nowe receave at the handes of the Spaniardes. So the
Spaniardes shall wante the ordinarye victualls they receave every yere
from thence, whereby they cannot contynue traficque, nor fall so aptly to
practize againste our governmente there as heretofore by their trade
thither they have don and doe daily, to the greate expences of her
Majestie, and no small indaungeringe and troublinge of our state.
And to conclude: in tradinge to these contries wee shall not nede, for
feare of the Spanishe bloudy Inquisition, to throwe our bibles and prayer
bookes over boorde into the sea before our arryvall at their portes, as
these many yeres wee have don and yet doe, nor take suche horrible oathes
as are exacted of our men by the Spanishe searchers, to suche dayly
wilfull and highe offence of Almightie God, as we are driven to
continually in followinge our ordinary trafficque into the Kinge of
Spaines dominyons; whereof at large wee have spoken before in the seconde
chapiter.
Chap. XIII. That hereby the revenewes and customes of Her Majestie, bothe
outewarde and inwarde, shall mightily be inlarged by the toll, excises,
and other dueties which withoute expression may be raysed.
The manifolde testimonies, verbatim alleaged by me in the thirde chapiter,
of John Ribault, John Verarsanus, Stephen Gomes, Vasques de Coronado,
Jaques Cartier, Gasper Corterialis, and others, which all were the
discoverers of the coaste and inlande of America betwene 30 and 63
degrees, prove infallibly unto us that golde, silver, copper, perles,
pretious stones, and turqueses, and emraldes, and many other commodities,
have bene by them founde in those regions. To which testimonies I shoulde
have added many more yf I had not feared to be tedious. Nowe the fyfte
parte of all these aforenamed comodities cannot choose but amounte to a
greate matter, beinge yerely reserved unto her Majestie, accordinge to the
tenor of the patent graunted by King Henry the Seaventh in the xj’th. yere
of his raigne to John Gabote and his three sonnes, Lewes, Sebastian, and
Sancius; the wordes whereof it shoulde not be amisse here to sett downe,
as they are printed in my booke of voyadges. These are the wordes: Ex
omnibus fructibus, proficuis, emolumentis commodis, lucris, et
obuentionibus ex huiusmodi nauigatione prouenientibus, prefatus Joannes et
filij ac heredes et eorum deputati teneantur, et sint obligati nobis pro
omni viagio suo toties quoties ad portum nostrum Bristolliæ applicuerint
(ad quem omnino applicare teneantur et sint astricti), deductis omnibus
sumptibus et impensis necessarijs per eosdem factis, quintam partem
capitalis lucri facti, siue in mercibus, siue in pecuniis, persoluere.(76)
What gaines this imposition may turne unto the Crowne of England in shorte
tyme wee may more then gesse, havinge but an eye to the Kinge of Spaines
revenewes, which he nowe hath out of all his domynions in all the West
Indies.
The like in all respectes may be saied of the revenewes of the Crowne of
Portingale, which, beinge of itselfe one of the smallest and poorest
kingdomes of all Christendome, became in shorte space so riche and
honourable soone after their entringe into their southesterne discoveries,
traficques, and conquestes, that, before the deathe of their late younge
kinge Sebastian, their embassadors woulde strive and chalenge for the
chefest place with the embassadores of the greatest kinges of
Christendome; as I have hearde it dyvers tymes spoken at Paris at my
lordes table by men of greate honour and experience, in which citie moste
princes and states of Christendome have their embassadors comonly
resident.
To leave them and to come to our nation, I say that amonge other meanes to
encrease her Majesties customes this shalbe one, especially that by
plantinge and fortifieinge nere Cape Briton, what by the strengthe of our
shipps beinge harde at hande, and bearinge the sway already amongest all
nations that fishe at Newfoundelande, and what by the fortes that there
may be erected and helde by our people wee shall be able to inforce them,
havinge no place els to repaire unto so convenient, to pay us soche a
contynual custome as shall please us to lay upon them; which imposition of
twoo or three hundred shippes laden yerely with sondry sortes of fish,
trane oyle, and many kyndes of furres and hides, cannot choose but amounte
to a greate matter, beinge all to be levied upon straungers. And this not
onely wee may exacte of the Spaniardes and Portingales, but also of the
Frenche men, our olde and auncient enemyes. What shoulde I speake of the
customes of the greate multitudes of course clothes, Welshe frise, and
Irishe ruggs, that may be uttered in the more northerly partes of the
lande amonge the Esquimawes of the Grande Bay, and amonge them of Canada,
Saguynay, and Hochelaga, which are subjecte to sharpe and nippinge
winters, albeit their somers be hotter moche then oures. Againe, the
multitudes of small yron and copper workes, wherewith they are exceedingly
delighted, wilt not a little encrease the customes, being transported oute
of the lande. I omitt the rehersall of a thousande other trifinge wares,
which, besides they may sett many women, children, and ympotent persons on
worke in makinge of them, woulde also helpe to the encreasinge of the
customes. Lastly, whatsoever kind of commodyties shoulde be broughte from
thence by her Majesties subjectes into the realme, or be thither
transported oute of the realme, cannot choose but inlarge the revenewes of
the Crowne very mightely, and inriche all sortes of subjectes in
generally.
Chap. XIV. That this action will be for the greate increase,
mayneteynaunce, and safetie of our navie, and especially of greate
shippinge, which is the strengthe of our realme, and for the supportation
of all those occupations that depende upon the same.
In the Statutes moste providently ordeyned for increase and maineteynaunce
of our navigation in the Raignes of Kinge Richarde the Seconde, Kinge
Henry the Seaventh, Kinge Henry the Eighth, and her Majestie that nowe ys,
thoughe many and sundry rewardes were proposed to encourage our people
unto the sea, yet still I fynde complaintes of decaye of the navye,
notwithstanding so many goodly priviledges to mayneteine fisshermen, the
ordeyninge of Wendisday to be a newe fishe day for the better utteraunce
of their fishe that they shoulne take at sea, yea, albeit there hath bene
graunted a certene proportionable allowaunce oute of the exchequer to
suche as woulde builde any shippes of burden to serve the prince in tyme
of warr, yet very little hath bene done in that behalfe. For, setting the
Citie of London aparte, goe your waye into the west parte of England and
Wales, and search howe many shippes of CC. tonnes and upwardes those
partes can afforde, and you shall finde (God wotteth) no such nomber as at
firste you did ymagine. At this day I am assured there are scarce twoo of
CC. tones beloninge to the whole citie of Bristowe, and very fewe or none
of the like burden alonge the channell of the Severne from Glocester to
the Landes Ende on the one side, and Milforde Haven on the other. Nowe,
remedie this greate and unknowen wante, no enterprise possibly can be
devised more fitt to increase our great shippinge then this Westerne
fortifienge and planting. For in this action wee are not to cut over the
narrowe seas, in a day or a nighte, betwene Flaunders, Fraunce, or
Ireland, in small barkes of xx. or xxx’ti. tonnes; but wee are to passe
over the breste of the maine ocean, and to lye at sea a moneth or six
weekes together, whereby wee shall be constrayned of our selves, withoute
chardginge of the Prince, to builde greate shippes, as well to avoide the
daunger of tempest as also for the commoditie of portage, whereunto the
greater shippes in longe voyadges are moste conveniente, which the
Portingales and Spaniardes have founde oute by longe experience, whoe for
that cause builde shippes of v. vj. vij. viij. C. and a M. tonnes, to
sende into their Easterne and Westerne Indies.
The like whereof wee shalbe the rather invited to doe, since by this
voyadge wee shall have many thinges for little or nothinge, that are
necessarie for the furniture of greate shippinge. For beinge possessed of
Newfounde lande, which the last yere was seazed upon in her Majesties
name, wee may have tarr, rosen, mastes, and cordage for the very
workemanshippe of the same. All which comodities cannot choose but
wonderfully invite our men to the buildinge of greate shippinge,
especially havinge store of the best shipwrights of the worlde, whereof
some, for wante of employmente at home, have bene driven to flye into
forren partes, as into Demarke. Moreover, in the judgemente of those that
are experte in sea causes, yt will breed more skillfull, connynge, and
stowte pilott and maryners then other belonginge to this lande. For it is
the longe voyadges (so they be not to excessive longe, nor throughe
intemperate clymates, as those of the Portingales into their West Indies)
that harden seamen, and open unto them the secretes of navigation; the
nature of the windes; the currentes and settinge of the sea; the ebbinge
and flowinge of the mayne ocean; the influence of the sonne, the moone,
and of the rest of the celestiall planetts, and force which they have at
sondry seasons upon that mightie body; whiche skill in sea causes the
Emperour Charles the Fyfte, knowinge howe mooche yt did (M244) ymporte his
state, to the intent that it mighte better encrease amongest the
Spaniardes, in great providence erected a lecture of the arte of
navigation in Civill, and ordeyned that no man shoulde take chardge to the
West Indies that had not hearde the Reader of the same for a certaine
space, and, upon due examynation, were allowed as sufficient by him, and
others adjoyded unto him as assistantes to examyn matters of experience;
which order, if it had bene established in England, such grosse and
insufficient felowes as he that caste away the Admirall of Sir Humfreyes
company, with an C. persons in her, to the west of Newfounde lande, this
tyme twelve moneths, had not bene admittted to take so greate a chardge.
But to returne to the increase and mayneteynaunce of our shippes and
shippmen; I say that this is not as the voyadge to Muscovy, which is open
not paste foure monethes, but may be passed and repassed at our pleasure
at all tymes of the yere, and so our maryners may be sett on worke all the
yere longe. Neither is the trade likely to prove so small as that of
Muscovy, wherein not past tenne shippes at the moste are employed ones a
yere. For here there is a greate hope, the contrie beinge as bigge as all
Europe, and nothinge in frutefulnes inferior to yt, as I have proved
before at large in the thirde chapiter, that wee shall have twoo fleetes
as bigge as those of the Kinge of Spaine to his West Indies, imployed
twise in the yere at the leaste, especially after our fortifienge in the
contrie, the certene place of our factory beinge there established;
whereby yt muste nedes come to passe that our navye shalbe mightely
increased and mayneteyned, which will not onely be a chefe strengthe and
suertie in tyme of warres, as well to offende as defende, but will also be
the mayneteynaunce of many masters, maryners, and seamen, whereby they
their wyves, and children, shall have their lyvinges, and many cities,
townes, villages, havens, and creeks nere adjoyninge unto the sea coaste,
and the Queenes subjectes, as brewers, bowchers, smithes, ropers,
shipwrights, tailors, shoemakers, and other victuallers and handicraftes
men, inhabitinge and dwellinge nere thereaboutes, shall also have by the
same greate parte of their lyvinge. For proofe thereof wee nede not to
seeke any further then unto oure neighbours of Spaine and Portingale;
whoe, since the firste discoverie of their Indies, have not onely mightely
inlarged their domynions, marvellously enriched themselves and (M245)
their subjectes, but have also by juste accompte trebled the nomber of
their shippes, masters, and maryners,—a matter of no small moment and
importance; insomoche that nowe, of late Kinge Phillippe hath made the
Marques de la Cruz, which laste yere wonne Tercera, Graunde Admirall of
the Ocean Sea, and Prince d’Oria of Genoa, Admirall in the Levant. A taste
of this increase wee have had in our owne selves, even by our trade of
fisshinge in Newfoundelande; which, as yt is well knowen, hath bene
occasion, that in sondry places of this realme divers tall shippes have
bene builte and sett furthe even of late daies; and more would be if,
whereas nowe havinge but twoo moneths or tenne weekes of fisshinge, by
this newe plantinge they mighte be drawen more south-westerly, where the
speciall fisshing places are, bothe for plentie and greateness of fishe;
and beinge oute of daunger and ympedimente of yse, they mighte fishe there
safely the greatest parte of the yere, and by their nereness unto our
fortes there, builte aboute Cape Briton, they mighte yelde succour unto
them, and likewise by their neighbourhoode be themselves in more
securitie.
(M246) Fynally, their shippes, their goodds, and their persons shoulde not
be subjecte to soodden arrestes of straungers, as they are in all other
trades of Christendome; but shoulde enjoye as greate freedome, libertie,
and securitie as they usually doe in their native contrie; the havens,
townes, and villages in those partes beinge occupied and possessed by
their fellowe subjects; which freedome and liberty will greatly incourage
them to contynewe constantly in this newe traficque.
Chap. XV. That spedie plantinge in divers fitt places is moste necessarie
upon these laste luckye westerne discoveries, for feare of the danger of
beinge prevented by other nations which have the like intention, with the
order thereof, and other reasons therewithall alleaged.
Havinge by Gods goodd guidinge and mercifull direction atchieved happily
this presente westerne discoverye, after the seekinge the advauncemente of
the kingedome of Christe, the seconde chefe and principall ende of the
same is traficque, which consisteth in the vent of the masse of our
clothes and other comodities of England, and in receaving backe of the
nedeful comodities that wee nowe receave from all other places of the
worlde. But forasmoche as this is a matter of greate ymportaunce, and a
thinge of so greate gaine as forren princes will stomacke at, this one
thinge is to be don, withoute which it were in vaine to goe aboute this;
and that is, the matter of plantinge and fortificacion, withoute due
consideration whereof in vaine were it to thinck of the former. And
therefore upon the firste said viewe taken by the shippes that are to be
sente thither, wee are to plante upon the mouthes of the greate navigable
rivers which are there, by stronge order of fortification, and there to
plante our colonies. And so beinge firste setled in strengthe with men,
armour, and munition, and havinge our navy within our bayes, havens, and
roades, wee shall be able to lett the entraunce of all subjectes of forren
princes, and so with our freshe powers to encounter their shippes at the
sea, and to renewe the same with freshe men, as the soodden feightes shall
require; and by our fortes shalbe able to holde faste our firste footinge,
and readily to annoye suche weary power of any other that shall seke to
arryve; and shalbe able with our navye to sende advertisemente into
England upon every soodden whatsoever shall happen. And these
fortifications shall kepe the naturall people of the contrye in obedience
and goodd order. And these fortes at the mowthes of those greate portable
and navigable ryvers may at all tymes sende upp their shippes, barkes,
barges, and boates into the inland with all the comodities of England, and
returne unto the said fortes all the comodities of the inlandes that wee
shall receave in exchange, and thence at pleasure convey the same into
England. And thus settled in those fortes, yf the nexte neighboures shall
attempte any annoye to our people, wee are kepte safe by our fortes; and
wee may, upon violence and wronge offred by them, ronne upon the rivers
with our shippes, pynnesses, barkes, and boates, and enter into league
with the petite princes, their neigbboures, that have alwayes lightly
warres one with an other, and so entringe league nowe with the one, and
then with the other, wee shall purchase our owne safetie, and make
ourselves lordes of the whole.
Contrarywise, withoute this plantinge in due tyme, wee shall never be able
to have full knowledge of the language, manners, and customes of the
people of those regions, neither shall wee be able thoroughly to knowe the
riches and comodities of the inlandes, with many other secretes whereof as
yet wee have but a small taste. And althoughe by other meanes wee mighte
attaine to the knowledge thereof, yet beinge not there fortified and
strongly seated, the French that swarme with multitude of people, or other
nations, mighte secretly fortifie themselves before us, hearinge of the
benefite that is to be reaped of that voyadge; and so wee shoulde beate
the bushe and other men take the birdes; wee shoulde be at the chardge and
travell, and other men reape the gaine.
To make this plaine by example, in the sixte leafe of the Italian edition
of the Historie of Fernando Cortes, written by Franciscus Lopez de Gomera,
is lively described the folly of John Grijalua for his not inhabitinge
that goodd and riche contrie of Iucaton; which ymmediatly after he had
neglected, the same Fernando Cortes tooke in hande and perfourmed, and
gott all the honour and comoditie from him, leaving greate wealthe and
honour to his posteritie, and to himself an everlastinge name. The story
is thus: Giouan di Grigalua se n’ando a Yucatan, combattete con quelli
Indiani di Ciapoton, et se ne ritorne ferito; entro nel fiume di Tauasco,
che per questo si chiama ora Grijalua, nel qual riscatto o cambio per cose
di poca valuta molto oro, robbe di cottone, et bellissime cose di penne;
stette in San Giouanni di Vilhua, piglio possessione di quel paese per il
Re, in nome del Gouernatore, Diego Velasquez: et cambio la sua merciaria
per pezzi di oro, coperte di cottone et penne; et si hauesse conosciuto la
uentura sua, haueria fatto populatione in paese cosi ricco, come lo
pregauano li suoi compagni et lui saria stato quello che dipoi il Cortes.
Ma tanta uentura non era riseruata per chi non la conosceua ancora che si
scusaua che lui non andaua per populare, se non per riscattare o permutare
le cose che leuaua del Gouernatore; et discoprire se quella terra di
Yucatan era isola o terra ferma. And if any man liste to knowe what
intertainment he had of his uncle at his returne for not inhabitinge upon
the present occasion, yt followeth in the ende of the same chapiter in
these wordes: Et quando arriuo non lo uolse uedere il Gouernatore suo zio,
che li fece quello che lui meritaua.
The like story wee have, fol. 298. of Franciscus Lopez de Gomera his
Generall Historie of the West Indies, of Vasques de Coronado, which, after
excedinge greate chardges bestowed for royall furnishinge furthe upon his
voyadge to Ceuola and Quiuira, for wante of courage and for other priuate
respectes, neglected plantinge there, had as colde welcome, at his
dastardly and unconsiderate returne, of Don Antonio de Mendoza, viceroy of
Mexico, as Grijalua had of his uncle above mentioned. It is written thus
of him after his returne from Quiuira:—
Cascò del cauallo in Tiguez Francisco Vasquez, e con il colpo usci di
ceruello et disuariaua; questo caso alcuni credettero che fusse finto,
altri n’hebbero grandissimo dolore; quelli che l’intendeuano a mala parte
stauano male con lui per che non si metteua a popolare. And a little
afterwarde: molto dispiacque a Don Antonio di Mendoza che fusero
ritornati, per che haueua speso piu di sessanta milla pesi d’oro in quella
impresa ... molti uolsero restare là, ma Francesco Vasquez di Coronado,
che ricco era et nuouamente maritato con vna bellissima donna, non volse,
dicendo che non si poteriano sustentarsi ne difendere in cosi povero paesa
et tanto lontani del soccorso; caminarono presso a tre milla miglia di
longo in questa giornata.
Notwithstandinge these colourable excuses and dispraisinges of the
contrie, yt is described by relation of his owne companions in this manner
in the same leafe: à Quiuira in quaranta gradi à paesa temperato, di
bonissime acque, di molto herbatico, purgne, more, noci, et melloni, et
vue che maturano benissimo; non c’à cottone, et vestono pelle di vacche e
caprioli.
The greate inconvenience of the delaye and neglecte of plantinge with
spede of goodd contries newe discoured, beinge well weyed and foreseene by
John Ribault, made him to plante and fortefie at his firste voyadge,
thoughe it were with but thirtie men; which, that you may the better
understande, together with the wise course and choice of place which
oughte to be had in plantinge and seatinge at the firste, I will alleage
his owne wordes which are in the laste leafe of his firste printed
voyadge: Wherefore (my lorde), saith he, I truste you will not thincke it
amisse (consideringe the comodities that may be broughte thence) yf we
leave a nomber of men there, which may fortifie and provide themselves of
thinges necessiarie; for in all newe discoveries it is the chefest thinge
that may be don, at the begynnynge to fortifie and people the contrie. I
had not so soone set furthe this to our companie, but many of them offred
to tary there; yea, with suche a goodd will and jolly courage, that suche
a nomber did offer themselves as wee had moche to doe to stay their
opportunitie; and namely, of our shippe masters and pilotts, and suche as
wee woulde not spare. Howebeit, wee lefte there but to the nomber of 30
men in all, gentlemen, souldiers, and maryners, and that at their owne
sute and prayer, and of their owne free willes, and by the advice and
deliberation of the gentlemen sent on the behalfe of the Prince and yours.
And I have lefte unto them for heade and ruler, followinge therein your
pleasure, Capitaine Albert de la Pierria, a souldier of longe experience,
and the firste that from the begynnynge offred to tary; and further, by
their advise, choice, and will, inscaled and fortified them in an iland on
the northe side thereof, a place of stronge scituation and commodious,
upon a river which wee named Chenonceau, and the habitation and fortres,
Charles Forte. After wee had instructed and duly admonished them of what
they should doe (as well for their manner of procedinge, as for the goode
and lovinge behaviour of them), the xj’th. day of the moneth of June last
paste wee departed from Porte Royall, &c.
(M247) Nowe, to leave the Spaniardes and Frenche and to come to ourselves;
seinge it hath pleased Almightie God at this instant to reveale unto her
Majestie and the realme that once againe afreshe which was in part
discovered by Sebastian Gabote and other this lande to her moste famous
grandfather, Kinge Henry the Seaventh, was then lefte of and caste aside
and not sufficiently regarded by occasion of the warres of Scotland, as
Sebastian himself writes, and so hath bene intermitted for the space of
aboute foure score and sixe yeares—if nowe the Queene, her Counsell, and
other subjectes, shall never so little delaye the throughe managinge of
the cause and enteringe effectually into the action, let them assure
themselves that they will come to late, and a day after the faire; ffor as
the wise man saieth, _Post est occasio calva_. (M248) For, to speake
nothinge of the laste yeres preparation of the Marques de la Roche to
inhabite and plante in those partes nowe discovered by oure men, which
preparation was luckely overthrowne in respecte of us, by reason that his
greatest shippe was cast away upon the trauers of Burwage, the men of St.
John de Luze sente the laste yere to solicite the Frenche Kinge and his
Counsell to plante there. And nowe our neighboures, the men of St Maloe in
Brytaine, in the begynnynge of Auguste laste paste of this yere 1584. are
come home with five shippes from Canada and the contries upp the Bay of
St. Lawrence, and have brought twoo of the people of the contrie home, and
have founde suche swete in that newe trade that they are preparinge tenne
shippes to returne thither in January nexte, as one John de la Marche and
Mr. Pryhouse of Garnesey affirme; which Mr. Pryhouse, beinge yet in
London, was at St. Malowe within these weekes, and sawe the twoo savages,
the five shippes, and the riche comodities, and understoode of the greate
preparation, and lieth nowe at London, in Philpott lane, at the stone
house there.
And that it may be knowen that not onely the Frenche affecte this
enterprise, but even the Duche longe since thoughte of yt, I can assure
you that Abraham Ortelius, the great geographer, told me, at his laste
beinge in England, 1577. that if the warres of Flaunders had not bene,
they of the Lowe Contries had meant to have discovered those partes of
America, and the north west straite, before this tyme. And yt semed that
the chefe cause of his comynge to England was to no other ende, but to
prye and looke into the secretes of Ffrobishers voyadge; for yt was even
then, when Ffrobisher was preparinge for his first returne into the north
west.
To conclude: yf wee doe procrastinate the plantinge (and where our men
have nowe presently discovered, and founde it to be the best parte of
America that is lefte, and in truthe more agreable to our natures, and
more nere unto us, than Nova Hispania), the Frenche, the Normans, the
Brytons, or the Duche, or some other nation, will not onely prevente us of
the mightie Baye of St. Lawrence, where they have gotten the starte of us
already, thoughe wee had the same revealed to us by bookes published and
printed in Englishe before them,(77) but also will depriue us of that
goodd lande which nowe wee have discovered. Which if they doe (as God
defende they shoulde), then it falleth oute that wee shall have our
enemyes or doubtfull frendes rounde aboute us, and shall not onely loose a
singular comoditie and inestymable benefite, but also incurr greate
daunger and inconvenience in sufferinge Papistes, by plantinge rounde
aboute us, to take from us all succours, and to lett them enriche
themselves under our noses, to be better able to supplant or overronne us.
Chap. XVI. Meanes to kepe this enterprise from overthrowe, and the
enterprisers from shame and dishonour.
Euery newe enterprise is in the begynnyinge burdenous, chardgeable, and
heavie, and moste comonly hath many greate enemies; which is the cause
that many goodd men, much affected to their contrie in wittie excellent
enterprises, sincke and fainte under their burden. And because that this
enterprise which wee have in hande or in purpose (besides that it is much
maliced, specially by our mightie faction of the Papistes), is an
enterprize that requireth, beside the favour of the Prince, no small
chardge; therefore wee are to devise howe the burden may leste tyme reste
on the backe of the bearer of the same, that he sincke not under the same,
but that he maye stande upp in full strengthe, and goe throughe with ease,
fame, and profitt, withoute shame of all the bymedlers and fauters of the
same. And entred into consideration hereof, this cometh to mynde: that the
firste chardge of the navye to be admitted as for the present deade
chardge for the tyme, howe supply of the chardges followinge may be
mayneteyned and borne; for in that standeth one greate matter that
ymporteth honour, credite, profite, and the whole sequele of the
enterprize.
Wee are induced by late plaine examples of the Frenche, that have
traficqued in those partes with greate profite, to beleve that upon our
plantinge wee shall as yt were defraye as well the firste chardges as the
chardges followinge, by the comodities in trafficque that wee shall
receave by passinge into the inland by river and otherwise. But admittinge
the worse, that the people will neither receave our comodities nor yelde
us theirs againe, then wee are to devise of ourselves howe wee may
otherwise at the firste countervaile our chardges, and become greate
gayners, will or nill the naturall inhabitantes of those regions or
others; and that is, by enjoyinge certaine naturall comodities of the
landes infinitely aboundinge, in no accompts with them and with us of
greate price, which is this way to be broughte aboute.
The soiles there upon the seacoaste, and all alonge the tracte of the
greate broade mightie ryvers, all alonge many hundreth miles into the
inland, are infinitely full fraughte with swete wooddes of ffyrr, cedars,
cypres, and with divers other kindes of (M249) goodly trees; and settynge
upp mylles to sawe them, suche as be common in Poland and in all the north
easte regions, wee may with spede possesse infinite masses of boordes of
these swete kindes, and these frame and make ready to be turned into
goodly chestes, cupboordes, stooles, tables, deskes, &c., upon the
returne. And consideringe the present wante of tymber in the realme, and
howe derely the cipres chestes are solde that come from the ilandes of the
Levant seas, and lately from the Azores, to Bristoll and the westerne
havens, these may be bothe amply and derely vented in all the portes of
the realme and of the realmes adjoyninge, consideringe that in this age
every man desireth to fill his house with all manner of goodd furniture.
So that were there no other peculiar comodities, this onely, I say, were
ynoughe to defraye all the chardges of all the begynnynge of the
enterprize, and that oute of hande; for suche mylwrightes may easely be
procured from suche places where they abounde, and some suche (possible)
be in England; for I have herde of a frende of myne, that one suche mill
within these xxx yeres was sett upp in Worcestshere by a knighte of that
contrie. And one man onely were able to directe a thousande of our common
milwrightes in that trade; and carpinters and joyners, the realme may
spare thousandes for a nede.
And with like ease and shortenes of time wee may make of the woodes there
pitch and tarr, which are thinges fitt for our navie, and marchandizes of
goodd vente and of comon neede.
And with like ease wee may make of the wooddes there plentie of sope
asshes, a comoditie very dere and of greate and ample vente with us, and
elsewhere in forren kingdomes of Europe. Also wee may there prepare for
pikes, chasinge staves, oares, halberts, and the like for cullen cleftes
for sundry uses, &c. And also wee may there, withoute payeng for the same,
have tymber to builde greate navies, and may bringe them into this realme,
and have goodd sale of the same.
All this, I say, may be broughte to passe if wee wisely plante, upon our
arryvall, aboute the mouthes of greate rivers and in the ilandes of the
same; and so wee shall have the starte before the Frenche and all others;
and our people, sente thither for the purposes aforesaide, shall be ready
to man our shippes to give repulse at the firste to all suche as shall
come thither to sett foote to our annoye.
Thus all thinges removed that mighte bringe discouragemente, the firste
that tooke the enterprise in hande have wonne greate honour and highe
estymation with all degrees in England, and, havinge by these former
meanes wonne to defraye all the chardges of the brunte off the enterprise,
they stande full able to followe the same withoute cravinge aide of the
lingringe marchaunte, and have the possibilitie onely to themselves of the
trades of traficque with the people, which they may bringe aboute eyther
with curtesie, or by pollicie and force, as by joyninge now with this
petite kinge, and nowe with that, &c.
And this once plainely founde and noted in England, what noble man, what
gentleman, what marchante, what citezen or contryman, will not offer of
himselfe to contribute and joyne in the action, forseeinge that the same
tendeth to the ample vent of our clothes, to the purchasinge of riche
comodities, to the plantinge of younger brethren, to the employment of our
idle people, and to so many noble endes? And greate joyninge in
contribution upon so happy begynnynges geveth abilitie to fortifie, to
defende all forren force in divers comodious places even at the firste.
Chap. XVII. That by these colonies the north west passage to Cathaio and
China may easely, quickly, and perfectly be searched oute as well by river
and overlande as by sea; for proofe whereof here are quoted and alleaged
divers rare testymonies oute of the three volumes of voyadges gathered by
Ramusius, and other grave authors.
In the thirde volume of Nauigations and Voyadges, gathered and translated
into Italian by Mr. John Baptista Ramusius, fol. 417. pag. 2, I reade of
John Verarsanus as followeth: This unhappy ende had this valiaunte
gentleman, whoe, if this misfortune had not happened unto him (with the
singuler knowledge that he had in sea matters and in the arte of
navigation, beinge also favoured with the greate liberalitie of Kinge
Fraunces), woulde have discovered and opened unto the worlde that parte
also of lande even to the poole. Neither woulde he have contented himselfe
with the outeside and sea coaste onely, but woulde have passed further upp
within the lande so farr as he coulde have gon. And many that have knowen
him and talked with him have told me, that he saied he had in mynde to
perswade the Frenche Kinge to sende oute of Fraunce a goodd nomber of
people to inhabite certaine places of the said coaste, which be of ayre
temperate, and of soile moste fertile, with very faire ryvers, and havens
able to receave any navie. The inhabitants of which places mighte be
occasion to bringe to passe many goodd effectes: and, amongest other, to
reduce those poore, rude, and ignoraunte people to the knowledge of God
and true relligion, and to shewe them the manner of husbandrie for the
grounde, transportinge of the beastes of Europe into those excedinge large
and champion contries; and in time mighte discover the partes within
lande, and see if, amongest so many ilandes there be any passage to the
Southe Sea, or whither the firme lande of Fflorida contynewe still even to
the pole.
Upon occasion of these laste wordes I thinke it not amisse to alleage
those testimonies tendinge to the proofe of this longe desired north west
passage, which, with no small care these many yeres, I have observed in my
readinges and conferences concerninge the same matter.
1. My firste authoritie is in the seconde volume of Ramusius, in the
discourse of the discoverie of the ilandes Freseland, Iseland,
Engroneland, Drogeo, and Icaria, made in the northe by Sir Nicholas Zeny,
Knighte, and Mr. Anthony, his brother, in the yere 1380.(78) In which
discourse, amonge many other thinges tendinge to the proofe of this
passage, I finde this recorded: Scoprirono vna isola detta Estotilanda
posta in ponente lontana da Frislanda piu di mille miglia; whereof I
gather, that whereas still he calleth Estotiland an Ilande, and that it is
distant westwarde from Frislande more then a thousande miles, that the sea
is open above five hundreth miles further then Frobisher and his companie
discouered. Ffor he himself confesseth that he never sailed paste five or
sixe hundreth miles to the weste of Ffriselande; and here is mention made,
that those fishermen that discouered the iland of Estotiland founde it to
be more then a M. miles to the weste of the same.
2. The seconde testimonie to prove this north west passage is in the
preface of the aforesaide Ramusius before his thirde volume, where he
alleageth, in manner followinge, that which Sebastian Gabote wrote unto
him concerninge this matter: Many yeres paste I was written unto by
Sebastian Gabote, our contryman, a Venecian, and a man of greate
experience, and very singuler in the arte of navigation and in the
knowledge of cosmographie, whoe sailed alonge and beyonde Nova Francia, at
the chardges of Kinge Henry the seaventh, Kinge of England; and he
signified unto me, that havinge sailed a longe tyme west and by northe
beyonde those ilandes unto the latitude of 67. degrees and [an half] under
the north pole, on the xj’th day of June, and findinge the sea open and
withoute any manner of ympedymente, he thoughte verely that he mighte have
passed by that way unto Cathaia, which is in the Easte; and he woulde have
done yt, if the mutinie of the shipmaster and unruly mariners had not
inforced him to returne homewardes from that place. But it semeth (saith
Ramusius), that God doth yet reserve to some greate prince the discoverie
of this voyadge to Cathaio by this way, which, for the bringinge of the
spicerie from India into Europe, woulde be the moste easie and shortest of
all others hitherto founde oute. And surely this enterprise woulde be the
moste glorious and of moste importaunce of all other that any coulde
ymagine, to make their name moche more eternall and ymmortale amonge all
ages to come, then these so greate tumultes and troubles of warres, which
are to be seene contynually in Europe amonge the miserable and unhappy
Christians.
3. Thirdly, the reporte which the people of Hochelaga made to Jacques
Cartier, in the xiij’th. chapter of his seconde relation, of the river
three monethes navigable to the southewarde, dothe not a little confirme
the same.
4. Fourthly, the relation of the people of Canada in the xij’th. chapiter,
followinge on this manner: Moreover they tolde us, and gave us to
understande, that there are people cladde with clothe as wee are, and that
there are many inhabited townes and goodd people, and that they have
greate store of golde and redd copper, and that upp into the lande,
beyonde the river firste above mentioned, even to Hochelaga and Saguynay,
there is an ile environed aboute with that and other rivers, which beyonde
Saguenay entereth into twoo or three greate lakes; also that there is
founde a sea of freshe water, the heade and ende whereof there was never
man founde that had throughly searched, as farr as they have hearde say of
them of Saguenay, for they (as they signified unto us) had not bene there
themselves.
5. Fyftly, in the ende of that seconde relation this postscripte is added
as a speciall pointe, to witt: that they of Canada say that it is the
space of a moone (that is to saye a moneth) to saile to a lande where
cynamon and cloves are gathered; and in the Frenche originall which I sawe
in the Kinges Library at Paris, in the Abbay of St Martines,(79) yt is
further put downe, that Donnaconna, the Kinge of Canada, in his barke had
traveled to that contrie where cynamon and cloves are had; yea, the names
whereby the savages call those twoo spices in their owne language are
there put downe in writinge.
6. Sixtly, this passage is likewise proved by the double reporte of
Vasques de Coronado. For firste, he beinge at Ceuola, which standeth in
37. degrees and an halfe of northerly latitude within the lande, he had
this informacion of the people of that place; Fanno otto giornate verso le
campagne al mare di settentrione: whereby I gather that some parte of the
northerne sea ys within viij. daies journey of Ceuola. Againe, when he was
afterwardes at the towne of Quiuira, which is scituated by the sea side in
the latitude of 40. degrees, he founde there shippes, with maryners, which
had the picture of a birde, called Alcatrazzi, in silver upon their
bonnetts and on the forepartes of their shippes; which signified that they
were thirtie daies sailinge to that place; whence it is saied that they
muste nedes be of Cathaio or China, seinge that there is none but Spanishe
shippinge upon all the coaste of the backside of Noua Spania.
7. Seaventhly, the people of Florida, at the River of May, in 30. degrees,
signified to John Ribault and his company, that they mighte saile in
boates from thence through the contrie by ryver to Ceuola in xx’ti. These
are the wordes, viz. As wee nowe demaunded of them concerninge the towne
of Ceuola (whereof some have written that it is not farr from thence, and
is scituated within the lande, and towardes the sea called Mare del Sur),
they shewed vs by signes, which wee understoode well ynoughe, that they
mighte goe thither with their boates, by rivers, in xx’ti. daies.
8. Eightly, Don Antonio di Castillo, embassador to her Majestie from Henry
the Kinge of Portingale, tolde me here in London, the yere before his
departure, that one Anus Corteriall, Capitaine of the Ile of Tercera, in
the yere 1574. sente a shippe to discover the northwest passage, which,
arryvinge on the coaste of America in 57. degrees of latitude, founde a
greate entraunce very depe and broade, withoute impedimente of ise, into
which they passed above xx leagues, and founde it alwayes to tende
towardes the southe. The lande lay lowe and plaine on either side. They
woulde have gon further, but their victualls drawinge shorte, and beinge
but one shippe, they returned backe, with hope at another tyme to make a
full searche of the passage, whereof they sawe not small likelyhoode.
9. Nynthly, Don Antonio, Kinge of Portingale,(80) shewed me in Paris this
present somer, a greate olde rounde carde (out of which Postellus tooke
the forme of his mappe), that had the northwest straite plainely sett
downe in the latitude of 57. degrees.
10. Tenthly, there is a mightie large olde mappe in parchemente, made, as
yt shoulde seme, by Verarsanus, traced all alonge the coaste from Florida
to Cape Briton, with many Italian names, which laieth oute the sea, making
a little necke of lande in 40. degrees of latitude, much lyke the streyte
necke or istmus of Dariena. This mappe is nowe in the custodie of Mr.
Michael Locke.
11. Eleventhly, there is an olde excellent globe in the Queenes privie
gallory at Westminster, which also semeth to be of Verarsanus makinge,
havinge the coaste described in Italian, which laieth oute the very selfe
same streite necke of lande in the latitude of 40. degrees, with the sea
joynninge harde on bothe sides, as it dothe on Panama and Nombre di Dios;
which were a matter of singuler importaunce, yf it shoulde be true, as it
is not unlikely.
12. Twelvethly, the judgemente of Gerardus Mercator, that excellent
geographer, which his sonne, Rumolde Mercator, shewed me in a letter of
his, and drewe oute for me in writinge, of wise men is not lightly to be
regarded. These were his wordes: Magna tametsi pauca de noua nauigatione
scribis, quam miror ante multos annos non fuisse attentatam. Non enim
dubium est quin recta et breuis via pateat in occidentem Cathaium vsque.
In quod regnum, si recte nauigationem instituant, nobilissimas totius
mundi merces colligent, et multis gentibus adhuc idololatris Christi nomen
communicabunt. You write (saieth he to his sonne) greate matters, thoughe
very brefely, of the newe voyadge, whereat I wonder that it was not these
many yeres heretofore attempted; ffor there is no doubte but there is a
streighte and shorte waye open into the west, even to Cathaio. Into which
kingdome, if they governe their voyadge well, they shall gather the moste
noble marchandize of all the worlde, and shall make the name of Christe to
be knowen to many idolaters and heathen people.
13. Hereunto agreeth the relation of Monsieur de Leau, an honest gent of
Morleux, in Britaine, which tolde me this springe, in the presence of
divers Englishe men at Paris, that a man of St. Malowe this laste yere
discovered the sea on the back side of Hochelaga.
14. Moreover, the relation of David Ingram confirmeth the same; for, as he
avowcheth and hath put it downe in writinge, he traveled twoo daies in the
sighte of the North Sea.
15. Againe, the prohibition which Kinge Philippe hath made, that none of
his pilotts shall discover to the northe wardes of 45. degrees, may seme
chefely to precede of these two causes: the one, leaste passinge further
to the northe, they mighte fall upon the open passage from Mare del Sur
into our Northerne Sea; the other, because they have not people ynoughe to
possesse and kepe the same, but rather in tyme shoulde open a gappe for
other nations to passe that waye.
16. Lastly, I will ende with the earnest petition and constant assertion
of Ramusius, in his firste volume, fol. 374. where, speakinge of the
severall waies by which the spicery, bothe of olde and of late yeres, hath
bene broughte into Europe, he useth these speaches in the person of
another: Why doe not the princes (saieth he), which are to deale in these
affaires, sende furthe twoo or three colonies to inhabite the contrie, and
to reduce this savage nation to more civilitie, consideringe what a
frutefull soile it is, how replenished with all kinde of graine, howe it
is stored with all kinde of birdes and beastes, with such faire and
mightie rivers, that Capitaine Cartier and his companie in one of them
sailed upp an C. and xx’iiij. leagues, findinge the contrie peopled on
bothe sides in greate aboundaunce; and, moreover, to cause the gouernours
of those colonies to sende furthe men to discouer the northe landes aboute
Terra de Labrador, and west north west towardes the seas, which are to
saile to the contrie of Cathaio, and from thence to the ilandes of
Molucka. These are enterprises to purchase ymmortal praise, which the Lord
Antony de Mendoza, viceroy of Mexico, willinge to put in execution, sente
furthe his capitaines, bothe by sea and lande, upon the northwest of Noua
Spania, and discovered the kingdomes of the seaven cities aboute Ceuola;
and Franciscus Vasques de Coronado passed from Mexico by lande towardes
the northwest 2850. miles, in so moche as he came to the sea which lieth
betwene Cathaio and America, where he mett with the Cathaian shippes; and,
no doubte, if the Frenche men, in this their Nova Francia, woulde have
discovered upp further into the lande towardes the west northwest partes,
they shoulde have founde the sea and have sailed to Cathaio.
Thus farr Ramusius.
God, which doth all thinges in his due time, and hath in his hande the
hartes of all Princes, stirr upp the mynde of her Majestie at lengthe to
assiste her moste willinge and forwarde subjectes to the perfourmance of
this moste godly and profitable action; which was begonne at the chardges
of Kinge Henry the vij’th. her grandfather, followed by Kinge Henry the
Eighte, her father, and lefte, as it semeth, to be accomplished by her (as
the three yeres golden voyadge to Ophir was by Salomon), to the makinge of
her realme and subjectes moste happy, and her selfe moste famous to all
posteritie. Amen.
Chap. XVIII. That the Queene of Englandes title to all the West Indies, or
at the leaste to as moche as is from Florida to the Circle articke, is
more lawfull and righte then the Spaniardes, or any other Christian
Princes.
To confute the generall claime and unlawfull title of the insatiable
Spaniardes to all the West Indies, and to prove the justenes of her
Majesties title and of her noble progenitours, if not to all, yet at
leaste to that parte of America which is from Florida beyonde the Circle
articke, wee are to sett downe in true order, accordinge to the juste
observation of tyme, when the West Indyes, with the ilandes and continent
of the same, were firste discouered and inhabited, and by what nation, and
by whome. Then are wee to answer in generall and particulerly to the moste
injurious and unreasonable donation graunted by Pope Alexander the Sixte,
a Spaniarde borne, of all the West Indies to the Kinges of Spaine and
their successors, to the greate prejudice of all other Christian Princes,
but especially to the domage of the Kinges of England.
Ffor the firste pointe, wee of England have to shewe very auncient and
auctenticall chronicles, written in the Welshe or Brittishe tongue,
wherein wee finde that one Madock ap Owen Guyneth, a Prince of North
Wales, beinge wearye of the civill warres and domesticall dissentions in
his contrie, made twoo voyadges oute of Wales, and discovered and planted
large contries which he founde in the mayne ocean south westwarde of
Ireland, in the yere of our Lorde 1170.(81) This historie is also to be
seene in Englishe in printe, in the booke sett furthe this yere of the
Prince of Wales, dedicated to Sir Henry Sidney. And this is confirmed by
the language of some of those people that dwell upon the continent betwene
the Bay of Mexico and the Grande Bay of Newfoundelande, whose language is
said to agree with the Welshe in divers wordes and names of places, by
experience of some of our nation that have bene in those partes. By this
testimonie it appereth, that the West Indies were discovered and inhabited
322. yeres before Columbus made his firste voyadge, which was in the yere
1492.
Secondly, the acceptation of Columbus his offer of the West Indies by
Kinge Henry the Seaventh, at the very firste, maketh moche for the title
of the Kinges of England, althoughe they had no former interest; which I
will here putt downe as I finde it in the eleventh chapiter of the
historie of Ferdinandus Columbus of the relation of the life and doinges
of his father: This practise, saieth he, of the Kinge of Portingale (which
was secretly to deprive him of the honour of his enterprise), beinge come
to the knowledge of the Admyrall, and havinge lately buried his wife, he
conceaved so greate hatred againste the citie of Lysbone and the nation,
that he determyned to goe into Castile with a younge sonne that he had by
his wife, called Diego Colon, which after his fathers deathe succeded in
his state. But fearinge, yf the Kinges of Castile also shoulde not
consente unto his enterprise, he shoulde be constrayned to begynne againe
to make some newe offer of the same to some other Prince, and so longe
tyme shoulde be spente therein, he sente into England a brother of his
which he had with him, named Bartholmewe Columbus. Nowe Bartholmewe
Columbus beinge departed for England, his fortune was to fall into the
handes of pyrates, which robbed him, and his other companions that were in
his shippe, of all that they had. By which occasion and meanes of his
povertie and sicknes, which cruelly afflicted him in a strange contrie, he
deferred for a longe space his embassage, till, havinge gotten upp a
little money by makinge of seacardes, he began to practize with Kinge
Henry the Seaventhe, the father of Kinge Henry the viij’th which nowe
reigneth; to whome he presented a general carde, wherein these verses were
written, which I will rather here put downe for their antiquitie then for
their elegancie:
Terrarum quicunque cupis foeliciter oras
Noscere, cuncta decens doctè pictura docebit
Quam Strabo affirmat, Ptolomæus, Plinius atque
Isidorus: non vna tamen sententia cuique
Pingitur hîc etiam nuper sulcata carinis
Hispanis Zona illa, priùs incognita genti,
Torrida, quæ tandem nunc est notissma multis.
And somewhat more beneath he saied:
_Pro authore sive pictore_
Janna cui patriæ est nomen, cui Bartholomæus
Columbus, de terra rubra, opus edidit istud
Londonijs, Anno Domini 1480 atque insuper anno
Octauo, decimáque die cùm tertia mensis
Februarij. Laudes Christo cantentur abundæ.(82)
But to returne to the Kinge of England; I say that after he had sene the
generall carde, and that which the Admyrall Columbus offred unto him, he
accepted his offer with a cherefull countenaunce, and sente to call him
into England. These thinges beinge so, wee nede not to be our owne judges,
but are able to prove, as you see, by a forren testimonie of singuler
greate aucthoritie, that Christopher Columbus, beinge in Portingale,
before he wente into Castile, sente his brother Bartholmewe into England
to practise with Kinge Henry the Seaventh aboute the discovery of the West
Indies, and that his said brother made his generall seacarde of this
secrete voyadge in London, in the yere of our Lorde 1488. the xiijth. of
February, above foure yeres before Christopher was sett oute upon his
firste voyadge by the Princes of Spaine, Ferdinando and Isabella, which
was the thirde of Auguste, 1592. It appereth also, that the onely cause
for his slowe dispatche was his fallings into the handes of pyrates, which
spoiled him and his companie of all that they had; whereby he was inforced
a longe tyme to worke in London in makinge instrumentes and seacardes to
get somewhat aboute him, that he mighte come in some honest furniture to
the Kinges presence. Also, that there was no delaye nor wante of goodd
will of the Kinges parte to sett furthe the action, whoe willingly
condescended to all Columbus demaundes; as is further to be seene in the
60 chapiter of the same historie, where I reade, that Bartholmewe
Columbus, havinge agreed with the Kinge of England upon all capitulations,
and returninge into Spaine by Fraunce to fetche his brother, when he
hearde newes at Paris that he had concluded in the meane season with the
Kinge of Spaine, and was entred into the action for him, was not a little
vexed for his brothers abusinge the Kinge of England, which had so
curteously graunted all his requestes and accepted of his offer. But
Christofer, not receavinge so spedy aunswer as he hoped for from his
brother oute of England, by reason of his fallinge into pirates handes, as
is aforesaide, and not by reason of any slacknes or unwillingnes of the
Kinge, in the meane season, for feare of beinge prevented by the
Portingales, which once before in secrete manner had gon aboute to take
the honour of the action oute of his handes, was stirred, contrary to
honesty, to play on bothe handes, and to deal with the Princes of Spaine
before he had receaved the Kinge of Englandes resolucion.
But leavinge this abuse offered to the Kinge of England either by
Christopher Columbus or the Kinges of Spaine, in takinge that enterprise
oute of his handes which was first sente to him, and never refused by him,
and to put the case that Columbus firste discovered parte of the ilandes
of Hispaniola and Cuba, yet wee will prove most plainely that a very
greate and large parte, as well of the continent as of the ilandes, were
firste discovered for the Kinge of England by Sebastian Gabote, an
Englishe man, borne in Bristoll, the sonne of John Gabote, a Venesian, in
the yere of our Lorde 1496; as an Italian gent, a greate philosopher and
mathematitian, witnesseth, which harde the same of his owne mouthe; and
there were many then also lyvinge, which wente with him in that voyadge,
which coulde have proved him a liar yf it had bene otherwise. These be the
very wordes of this gent, which be uttered to certen noblemen of Venice
upon the disputation concerninge the voyadges of the spicerye: Know ye not
(quoth he) to this effecte, to goe to finde the Easte Indies by the north
west, that which one of your citie hath done, which is so skilfull in the
arte of navigacion and cosmographie, that he hath not his like in Spaine
at this day? And his sufficiencie hath so greately advaunced him, that the
Kinge hath given him the oversighte of all the pilotts that saile to the
West Indies, so that withoute his licence they cannot meddle in this arte,
by reason whereof they call him the Graund Pilott. This was Segnior
Sebastian Gabote, which I wente to see, beinge myselfe in Cyvill certen
yeres paste, whome I founde to be a moste curteous and gentle person.
After he had made very moche of me, and geven me good entertainment, he
shewed me many singularities which he had; and amonge the rest, a greate
mappe of the worlde, wherein were marked and described all the particular
navigations as well of the Portingales as of the Castilians. And he
declared unto me, that, his father beinge departed from Venyce, he wente
to dwell in England for trade of marchandize, and caried him with him to
the citie of London, thoughe he were very younge; yet for all that not so
younge but that he had studied [letters] of humanitie and the sphere;
moreover, that his father died aboute the tyme that the newes came that
Christopher Colon had discovered the coaste of the West Indies, and there
was no other talke but of that in the Courte of Kinge Henry the vij’th.
which reigned then in England. Whereof every man saied, that yt was rather
a thinge devine then humaine, to have founde out that way never knowen
before, to goe by the west into the easte. This brute of Segnior Columbus
did so inflame my harte, that I determyned also to doe some notable
thinge. And knowinge by the reason of the sphere, that, in directinge my
course righte towarde the north weste, I shoulde shorten the way greately
to goe to the Easte Indies, without delaye I gave the Kinges Majestie to
understande of myne opinion, which was marveylously well pleased; and he
furnished me of twoo shippes, with all thinges necessarie; and this was in
the yere 1496. in the begynnynge of somer. And I began to saile towardes
the north west, thinckinge to finde no lande savinge that where Cathaio
is, and from thence to turne towardes the Indies. But after certaine
daies, I discouered lande which ronneth towardes the northe, wherewithall
I was excedingly agreved; notwithstandinge I ceassed not to ronne alonge
that coaste towardes the northe, to see yf I coulde finde any gulfe which
turned towardes the north weste, until I came to the heighte of 56.
degrees of our pole. (M250) Beinge there, I sawe that the coaste turned
towards the easte, and, beinge oute of hope to finde any straite, I turned
backe againe to searche out the said coaste towarde the equinoctiall, with
intention alwayes to finde some passage to the Indies; and in followinge
this coaste I sailed as farr as that parte which at this present they call
Florida; and nowe my victualls failinge and fallinge shorte, I sailed no
further, but lefte the coaste there, and sailed into England, where I was
no sooner arryved but I founde greate troubles of the people, that were
upp in armes by reason of the warres in Scotland; whereby the voyadge to
those partes was laide aside for that time, and had in no further
consideration.
Upon this relation, Monsieur Popiliniere, being a Frencheman, in his
seconde booke, Des Trois Mondes, inferreth these speaches: This, then, was
that Gabote which firste discovered Florida for the Kinge of England, so
that the Englishe men have more righte thereunto then the Spaniardes, yf
to have righte unto a contrie, it sufficeth to have firste seene and
discovered the same.
Howbeit, Gabota did more then see the contrie, for he wente on lande on
divers places, tooke possession of the same accordinge to his patente,
which was graunted to his father, John Gabot, to Lewes, himself, and
Sancius, his brethren, beinge to be sene in the Rolles and extant in
printe: and, moreover, he broughte home three of the savages of the
Indies, as Fabian, in his ancient Chronicle, dothe write, declaringe their
apparell, feedinge, and other manners, which, he saieth, he observed
himselfe in the Courte at Westminster, where he sawe twoo of them, two
yeres after they were broughte into England, in Englishe apparell. Nay,
that which is more, Gabota discovered this longe tracte of the firme lande
twoo yeres before Columbus ever sawe any parte of the continente thereof.
For the firste parte of the firme land, called Paria, and Bocca di
Dragone, that is to say, the Dragons Mouthe, beinge to the southe of the
iland of Hispaniola, was discovered by him in his thirde voyadge; which,
as Peter Martir de Angleria, which was one of the councell of the West
Indies, wryteth, was in the yere 1498; which is confirmed by Ferdinandus
Columbus, his owne sonne, which was with his father in the voyadge (as
Oviedo confesseth, libr. 19. cap 1.), and wrote a journall of that
voyadge, shewinge, in the 67. chapiter of his historie, that his father
firste sawe the firme lande the firste of Auguste in the yere 1498. But
Gabote made his greate discoverie in the yere 1496. as he testifieth in
his relation above mentioned. And the day of the moneth is also added in
his owne mappe, which is yn the Queenes privie gallorie at Westminster,
the copye whereof was sett oute by Mr. Clemente Adams, and is in many
marchantes houses in London. (M251) In which mappe, in the chapiter of
Newfoundelande, there in Latyn is put downe, besides the yere of our
Lorde, even the very day, which was the day of St. John Baptiste; and the
firste lande which they sawe they called Prima Visa or Prima Vista: and
Mr. Roberto Thorne, in his discourse to Doctor Ley, Kinge Henry the Eights
embassador to Charles the Emperour, affirmeth that his father and one
Hughe Elliott, of Bristoll, were the firste persons that descried the
lande. This case is so clere that the Spaniardes themselves, thoughe full
sore againste their willes, are constrained to yielde unto us therein. For
Franciscus Lopez de Gomera, in the 4. chapiter of his seconde booke of his
Generall Historie of the Indies, confesseth that Sebastian was the firste
discoverer of all the coaste of the West Indies, from 58. degrees of
northerly latitude to the heighte of 38. degrees towardes the
equinoctiall. He whiche broughte moste certeine newes of the contrie and
people of Baccalaos, saieth Gomera, was Sebastian Gabot, a Venesian, which
rigged up ij. shippes at the coste of Kinge Henry the Seaventh of England,
havinge greate desire to traficque for the spices as the Portingales did.
He carried with him CCC. men, and tooke the way towardes Island from
beyonde the Cape of Labrador, untill he founde himselfe in 58. degrees and
better. He made relation that, in the moneth of July, it was so colde and
the ise so greate, that he durste not passe any further; that the daies
were very longe, in a manner withoute any nighte, and for that shorte
nighte that they had it was very clere. Gabot, feelinge the colde, turned
towardes the west, refreshing himselfe at Baccalaos; and afterwardes he
sailed alonge the coaste unto 38. degrees, and from thence he shaped his
course to returne into England.
Moreover, this Fraunces Lopez de Gomera acknowledgeth, in his firste booke
and xxjth. chapiter of the Generall Historie of the Indies, that Columbus
on his thirde voyadge, sett oute from St Lucar of Barameda, in Spaine, in
the ende of May, _anno_ 1497. In which thirde voyadge, at lengthe, after
any greate dangers by the way, he arryved in the firme lande of the
Indies, towardes the province called Paria, which all the Spanishe authors
confesse to have bene the firste of the continent that was discovered for
the Kinges of Spaine.
So to conclude; whether wee beleve the testemonie of Peter Martir and
Ferdinandus Columbus, which affirme that Christopher Columbus discovered
the firme firste _in anno_ 1498. a greate and large tracte of the
continente of the Indies was discovered by Gabote and the Englishe above
twoo yeres before, to witt, in the yere 1496, in the moneths of June and
July; or whether wee be contente to yelde to Gomera, which saieth Columbus
sett furthe of the discovery of the firme lande, 1497; yet wee of England
are the firste discoverers of the continent above a yere and more before
them, to witt, 1496. or, as Clement Adams saith, 1494. in the chapiter of
Gabbotts mapp _De terra nova_, which is above three yeres before the
Spaniarde, or any other for the Kinges of Spaine, had any sighte of any
parte of the firme lande of the Indies. At leaste wise, by Gomera his owne
confession, from 37. degrees of northerly latitude to 38. towardes the
equinoctiall, we have beste righte and title of any Christian. As for the
discovery of John Ponce de Leon, beinge _in anno_ 1512. yt cannot be
prejudiciall to our title, as beinge made sixtene yeres after Gabotes
voyadge.
Chap. XIX. An aunswer to the Bull of the Donation of all the West Indies
graunted to the Kinges of Spaines by Pope Alexander the VIth, whoe was
himselfe a Spaniarde borne.
Whereas Fraunces Lopez de Gomera, in the 19. chapiter of his firste booke
of his Generall Historie of the Indies, putteth downe that Pope Alexander
the VIth, of his proper will and of his owne mere motion, with the
consents of his Cardinalls, gave of his free grace to the Kinges of Spaine
all the iles and firme landes which they shoulde discover towardes the
west, and therewithall alledged the Bull itselfe; I aunswer, that no Pope
had any lawfull aucthoritie to give any such donation at all. For proofe
whereof, I say that, if he were no more than Christes vycar, as Gomera
calleth him in that place, then he must needes graunte that the vicar is
no greater then his Master. Nowe, our Saviour Christe, beinge requested
and entreated to make a lawfull devision of inheritaunce betwene one and
his brother, refused to do that, sayenge, Quis me constituit judicem inter
vos? Whoe made me a judge betwene you? What meaneth, then, the Pope, not
beinge spoken to nor entreated, of his owne proper will and of his owne
mere motion, to meddle in those matters that Christe in no wise, no, not
beinge thereunto instantly requested, woulde not have to deale in? Againe,
oure Saviour Christe confessed openly to Pilate, that his kingdome was not
of this worlde. Why, then, doth the Pope, that woulde be Christes
servaunte, take upon him the devision of so many kingdomes of the worlde?
If he had but remembred that which he hath inserted in the ende of his
owne Bull, to witt, that God is the disposer and distributer of kingdomes
and empires, he woulde never have taken upon him the devidinge of them
with his line of partition from one ende of the heavens to the other. The
historie of the poore boye whome God stirred upp to confounde and deride
the Spaniardes and Portingales, when they were devidinge the woride
betwene themselves alone, is so well knowen as I nede not stand to repeate
it. But it is the Popes manner alwayes to meddle, as in this matter, so in
other thinges, where they have nothinge to doe, and to intrude themselves
before they be called. They mighte rather call to mynde the counsell of
the goodd apostle, who tolde godly Tymothe, the Bisshoppe of Ephesus, that
no man that warreth intangleth himself with the affaires of this presente
life, because he woulde please Him that hath chosen him to be a souldier;
and then they woulde learne to kepe themselves within the lymites of that
vocation and ecclesiasticall function whereunto they are called; which
ecclestiasticall function hath nothinge to doe with absolute donation and
devidinge of mere temporalties and earthly kingdomes. St. Chrisostome, in
his dialogue De dignitate sacerdotali, saieth that the mynisterie is a
chardge geven by God to teache withoute armes or force, and that the same
is no power to give or to take kingdomes, nor to make lawes for the
publique governemente. St. Hillary writes as moche to the Emperour
Constantine againste Auxentius, Bisshoppe of Milan. Our Saviour Christe
himselfe saieth to his desciples, that while they were in the worlde, they
shoulde be broughte before kinges and pollitique magistrates for his names
sake. So then they shoulde not be judges and magistrates themselves,
especially in the devisions of kingdomes; and, to leave all spirituall men
an example, he paid tribute and toll for himselfe and Peter, and submitted
himselfe and his apostles under the civill magistrate and politique
governemente; yet the Pope, whoe saieth that he is Peters successor, will
be a disposer of civill causes and temporall domynions. The apostle
saieth, Romaines the 13: Let every soule be submitted unto the higher
powers. Nowe, if the Popes will not beleve the worde of God withoute the
exposition of the Fathers of the Churche, at leaste let them beleve St
Chrisostome, and give eare to that which he hath written upon this place:
That these thinges be comaunded to all men, saieth he, bothe to prestes
and monckes, and not onely to secular or laymen, the Apostle declareth,
even in the very begynnynge, when he saieth in this manner: Let every
soule be subjecte unto their higher powers, thoughe thou were an apostle,
thoughe thou were an evangeliste, thoughe thou were a prophet, or thoughe
thou were any other whatsoever. For obedience dothe nothinge hinder
godlines.
But the Popes woulde prove that they may give and bestowe kingdomes upon
whome they please, by Samuels example that annoynted Hazaell Kinge of
Siria insteade of Benhadad, and Jehu Kinge of Israeli insteade of Jehoram;
as, also, by the example of Jehoada, the highe preste, that put the Queene
Athalia to deathe, and placed Joas, the younge sonne of Ochosias in the
kingdome. All those examples make nothinge at all in the worlde for them;
for neither Samuell, nor Elias, nor Elizeus did any thinge in that matter
withoute an expresse commaundement and all circumstances from the mouthe
of God himselfe, as appereth moste evidently by their severall histories
in the Bible. Samuell also did his comission full sore againste his will;
and Elias and Elizeus, with greate feare of their lyves. As for Athalia,
she was an usurper, and had cruelly murdered as many of the lawfull
inheritours of the kingdome as she coulde possibly lay handes on; and
therefore Jehoiada, the highe preste, not of his owne absolute
aucthoritie, but by the helpe of the Kinges officers and joyfull consente
of all the people, caused her moste justely to be deposed and put to
deathe. He was also uncle to the younge Kinge, by mariage of his wife,
Jebosheba, which was sister to Ahasai, the father of the younge kinge, and
therefore bounde, in conscience and affinitie, to helpe him to his righte
and succour him in his mynoritie. Nowe, when the Popes have the like
excellent spirite of prophesie and the like chardges and expresse
commaundementes from Gods owne mouthe, in the behalf of some one by name
againste some one which God by name woulde have deposed, then they may
ymitate them in pronouncinge unto them that God will rente their kingdomes
from this or that kinge for his synnes. But none of the Prophetts made
bulls or donations in their palaces, under their handes and seales and
dates, to bestowe many kingdomes, which they never sawe or knewe, nor what
nor howe large they were, or, to say the truthe, whether they were extant
_in rerum natura_, as the Pope hath done in gevinge all the West Indies to
the Kinges of Spaine. He shoulde firste have don as the prophetts dyd;
that is, he shoulde firste have gon himselfe and preached the worde of God
to those idolatrous kinges and their people; and then, if they woulde not,
by any meanes, have repented, he mighte have pronounced the severe and
heavie judgemente of God againste them, shewinge oute of the worde of God
that one kingdome is translated from another for the sinnes of the
inhabitantes of the same, and that God in his justice, woulde surely
bringe some nation or other upon them, to take vengeaunce of their synnes
and wickednes. And thus moche not onely Popes, but also any other godly
and zealous bisshope or mynister, may doe, beinge called thereunto by God
extraordinarily, or havinge the ordinarye warrante of his worde.
Yea, but the Popes can shewe goodd recordes that they have deposed
Emperors, that they have translated empires from one people to another, as
that of the Easte unto the Germaines, and that they have taken kingdomes
from one nation and geven them to another. In deede, in some respectes,
they have done so. But how? They never gave that which was in their
actuall possession, yf by any meanes possible they mighte have kepte it
themselves. It is an easie matter to cutt large thonges, as wee say, of
other men’s hides, and to be liberall of other men’s goodds. Neither ys it
any marvaile thoughe (as Gomera saieth) the Pope gave all the West Indies
of his free grace to the Kinge of Spaine, for they never coste him a
penye. But he that will be in deede and truthe liberall, he muste give of
his owne, and not of other mens. For to take from one that which is his,
to give it to another to whom it is not due, ys plaine injurie and no
liberalitie, thoughe the gifte were bestowed upon him that were in nede.
For as one saieth: Eripere alteri fraudulenter quod alteri des
misericorditer, iniustitia quidem est et non eleemosyna—to take from one
fraudulently to give to another mercifully, is no almes nor charitie, but
plaine iniquitie. The Pope shoulde rather have sent into the West Indies
store of godly pastors of his owne coste freely, then to have geven them
and their gooddes wrongfully to be eaten upp and devoured of such
insatiable and gredy wolves. He should have remembred the worde of our
Saviour, whoe saieth: Beatius est dare quam accipere—it is a blessed
thinge to give rather then to receave. The Popes say they gave Ireland to
Kinge Henry the Seconde and his successors; and indeede they have don it
in wordes. But when gave they that unto him? Forsoothe after he had faste
footinge in it, and when Dermutius, the King of Leynester, had firste
offred to make the Kinge his heire. And for all their donation, yf the
Kinge had not by his force more then by their gifte holpe himselfe, the
Popes donation had stoode him in small stede; neither did the Kinges of
Ireland admitt and allowe of the Popes donation. If they had, they woulde
never have rebelled so ofte againste the Crowne of England. To conclude
this pointe, thoughe wee confesse that the Popes have don this or that,
yet yt is no goodd argumente to say that they did it, and therefore it is
lawfull, unless they coulde shewe that they did it rightfully. De facto
constat, de jure non constat. And they themselves are driven to confess,
that their medlinge on this sorte with kingdomes ys not directly, but
indirectly. But suche indirecte dealinge is warranted neither by lawe of
God nor men.
Nowe to the donation itselfe, wee are firste to consider, whoe it was that
was the author thereof; secondly, unto whome it was made; thirdly, what
were the causes and inducementes that moved the Pope thereunto; fourthly,
the fourme and manner of donation; fyftly, the inhibition of all other
Christian Princes, and the penaltie of all them that shoulde doe the
contrarye; lastly, the recompence of the Kinges of Spaine to the Sea of
Rome for so greate a gifte.
1. Touchinge the firste, the author hereof was Pope Alexander the vith
whoe, as Platina and Onuphrius and Bale doe write, was himselfe a
Spaniarde, and borne in Valencia, of the familie called Borgia, and
therefore no marvell thoughe he were ledd by parcialitie to favour the
Spanishe nation, thoughe yt were to the prejudice and domage of all
others; whiche foule faulte of his may hereby appeare, that havinge in all
the tyme of his Popedome created sixe and thirtie Cardinalles, of those
xxxvj. he made xviij. to witt the one halfe, Spaniardes, as Bale dothe
testifie, writinge of his life. Nowe let any man be judge, whether that
were extreame parcialitie and ambition, to make Spaine equal in that
pointe with all the rest of Christendome. No marvaile therefore, thoughe
as in this, so in his donation, he was beyonde all reason caried away with
blynde affection to his nation; which faulte of his had bene more to be
borne withall, yf it had bene in a private or small matter. But in this so
generall and comon cause, yt cannot choose but be altogether intollerable.
If any man liste to see this man painted oute further in his colours, let
him reade John Bale in his Eighte Century, where he shall finde so many of
his badd partes, as a man woulde thinke he coulde not be a fitt man to
make a goodd and uprighte judge in so weightie a matter as this.
2. The persons to whome he made this donation were Ferdinando and
Isabella, Princes of Spaine, to whome, and to their heires and successors
for ever, he confirmed the same, excludinge all other Christian princes.
These princes, thoughe otherwise very vertuous and commendable, yet at the
tyme of the makinge of this donation, were more unable then divers other
Kinges of Christendome to accomplishe and bringe the same to effecte, as
beinge greately ympoverished with the warres of Granadae, so farr furthe
that they were constrained to seke for helpe of Kinge Henry the VIIth. of
England, to subdue the Moores in their owne contrie. Yea, Queene Isabella
was so poore and bare that she was faine to offer her owne jewells to
gage, to borowe money to sett furthe Columbus in his firste voyadge, as it
is to be seene in the 14. chapiter of the Historie of Ferdinandus
Columbus, his owne sonne, It is also well knowen that the Spaniardes, for
wante of people of their owne contrie, have not bene able nowe, in the
space of xx’iiii. and xij. yeres, to inhabite a thirde or fourthe parte of
those excedinge large and waste contries, which are as greate as all
Europe and Africke.
3. The inducementes that moved his Holines to graunt these unequall
donations unto Spaine were, firste, (as he saieth) his singuler desire and
care to have the Christian religion and Catholicque faithe exalted, and to
be enlarged and spredd abroade throughoute the worlde, especially in his
daies, and that the salvation of soules shoulde be procured of every one,
and that the barbarous nations shoulde be subdued and reduced to the
faithe, &c. To this I aunswer that, if he had ment as in deede he saieth,
he shoulde not have restrayned this so greate and generall a worke,
belonginge to the duetie of all other Christian princes, unto the Kinges
of Spaine onely, as thoughe God had no servauntes but in Spaine; or as
thoughe other Christian kinges then lyvinge had not as greate zeale and
meanes to advaunce Gods glory as they; or howe mente he that every one
shoulde put their helpinge hande to this worke, when he defended all other
Christian Princes, in paine of his heavie curse and excomunication, to
meddle in this action, or to employe their subjectes, thoughe yt were to
the conversion of the inhabitauntes in those partes. And whereas, to
colour this his donation, he addeth, that the Kinges of Spaine had bene at
greate chardge in that discoverie in respect whereof he was induced to
deale so franckly with them, yt is evident that the Bull was graunted in
the yere 1493. the iiij. of the moneth of May, at what time Columbus had
made but one voyadge, wherein he was furnished onely with one small shippe
and twoo little caravells, and had, in all his companie, but foure score
and tenne men, and the whole voyadge stoode the Kinge of Spaine in 2500.
crownes only. So these 2500. crownes were the greate chardges that the
Pope speaketh of, that induced him to graunte so large a donation; for
that was the uttermoste that Columbus desired, as is to be redd in the 14.
chapiter of his owne sonnes historie.
Moreover, where the Pope confesseth he was informed, before the donation
of his Bull, that the Kinges of Spaine had purposed, by the aide of God,
to subdue and reduce unto the faithe all those landes and Ilandes, with
their inhabitantes, whiche Columbus had founde in his firste discovery, in
comendinge highly of this their intention, he semeth to confesse that they
mighte have pursued that godly action very lawfully withoute makinge of
him privy to their enterprice, which they did not in their firste sendinge
furthe Columbus. And with what righte he builded and lefte men in
Hispaniola at the firste, before the Popes donation, with the selfe same
righte he mighte have subdued all that he shoulde afterwardes discover.
So, then, the Popes gifte was of no more force, then of that which they
mighte have chalenged by their former righte and interest of discoverie.
And as for their former zeale and resolution to publishe the Christian
faithe in those quarters, which the Pope confesseth to have bene in them
before his donation, whoe seeth not that he stirres them uppe to nothinge,
but to that which he acknowledged to have bene in them already; and so he
did nothinge but _actum agere_.
Againe; in that he saieth, that in no other respecte, but moved onely by
his mere and francke liberaltie, _and for certeine secrete causes_, he
gave unto them all the ilandes and firme landes which already have bene
founde, and which shoulde afterwardes be founde, which were then
discovered or afterwardes to be discovered, towardes the West and the
Southe, drawinge a straighte line from the pole articke to the pole
antarticke, whether the ilandes or firme landes founde or to be founde
were towardes the Indies or towardes any other quarter; intendinge,
nevertheles, that this line be distant an hundred leagues towardes the
West and the Southe from the iles which are comonly called the Azores, or
those of Cape Verd: to this wee aunswer, that here wee are firste to
consider that yt was no marvell that his Holines, beinge a Spaniarde
borne, sett aparte all other respectes of justice and equitie, and of his
mere motion and francke liberalitie was ready to raise and advaunce his
owne nation, with doinge secrete wronge and injurie as moche as in him
laye, and more, unto all other Princes of Christendome. For what els can
those wordes importe, that he did it also for certen secrete causes, but
give us juste cause to suspect that there wanted uprighte, indifferent,
and sincere dealinges? And surely, if he had meant uprightly, he woulde
have delte more plainely; for truths seketh no secrete comers. But if you
will have me to reveale those secrete causes, to say as the thinge was,
they were nothinge else but the feare and jelousie that he had, that Kinge
Henry the vij’th. of England, with whome Bartholmewe Columbus had bene to
deale in this enterprice, and even aboute this time had concluded with the
Kinge upon all pointers and articles, whoe even nowe was readie to sende
him into Spaine to call his brother Christopher into England, shoulde put
a foote into this action; which, if he had don, he shoulde bothe have
share with the Spaniardes in the profitt, and greatly ecclips their honour
and glorie. Also, he coulde not choose but be privie to the longe
conference that Christopher Columbus had before time with the Kinge of
Portingale, and offer which he made firste of all to the said Kinge of
this discovery, whoe thoughe at the firste delte doubly with Columbus, and
sent other to finde oute that thinge which Columbus offered, yet, they
missinge of their purpose, the Kinge of Portingale woulde have employed
Columbus, and delte effectually with him to that ende; but he conceavinge
a greate displeasure againste the Kinge and his nation for his secrete
seekinge to defraude him of his honour, and benefite of his offer, stole
prively oute of his realme into Castile. But the Pope, fearinge that
either the Kinge of Portingale mighte be reconciled to Columbus, or that
he mighte be drawen into England, by interposinge of his usurped
aucthoritie, thoughte secretly, by his unlawfull division, to defraude
England and Portingale of that benefite. Loe, these were indeede those
secrete causes, sodenly, withoute makinge the other Kinges privie, to make
his generall and universall donation of all the West Indies to the Kinges
of Spaine, by drawinge a lyne of partition from one pole unto another,
passinge a hundred leagues westwarde of the Iies of Azores; which
division, howe God caused to be deryded by the mouthe of a poor, simple
childe, Fraunces Lopez de Gomera, one of the Spaniardes owne
historiographers, dothe specially note in manner followinge: Before I
finishe this chapiter (saieth he), I will recite, to recreate the reader,
that which happened, upon this partition, to the Portingales. As Fraunces
de Melo, Diego Lopes of Sequeria, and others, came to this assembly, and
passed the river by Quidiana, a little infant that kepte his mothers
clothes, which she had washt and honge abroade to drye, demaunded of them,
whether they were those that shoulde come to devide the worlde with the
Emperour; and as they answered yea, he tooke up his shirte behinde and
shewed them his buttocks, sayenge unto them: Drawe your lyne throughe the
middest of this place. This, saieth the author, was published in contempte
all abroade, bothe in the towne of Badayos and also in the assemblye of
these committies. The Portingales were greately angrie therewithall, but
the rest turned yt to a jest and laughed yt oute.
But what wise man seeth not that God by that childe laughed them to
scorne, and made them ridicullous and their partition in the eyes of the
worlde and in their owne consciences, and caused the childe to reprove
them, even as the dombe beaste, speakinge with mans voyce, reproved the
foolishnes of Balam the Prophett!
4. The fourthe pointe which I purpose to touche, is the forme and manner
of the stile of the donation itselfe, after a large preface and connynge
preamble; and that begynneth in this manner: Wee therefore, by the
aucthoritie of God Almightie, which is geven to us in the person of
Saincte Peter, and which wee enjoye in this worlde as the vicar of Jhesus
Christe, give unto you all the ilandes and firme landes, with their
seigniories, cities, castells, &c. In which repetition of his donation the
seconde time for failinge, he woulde shewe unto the world by what
aucthoritie and warrant he gave away from all the Indians their landes,
contries, seigniories, cities, castells, places, villages, righte,
jurisdictions, and all other appurtenances and thinges belonginge to the
same, to the Kinges of Spaine onely, and to their heires and successors
for ever. This usurped aucthoritie, as I have plainely confuted and denied
in begynnynge, so nowe, in a worde or twoo, I will shewe, that never gave
unto the Popes any suche aucthoritie. (M252) The chefest and greatest
aucthoritie that ever was geven by Christe to Peter, is mentioned in the
16. chapiter of St. Mathewe, where Christe saieth unto him: I will give
unto thee the keyes of the Kingdome of heaven, and whatsoever thou shalte
binde in earthe shalbe bounde in heaven, and whatsoever thou shalte loose
in earthe shalbe loosed in heaven. St. Hierome, expoundinge of this place,
saieth, that the priestes or bisshops duetie and aucthoritie of the keyes
to binde or loose, is to knowe and declare by the holy Scripture, and by
the judgemente of the Catholicque Churche, where and whoe he is that hath
offended againste the will of God, and whoe beinge once a Christian is
fallen from the societie, or gone astraye oute of the pathe and waye of
the Churche. These are the trewe keyes and twoo swordes which God hath put
into prestes handes. And Peter Lombard, the Master of the Sentences, one
of their owne doctors, is of St. Hieromes opinion. And what aucthoritie in
the place above recited Christe comitted unto Peter, the same gave he also
unto all the rest of his Apostles, John 20. verse 21. sayenge to them all:
Whoesoever synnes yee remitte, they are remitted unto them; and whoesoever
synnes yee retaine, they are retained. But that either Peter or any of the
Apostles did teache or affirme, that they had aucthoritie to give awaye
kingdomes of heathen Princes to those that were so farr from havinge any
interest in them, that they knewe not whether there were any suche
contries in the worlde or noe, I never reade nor hearde, nor any mane
else, as I verely beleve. Which moste injuste and wrongfull dealinge of
the Pope was notably confuted by Atabalipa, beinge an infidell. For after
Fryer Vincent of Valverde, of the companie and traine of Piçar, had made
an oration to him, the some whereof was that he shoulde become a
Christyan, and that he shoulde obey the Pope and the Emperor, to whome the
Pope had geven his kingdome, Atabalipa, beinge greately insensed, replied,
that, seeinge he was nowe free, he woulde not become tributarye, nor
thincke that there was any greater lorde then himselfe; but that he was
willinge to be the Emperor’s frende and to have his acquaintaunce, for
that he muste nedes be some greate lorde that sente so many armies abroade
into the worlde. He aunswered, moreover, that he woulde not in any wise
obey the Pope, seinge he gave away that which belonged to another, moche
lesse that he woulde leave his kingdome, that came unto him by
inheritaunce, to one which he had never seene in his life. And whereas
Fryer Vincent, beinge displeased at his replye, was gladd to seeke any
waye to wreake his anger upon him, insomoche as when Atabalipa lett his
portesse fall to the grounde, he was so testye that he sett Piçar and his
souldiers forwardes, cryenge, Vengeaunce, Christians, vengeaunce! give the
chardge upon them; whereby many Indians, withoute resistaunce, or any
stroke stricken on their partes, were moste pitefully murdred and
massacred, and Atabalipa himselfe taken, and afterwardes trecherously put
to deathe; this Frier himselfe, by Gods juste iudgement, was afterwardes
beaten to deathe with clubbes by the inhabitantes of Puna, as he fledd
from Don Diego de Almagre, as Fraunces Lopez de Gomera precisely and of
purpose noteth, libro 5. cap. 85. of his Generall Historie of the Indies;
and, besides him, all the reste of the chefe that were the executioners of
his rashe counsell, and of the Popes Donation, came to moste wretched and
unfortunate endes, as the aforesaide author there setteth downe in twoo
severall chapiters of Considerations, as he calleth them.
Moreover, since the fourme of the donation ronneth not absolutely, but
with this condition and chardge moste straightly enjoyned, viz., that the
Kinges of Spaine shoulde sende thither sober and godly men, and cause the
inhabitantes of those contries discovered or to be discovered to be
instructed in the Catholique faithe, and noseled in goodd manners, and
that they shoulde carefully applye themselves thereunto; wee answer, that
these conditions have bene wonderfully neglected, and that neither the
people have bene carefully instructed in relligion nor manners, and
consequently that the conditions beinge not perfourmed the donation oughte
of righte to be voide. For the Kinges of Spaine have sent suche helhoundes
and wolves thither as have not converted, but almoste quite subverted
them, and have rooted oute above fiftene millions of reasonable creatures,
as Bartholmewe de Casas, the Bisshoppe of Chiapa in the West Indies, a
Spaniarde borne, dothe write at large in a whole volume of that argumente.
And Gonsalvo de Ouiedo, another of their owne historiographers, and
Capitaine of the Castle of Sancto Domingo in Hispaniola, affirmeth the
like: For there hath Spaniardes come into these contries, saieth he,
which, havinge lefte their consciences and all feare of God and men
behinde them, have plaied the partes not of men, but of dragons and
infidells, and, havinge no respecte of humanitie, have bene the cause that
many Indians, that peradventure mighte have bene converted and saved, are
deade by divers and sondrie kindes of deathes. And althoughe those people
had not bene converted, yet if they had bene lett to live, they mighte
have bene profitable to your Majestie and an aide unto the Christians, and
certaine partes of the lande shoulde not wholy have bene disinhabited,
which by this occasion are altogether in a manner dispeopled. And they
that have bene the cause of suche destruction call this contrie thus
dispeopled and wasted, the contrie conquered and pacified; but I call it,
quoth Gonsaluo, the contrie which is destroyed and ruyned; yea, so farr
have they bene of from drawinge the Indians to the likinge of
Christianitie and true Relligion, that the sentence of the Apostle may
moste truly be verified of them, whoe saieth: The name of God is
blasphemed amonge the Gentiles throughe you; ffor proofe whereof you shall
not nede to reade but that which Peter Benzo of Milan hath written, whoe
remayned in these Indies, and served in the warres with the Spaniardes
againste the Indians for the space of fourtene yeres. This Benzo saieth
that the Indians, not havinge studied logicke, concluded very pertinently
and categorically, that the Spaniardes, which spoiled their contrie, were
more dangerous then wilde beastes, more furious then lyons, more fearefull
and terrible then fire and water, or any thinge that is moste outeragious
in the worlde. Some also called them the fome of the sea, others gave them
names of the beastes which are moste cruell and lyvinge of praye which
they have in their contrie. There were some likewise that called them
Tuira, as one would say, the Devills goodd grace.
Those thinges beinge thus, whoe seeth not that the Pope is frustrated of
the ende which he intended in his Donation, and so the same oughte not to
take effecte?
5. Ffiftly, yf yt be true and that the Pope mente goodd earnest, that all
Emperours and Kinges which should sende their subjectes or others to
discover withoute the Kinge of Spaines leave shoulde be excommunicated by
him, why did he not first excommunicate Kinge Henry the Seaventh for
sendinge furthe Sebastian Gabota with three hundred Englishemen, whoe by
Gomera his owne confession, discovered from 58. degrees in the northe to
38. degrees towardes the equinoctiall? Why did he not the like to Kinge
Henry the Eighte for sendinge to discover westwarde, in the xixth. yere of
his reigne, while he was yet in obedience to the Churche of Rome? Why was
he not offended and incensed againste Queene Mary, whoe suffered her
subjectes, in the yere 1556. to seke oute, by the northeaste, the way to
Cathaio and China, which are bothe within the pretended lymites of his
donation, as John Gaetan and other Spaniardes doe write? Why did he not
exercise his censures ecclesiasticall againste the Kinge of Ffraunce,
Fraunces the Firste, for sendinge furthe Verarsanus twise or thrise,
Iaques Cartier twise, and Robervall once, towardes the southwest and
northwest? Why was not Henry the Seconde of Fraunce excomunicated for
sendinge Villegagnon to inhabite in Brasill under the tropicke of
Capricorne? Or Charles the IXth. for aidinge Ribault firste, and after
Ladoniere, and a thirde tyme Ribault, to fortifie and inhabite in Florida?
Or why did he not thunder againste Emanuell, Kinge of Portingale, for
sufferinge Gasper Corterealis twise to seke to finde oute the northweste
passage, and one of his brothers another time afterwarde? Or wherefore did
he not openly rebuke the Kinge of Denmarke for sufferinge his subjecte,
John Scolno, a Dane, in the yere 1500. to seke the Straighte by the
northweste, of whome Gemma Frisius and Hieronymo Giraua, a Spaniarde, make
mention? Or what shoulde be the reason, that all these kinges of England,
Fraunce, Portingale and Denmarke, beinge otherwise all at these times in
obedience of the Churche of Rome, shoulde, withoute consente as yt were,
disanull and neuer make accompte of this Bull of the Pope? which thinge
doubtles they woulde never have don, yf they had bene fully perswaded in
their consciences, that if any Prince or Emperour, of what estate or
condition soever, shoulde attempte the contrary, as it is in the
conclusion of the said Bull, he shoulde be assured to incurr the
indignation of Almightie God and of the Apostles St. Peter and St. Pawle.
But nowe, seinge all the kinges aforesaide sente all their subjectes to
discover beyonde the Popes partition lyne withoute the leave or permission
of the Spaniarde, they seme with one accorde to testifie unto the worlde,
that they made no reconynge of the breache of that Bull, as of an acte
moste unjuste, moste unreasonable, and moste prejudiciall to all other
Christian princes of the worlde.
Againe; yt were small charitie in the Popes to curse those Princes that
have bene or are willinge to employe their treasures and people in
advauncinge the honour and glory of God, and the lawfull enrichinge and
benefite of their people. And whatsoeuer Pope shoulde excommunicate or
curse any Christian prince for seekinge to reduce to the knowledge of God
and to civill manners those infinite multitudes of infidells and heathen
people of the West Indies, which the Spaniardes in all this time have not
so moche as discovered, moche less subdued or converted, his curse woulde
lighte upon his owne heade, and, to those which he cursed undeservedly,
woulde be turned to a blessinge.
To be shorte; thoughe Pope Alexander the vj’th by his unequall division,
hath so puffed upp and inflamed with pride his moste ambitious and
insatiable contrymen, that they are growen to this high conceite of
themselves, that they shall shortly attaine to be lordes and onely
seigniors of all the earthe, insomoche as Gonsaluo de Ouiedo sticketh not
to write to Charles the Emperour, sayenge: God hath geven you these Indies
_accio che vostra Maiesta sia universale et unico monarcha del mondo_—to
the intente that your Majesty shoulde be the universall and onely monarch
of the world; yet God that sitteth in heaven laugheth them and their
partitions to scorne, and he will abase and bringe downe their proude
lookes, and humble ther faces to the duste; yea, he will make them, at his
goodd time and pleasure, to confesse that the earthe was not made for them
onely; as he hath already shewed unto the Portingales, which, not longe
since, takinge upon them to devide the worlde with lynes, doe nowe beholde
the line of Gods juste judgmente drawen over themselves and their owne
kingdome and possessions. And nowe, no doubte, many of them remember that
the threateninge of the prophet hath taken holde upon them, whoe
pronounceth an heavie woe againste all suche as spoile, because they
themselves shall at length be spoiled.
6. Finally, to come to the sixte and laste pointe, yf you consider what
recompense the Kinges of Spaine have made to the Popes for this so greate
a benefite bestowed upon them, you shall easely see and acknowledge with
me, that they were either moste ungrateful, or, which is moste likely,
that they never thoughte that they helde the Indies as the Popes gifte
unto them, or that their title unto those regions depended upon his
francke almes or liberalitie; ffor, if they had don soe, they coulde have
done no lesse but have geven him the presentation of all archebisshopricks
and bisshoprickes, and other greate ecclesiastical promotions in
recompence of their former and large curtesie, wherein they have don the
flatt contrary, reservinge onely unto themselves the presentation and
patronage of all the archebisshopricks and bisshopricks that they have
erected in the West Indies; ffor, as Gomera saieth in his 6. booke and 23.
chapiter of his Generall Historie of the Indies, the Kinge of Spaine is
patrone of all the archebisshopricks, bysshoprickes, dignities, and
benefices of the West Indies, and so he onely appointeth and presenteth
them, so that he is absolute lorde of the Indies.
This argueth that the Kinges of Spaine never made any greate accompte of
the Popes Donation, but onely to blinde the eyes of the worlde with the
sea of Rome; ffor doubtles, if they had acknowledged their tenure to
depende, as I saied, of the Popes mere liberalitie, they woulde have don
otherwise, and woulde have requited them farr otherwise then by excludinge
them quite oute, and makinge themselves absolute patrones of all
ecclesiasticall dignities whatsoever.
Chap. XX. A briefe collection of certaine reasons to induce her Majestie
and the state to take in hande the westerne voyadge and the plantinge
there.
1. The soyle yeldeth, and may be made to yelde, all the severall
comodities of Europe, and of all kingdomes, domynions, and territories
that England tradeth withe, that by trade of marchandize cometh into this
realme.
2. The passage thither and home is neither to longe nor to shorte, but
easie, and to be made twise in the yere.
3. The passage cutteth not nere the trade of any prince, nor nere any of
their contries or territories, and is a safe passage, and not easie to be
annoyed by prince or potentate whatsoever.
4. The passage is to be perfourmed at all times of the yere, and in that
respecte passeth our trades in the Levant Seas within the Straites of
Juberalter, and the trades in the seas within the Kinge of Denmarkes
Straite, and the trades to the portes of Norwey and of Russia, &c.; for as
in the south weste Straite there is no passage in somer by lacke of
windes, so within the other places there is no passage in winter by yse
and extreme colde.
5. And where England nowe for certen hundreth yeres last passed, by the
peculiar comoditie of wolles, and of later yeres by clothinge of the same,
hath raised it selfe from meaner state to greater wealthe and moche higher
honour, mighte, and power then before, to the equallinge of the princes of
the same to the greatest potentates of this parte of the worlde: it cometh
nowe so to passe, that by the greate endevour of the increase of the trade
of wolles in Spaine and in the West Indies, nowe daily more and more
multiplienge, that the wolles of England, and the clothe made of the same,
will become base, and every day more base then other; which, prudently
weyed, yt behoveth this realme, yf it meane not to returne to former olde
meanes and basenes, but to stande in present and late former honour,
glorye, and force, and not negligently and sleepingly to slyde into
beggery, to foresee and to plante at Norumbega or some like place, were it
not for any thing els but for the hope of the vent of our woll indraped,
the principall and in effecte the onely enrichinge contynueinge naturall
comoditie of this realme. And effectually pursueinge that course, wee
shall not onely finde on that tracte of lande, and especially in that
firme northwarde (to whome warme clothe shalbe righte wellcome), an ample
vente, but also shall, from the north side of that firme, finde oute
knowen and unknowen ilandes and domynions replenisbed with people that may
fully vent the aboundance of that our comoditie, that els will in fewe
yeres waxe of none or of small value by forreine aboundaunce, &c.; so as
by this enterprice wee shall shonne the ymmynent mischefe hanginge over
our heades, that els muste nedes fall upon the realme, without breache of
peace or sworde drawen againste this realme by any forreine state; and not
offer our auncient riches to scornefull neighboures at home, nor sell the
same in effecte for nothinge, as wee shall shortly, if presently it be not
provaided for. The increase of the wolles of Spaine and America is of
highe pollicie, with greate desire of our overthrowe, endevoured; and the
goodnes of the forren wolles our people will not enter into the
consideration of, nor will not beleve aughte, they be so sotted with
opinion of their owne; and, yf it be not foresene and some such place of
vent provided, farewell the goodd state of all degrees in this realme.
6. This enterprise may staye the Spanishe Kinge from flowinge over all the
face of that waste firme of America, yf wee seate and plante there in
time, in tyme I say, and wee by plantinge shall lett him from makinge more
shorte and more safe returnes oute of the noble portes of the purposed
places of our plantinge, then by any possibilitie he can from the parte of
the firme that nowe his navies by ordinary courses come from, in this that
there is no comparison betwene the portes of the coastes that the Kinge of
Spaine dothe nowe possesse and use, and the portes of the coastes that our
nation is to possesse by plantinge at Norumbega and on that tracte faste
by, more to the northe and northeaste, and in that there is from thence a
moche shorter course, and a course of more temperature, and a course that
possesseth more contynuance of ordinary windes, then the present course of
the Spanishe Indian navies nowe dothe. And England possessinge the
purposed place of plantinge, her Majestie may, by the benefete of the
seate, havinge wonne goodd and royall havens, have plentie of excellent
trees for mastes, of goodly timber to builde shippes and to make greate
navies, of pitche, tarr, hempe, and all thinges incident for a navie
royall, and that for no price, and withoute money or request. Howe easie a
matter may yt be to this realme, swarminge at this day with valiant
youthes, rustinge and hurtfull by lacke of employment, and havinge goodd
makers of cable and of all sortes of cordage, and the best and moste
connynge shipwrights of the worlde, to be lordes of all those sees, and to
spoile Phillipps Indian navye, and to deprive him of yerely passage of his
treasure into Europe, and consequently to abate the pride of Spaine and of
the supporter of the greate Antechriste of Rome, and to pull him downe in
equalitie to his neighbour princes, and consequently to cut of the common
mischefes that come to all Europe by the peculiar aboundance of his Indian
treasure, and thiss withoute difficultie.
7. This voyadge, albeit it may be accomplished by barke or smallest
pynnesse for advise or for a necessitie, yet for the distaunce, for burden
and gaine in trade, the marchant will not for profitts sake use it but by
shippes of greate burden; so as this realme shall have by that meane
shippes of greate burden and of greate strengthe for the defence of this
realme, and for the defence of that newe seate, as nede shall require, and
withall greate increase of perfecte seamen, which greate princes in time
of warres wante, and which kinde of men are neither nourished in fewe
daies nor in fewe yeres.
8. This newe navie of mightie newe stronge shippes, so in trade to that
Norumbega and to the coastes there, shall never be subjecte to arreste of
any prince or potentate, as the navie of this realme from time to time
hath bene in the portes of the empire, in the portes of the Base Contries,
in Spaine, Fraunce, Portingale, &c., in the tymes of Charles the Emperour,
Fraunces the Frenche kinge, and others: but shall be alwayes free from
that bitter mischeefe, withoute grefe or hazarde to the marchaunte or to
the state, and so alwaies readie at the comaundement of the prince with
mariners, artillory, armor, and munition, ready to offende and defender as
shalbe required.
9. The greate masse of wealthe of the realme imbarqued in the marchantes
shippes, caried oute in this newe course, shall not lightly, in so farr
distant a course from the coaste of Europe, be driven by windes and
tempestes into portes of any forren princes, as the Spanishe shippes of
late yeres have bene into our portes of the Weste Contries, &c.; and so
our marchantes in respecte of a generall safetie from venture of losse,
are by this voyadge oute of one greate mischefe.
10. No forren commoditie that comes into England comes withoute payment of
custome once, twise, or thrise, before it come into the realme, and so all
forren comodities become derer to the subjectes of this realme; and by
this course to Norumbega forren princes customes are avoided; and the
forren comodities cheapely purchased, they become cheape to the subjectes
of England, to the common benefite of the people, and to the savinge of
greate treasure in the realme; whereas nowe the realme become the poore by
the purchasinge of forreine comodities in so greate a masse at so
excessive prices.
11. At the firste traficque with the people of those partes, the subjectes
of the realme for many yeres shall chaunge many cheape comodities of these
partes for thinges of highe valor there not estemed; and this to the
greate inrichinge of the realme, if common use faile not.
12. By the greate plentie of those regions the marchantes and their
factors shall lye there cheape, buye and repaire their shippes cheape, and
shall returne at pleasure withoute staye or restrainte of forreine prince;
whereas upon staies and restraintes the marchaunte raiseth his chardge in
sale over his ware; and, buyenge his wares cheape, he may mainteine trade
with smalle stocke, and withoute takinge upp money upon interest; and so
he shalbe riche and not subjecte to many hazardes, but shalbe able to
afforde the comodities for cheape prices to all subjectes of the realme.
13. By makinge of shippes and by preparinge of thinges for the same, by
makinge of cables and cordage, by plantinge of vines and olive trees, and
by makinge of wyne and oyle, by husbandrie, and by thousandes of thinges
there to be don, infinite nombers of the English nation may be set on
worke, to the unburdenynge of the realme with many that nowe lyve
chardgeable to the state at home.
14. If the sea coste serve for makinge of salte, and the inland for wine,
oiles, oranges, lymons, figges, &c. and for makinge of yron, all which
with moche more is hoped, withoute sworde drawen, wee shall cutt the combe
of the Frenche, of the Spanishe, of the Portingale, and of enemies, and of
doubtfull frendes, to the abatinge of their wealthe and force, and to the
greater savinge of the wealthe of the realme.
15. The substaunces servinge, wee may oute of those partes receave the
masse of wrought wares that now wee receave out of Fraunce, Flaunders,
Germanye, &c.: and so wee may daunte the pride of some enemies of this
realme, or at the leaste in parte purchase those wares, that nowe wee buye
derely of the Frenche and Flemynge, better cheape; and in the ende, for
the part that this realme was wonte to receave, dryve them out of trade to
idlenes for the settinge of our people on worke.
16. Wee shall by plantinge there inlarge the glory of the gospell, and
from England plante sincere religion, and provide a safe and a sure place
to receave people from all partes of the worlde that are forced to flee
for the truthe of Gods worde.
17. If frontier warres there chaunce to aryse, and if thereupon wee shall
fortifie, yt will occasion the trayninge upp of our youthe in the
discipline of warr, and make a nomber fitt for the service of the warres
and for the defence of our people there and at home.
18. The Spaniardes governe in the Indies with all pride and tyranie; and
like as when people of contrarie nature at the sea enter into gallies,
where men are tied as slaves, all yell and crye with one voice, _Liberta,
liberta_, as desirous of libertie and freedome, so no doubte whensoever
the Queene of England, a prince of such clemencie, shall seate upon that
firme of America, and shalbe reported throughe oute all that tracte to use
the naturall people there with all humanitie, curtesie, and freedome, they
will yelde themselves to her governemente, and revolte cleane from the
Spaniarde, and specially when they shall understande that she hath a noble
navie, and that she aboundeth with a people moste valiaunte for theyr
defence. And her Majestie havinge Sir Fraunces Drake and other subjectes
already in credite with the Symerons, a people or greate multitude
alreadye revolted from the Spanishe governmente, she may with them and a
fewe hundrethes of this nation, trayned upp in the late warres of Fraunce
and Flaunders, bringe greate thinges to passe, and that with greate ease;
and this broughte so aboute, her Majestie and her subjectes may bothe
enjoye the treasure of the mynes of golde and silver, and the whole trade
and all the gaine of the trade of marchandize, that none passeth thither
by the Spaniardes onely hande, of all the comodities of Europe; which
trade of marchandise onely were of it selfe suffycient (withoute the
benefite of the rich myne) to inriche the subjectes, and by customes to
fill her Majesties coffers to the full. And if it be highe pollicie to
mayneteyne the poore people of this realme in worke, I dare affirme that
if the poore people of England were five times as many as they be, yet all
mighte be sett on worke in and by workinge lynnen, and suche other thinges
of marchandize as the trade in the Indies dothe require.
19. The present shorte trades causeth the maryner to be caste of and ofte
to be idle, and so by povertie to fall to piracie. But this course to
Norumbega beinge longer, and a contynuance of the employmente of the
maryner, dothe kepe the maryner from ydlenes and necessitie; and so it
cutteth of the principall actions of piracie, and the rather because no
riche praye for them to take cometh directly in their course or any thing
nere their course.
20. Many men of excellent wittes and of divers singuler giftes,
overthrowen by sea, or by some folly of youthe, that are not able to live
in England, may there be raised againe, and doe their contrie goodd
service; and many nedefull uses there may (to greate purpose) require the
savinge of greate nombers, that for trifles may otherwise be devoured by
the gallowes.
21. Many souldiers and servitours, in the ende of the warres, that mighte
be hurtfull to this realme, may there be unladen, to the common profite
and quiet of this realme, and to our forreine benefite there, as they may
be employed.
22. The frye of the wandringe beggars of England, that growe upp ydly, and
hurtefull and burdenous to this realme, may there be unladen, better bredd
upp, and may people waste contries to the home and forreine benefite, and
to their owne more happy state.
23. If Englande crie oute and affirme, that there is so many in all trades
that one cannot live for another, as in all places they doe, this
Norumbega (if it be thoughte so goodd) offreth the remedie.
Chap. XXI. A note of some thinges to be prepared for the voyadge, which is
sett downe rather to drawe the takers of the voyadge in hande to the
presente consideration, then for any other reason; for that divers thinges
require preparation longe before the voyadge, withoute the which the
voyadge is maymed.
Dead Victuall.
Hoggs fleshe, barrelled and salted, in greate quantitie.
Befe, barrelled, in lesse quantitie.
Stockfishe, Meale in barrells.
Oatemeale, in barrells, nere cowched.
Ryse, Sallett Oile, barrelied Butter.
Cheese, Hony in barrells.
Currans, Raisons of the sonne.
Dried Prunes, Olives in barrells.
Beanes, dryed on the kill.
Pease, dried likewise.
Canary Wines, Hollocke.
Sacks racked.
Vinegar very stronge.
Aqua Vitæ.
Syders of Ffraunce, Spaine, and England.
Bere, brewed specially in speciall tyme.
Victuall by Rootes And Herbes.
Turnep Seede.
Passeneape Sede.
Radishe.
Cariott.
Naviewes.
Garlicke.
Onyons.
Leekes.
Melons.
Pompions.
Cowcombers.
Cabage Cole.
Parseley.
Lettis.
Endiffe.
Alexander.
Orege.
Tyme.
Rosemary.
Mustard Seede.
Fennell.
Anny Seedes, newe and freshe to be sowen.
The Encrese, Renewe, and the Continewe of Victuall at the Plantinge
Places, and Men and Thinges Incident and Tendinge to the Same.
Bores, Sowes.
Conies, Bucke and Dowe.
Doves, male and female.
Cockes, Hennes.
Duckes, male and female, for lowe soiles.
Turkies, male and female.
Wheat, Rye, Barley.
Bigge, or Barley Bere.
Oates, Beanes.
Pease, Ffacches.
Three square Graine.
Suger cane planters with the plantes.
Vyne planters.
Olyve planters.
Gardiners for herbes, rootes, and for all earthe frutes.
Graffers for frute trees.
Hunters, skilfull to kill wilde beasts for vittell.
Warryners to breede conies and to kill vermyn.
Fowlers.
Sea Fisshers.
Fresh water Fisshers.
Knytters of netts.
Butchers.
Salters and seasoners of vittell.
Salte makers.
Cookes.
Bakers.
Brewers.
Greyhounds to kill deere, &c.
Mastives to kill heavie beastes of rapyne and for nighte watches.
Bloude houndes to recover hurte dere.
Provisions Tendinge to Force.
Men experte in the arte of fortification.
Platformes of many formes redied to carry with you by advise of the
best.
Capitaines of longe and of greate experience.
Souldiers well trayned in Fflaunders to joyne with the younger.
Harqubusshiers of skill.
Archers, stronge bowmen.
Bowyers.
Ffletchers.
Arrow head makers.
Bow stave preparers.
Glew makers.
Morryce pike makers, and of halbert staves.
Makers of spades and shovells for pyoners, trentchers, and forte
makers.
Makers of basketts to cary earthe to fortes and rampiers.
Pioners and spademen for fortification.
Salte peter makers.
Gonne powder makers.
Targett makers of hornes, defensive againste savages.
Oylethole doublett makers, defensive, lighte and gentle to lye in.
Turners of targetts of elme, and of other toughe woodds lighte.
Shippes, Pynesses, Barkes, Busses with flatt bottoms, furnished with
experte Seamen.
Swifte boates and barges to passe by winde and oare, covered with
quilted canvas of defence againste shott from the shoare, to perce
ryvers for discoverie, and to passe to and froe, offensive and
defensive againste savages devised by Mr. Bodenham of Spaine.
Shipwrights in some nomber to be employed on the timber.
Oare makers, and makers of cable and cordage.
Provisions Incident to the First Traficque and Trade of Marchandize.
Grubbers and rooters upp of cipres, cedars and of all other faire
trees, for to be employed in coffers, deskes, &c., for traficque.
Mattocks, narrowe and longe, of yron to that purpose.
Millwrights, to make milles for spedy and cheap sawinge of timber
and boardes for trade, and first traficque of sucrue.
Millwrights, for corne milles.
Sawyers, for comon use.
Carpinters, for buildinges.
Joyners, to cutt oute the boordes into chests to be imbarqued for
England.
Blacksmithes, to many greate and nedefull uses.
Pitche makers.
Tarr makers.
Burners of asshes for the trade of sope asshes.
Cowpers, for barrells to inclose those asshes.
Tallow chandlers, to prepare the tallowe to be incasked for England.
Waxechandlers, to prepare waxe in like sorte.
Diers, to seeke in that firme that riche cochinilho and other
thinges for that trade.
Mynerall men.
Artesanes, Servinge our Firste Planters, Not in Traficque But For
Buildinges.