most familiar manner, and treated the duke's character without any
ceremony. "This wiseacre," said he, "is still a-bed; and, I think, the
best thing he can do is to sleep on till Christmas; for when he gets up,
he does nothing but expose his own folly. Since Grenville was turned
out, there has been no minister in this nation worth the meal that
whitened his periwig. They are so ignorant they scarce know a crab from
a cauliflower; and then they are such dunces, that there's no making
them comprehend the plainest proposition. In the beginning of the war,
this poor half-witted creature told me, in a great fright, that thirty
thousand French had marched from Acadia to Cape Breton. "Where did they
find transports?" said I. "Transports!" cried he, "I tell you they
marched by land."--"By land, to the island of Cape Breton?"--"What! is
Cape Breton an island?"--"Certainly."--"Hah! are you sure of that?" When
I pointed it out on the map, he examined it earnestly with his
spectacles; then taking me in his arms, "My dear C----," cried he, "you
always bring us good news. Egad, I'll go directly, and tell the king
that Cape Breton is an island."
[22] This scene is, of course, fiction, but it was published only three
years after Newcastle's death, and that it is absolutely true to life
every student of the period admits.
THE TRIAL AND EXECUTION OF ADMIRAL BYNG.
I.
HORACE WALPOLE TO SIR HORACE MANN.
ARLINGTON STREET,
_January 30, 1757_.
... All England is again occupied with Admiral Byng; he and his friends
were quite persuaded of his acquittal. The court-martial, after the
trial was finished, kept the whole world in suspense for a week; after
great debates and divisions amongst themselves, and despatching
messengers hither to consult lawyers whether they could not mitigate the
article of war, to which a negative was returned, they pronounced this
extraordinary sentence on Thursday: they condemn him to death for
_negligence_, but acquit him of _disaffection_ and _cowardice_ (the
other heads of the article) specifying the testimony of Lord Robert
Bertie in his favour, and unanimously recommending him to mercy; and
accompanying their sentence with a most earnest letter to the Lords of
the Admiralty to intercede for his pardon, saying, that finding
themselves tied up from moderating the article of war, and not being
able in conscience to pronounce that he had done all he could, they had
been forced to bring him in guilty, but beg he may be spared. The
discussions, and difference of opinions on this sentence is incredible.
The Cabinet Council, I believe, will be to determine whether the King
shall pardon him or not: some who wish to make him the scapegoat for
their own neglects, I fear, will try to complete his fate, but I should
think the new Administration will not be biassed to blood by such
interested attempts. He bore well his unexpected sentence, as he has all
the outrageous indignities and cruelties heaped upon him. Last week
happened an odd event, I can scarce say in his favour, as the World
seems to think it the effect of the arts of some of his friends:
Voltaire sent him from Switzerland an accidental letter of the Duc de
Richelieu, bearing witness to the Admiral's good behaviour in the
engagement.
STRAWBERRY HILL,
_February 13, 1757_.
... After a fortnight of the greatest variety of opinions, Byng's fate
is still in suspense. The court and the late ministry have been most
bitter against him; the new Admiralty most good-natured; the King would
not pardon him. They would not execute the sentence, as many lawyers are
clear that it is not a legal one. At last the council has referred it to
the twelve judges to give their opinion: if not a favourable one, he
dies! He has had many fortunate chances; had the late Admiralty
continued, one knows how little any would have availed him. Their
bitterness will always be recorded against themselves: it will be
difficult to persuade posterity that all the same of last summer was the
fault of Byng! Exact evidence of whose fault it was I believe posterity
will never have: the long-expected inquiries are begun, that is, some
papers have been moved for, but so coldly that it is plain George
Townshend and the Tories are unwilling to push researches that must
necessarily re-unite Newcastle and Fox.
ARLINGTON STREET,
_March 3, 1757_.
I have deferred writing to you, till I could tell you something certain
of the fate of Admiral Byng: no history was ever so extraordinary, or
produced such variety of surprising turns. In my last I told you that
his sentence was referred to the twelve judges. They have made law of
that, of which no one else would make sense. The Admiralty immediately
signed the warrant for his execution on the last of February--that is,
three signed: Admiral Forbes positively refused, and would have resigned
sooner. The Speaker would have had Byng expelled the House, but his
tigers were pitiful. Sir Francis Dashwood tried to call for the
Court-martial's letter; but the tigers were not so tender as that came
to. Some of the Court-martial grew to feel, as the execution advanced:
the City grew impatient for it. Mr. Fox tried to represent the new
ministry as compassionate, and has damaged their popularity. Three of
the Court-martial applied on Wednesday last to Lord Temple to renew
their solicitation for mercy. Sir Francis Dashwood moved a repeal of the
bloody twelfth article [of Byng's indictment:] the House was savage
enough; yet Mr. Doddington softened them, and not one man spoke directly
against mercy. They had nothing to fear: the man who, of all defects,
hates cowardice and avarice most and who has some little objection to a
mob in St. James's-street, has magnanimously forgot all the services of
the great Lord Torrington [the victor of Cape Passano, 1718]. On
Thursday seven of the Court-martial applied for mercy: they were
rejected. On Friday a most strange event happened. I was told at the
House that Captain Keppel and Admiral Norris desired a bill to absolve
them from their Oath of Secrecy, [as members of the Court-martial on
Byng] that they might unfold something very material towards the saving
the prisoner's life. I was out of Parliament myself during my
re-election, but I ran to Keppel; he said he had never spoken in public,
and could not, but would give authority to anybody else. The Speaker was
putting the question for the orders of the day, after which no motion
could be made; it was Friday. The House would not sit on Saturday, the
execution was fixed for Monday. I felt all this in an instant, dragged
Mr. Keppel to Sir Francis Dashwood, and he on the floor before he had
taken his place, called out to the Speaker, and though the orders were
passed, Sir Francis was suffered to speak. The House was wondrously
softened: pains were taken to prove to Mr. Keppel that he might speak,
notwithstanding his oath; but he adhering to it, he had time given him
till next morning to consider and consult some of his brethren who had
commissioned him to desire the bill. The next day the King sent a
message to our House, that he had respited Mr. Byng for a fortnight,
till the bill could be passed, and he should know whether the Admiral
was unjustly condemned. The bill was read twice in our House that day,
and went through the Committee; Mr. Keppel affirming that he had
something, in his opinion, of weight to tell, and which it was material
his Majesty should know, and naming four of his associates, who desired
to be empowered to speak. On Sunday all was confusion again, on news
that the four disclaimed what Mr. Keppel had said for them. On Monday,
he told the House that in one he had been mistaken; that another did not
declare off, but wished all were to be compelled to speak; and from the
two others he produced a letter upholding him in what he had said. The
bill passed by 153 to 23. On Tuesday it was treated very differently by
the Lords. The new Chief Justice [Mansfield] and the late Chancellor
[Hardwicke] pleaded against Byng like little attorneys, and did all they
could to stifle truth. That all was a good deal. They prevailed to have
the whole Court-martial at their bar. Lord Hardwicke urged for the
intervention of a day, on the pretence of a trifling cause of an Irish
bankruptcy then depending before the Lords, though Lord Temple showed
them that some of the Captains and Admirals were under sailing orders
for America. But Lord Hardwicke and Lord Anson were expeditious enough
to do what they wanted in one night's time; and for the next day,
yesterday, every one of the Court-martial defended their sentence, and
even the three conscientious said not one syllable of their desire of
the bill, which was accordingly unanimously rejected, and with great
marks of contempt for the House of Commons.
This is as brief and as clear an abstract as I can give you of a most
complicated affair, in which I have been a most unfortunate actor,
having to my infinite grief, which I shall feel till the man is at
peace, been instrumental in protracting his misery a fortnight, by what
I meant as the kindest thing I could do. I never knew poor Byng
enough to bow to--but the great doubtfulness of his crime, and the
extraordinariness of his sentence, the persecution of his enemies, who
sacrifice him for their own guilt, and the rage of a blinded nation,
have called forth all my pity for him. His enemies triumph, but who can
envy the triumph of murder?
II.
THOMAS POTTER TO MR. GRENVILLE, SEPTEMBER 11, 1756.
+Source.+--_Grenville Papers_, 1852. Vol. i., p. 173.
This morning I heard the whole city of Westminster disturbed by the song
of a hundred ballad-singers, the burthen of which was, "To the block
with Newcastle, and the yard arm with Byng."
[This ballad is to be found as a single sheet broadside in the British
Museum in a volume lettered _Ballads and Broadsides_; the first verse is
as follows:--]
_THE BLOCK AND YARD ARM_
A NEW BALLAD ON THE LOSS OF "MINORCA," AND THE DANGER OF OUR "AMERICAN"
RIGHTS AND POSSESSIONS.
_To Tune of the "Whose e'er been at Baldock," &c._
Draw nigh my good Folks whilst to you I Sing
Great Blak'ney[23] betray'd by N[ewcastle] and B[yng],
Before such a Story ne'er has been told
We're bought all, my Friends, by shining _French_ gold.
_Chorus._ To the Block with N[ewcastle] and Yard Arm with B[yng].
_Terra ra ra ra ra ra ra ra ra ring._
[23] The Governor of Minorca, then eighty-five, "that gallant old man,"
as Lady Hervey (_Letters_, p. 219) justly calls him, "who had behaved
like a hero of antiquity," had held out in Fort St. Philip for five
weeks after Byng's retreat.
THE COALITION GOVERNMENT OF 1757.
+Source.+--Baron FitzMaurice's _Life of William Earl of Shelburne_,
1875-76. Vol. i., pp. 85-87.
[By the new Coalition] there was produced a strong Council and a strong
Government. The Cabinet Council was composed of the Duke of Newcastle,
Mr. Pitt, Secretary of State, Lord Keeper Henley, Lord Hardwicke, Lord
Mansfield, Lord Granville, Lord Holdernesse, Lord Anson, and Lord
Ligonier. There were no party politics, and consequently no difference
of opinion. I have heard Lord Chatham say they were the most agreeable
conversations he ever experienced. The Duke of Newcastle, a very
good-humoured man, was abundantly content with the whole patronage being
left to him.... Lord Hardwicke ... was kept in order by Lord Granville's
wit, who took advantage of the meeting of the balance of all parties to
pay off old scores, and to return all he owed to the Pelhams and the
Yorkes. He had a rooted aversion to Lord Hardwicke and to all his
family. I don't know precisely for what reason, but he got the secret of
cowing Lord Hardwicke, whose pretensions to classical learning gave Lord
Granville, who really was a very fine classical scholar, a great
opportunity. To this was added his knowledge of civil law,[24] in which
Lord Hardwicke was deficient, and above all, his wit; but whatever way
he got the key, he used it on all occasions unmercifully. In one of the
short-lived administrations at the commencement of the war, Lord
Granville, who had generally dined, turned round to say, "I am thinking
that all over Europe they are waiting our determination and canvassing
our characters. The Duke of Newcastle, they'll say, is a man of great
fortune, who has spent a great deal of it in support of the present
family."[25] "Fox, they'll say, is an impudent fellow who has fought his
war through the House of Commons; as for me, they know me throughout
Europe, they know my talents and my character; but I am thinking they
will all be asking, _Qui est ce diable de Chancelier?_ How came he here?"
[24] In illustration of this, and as a great statesman's verdict on a
great period, it seems not inappropriate to quote here the famous story
of Carteret's death, as told by Robert Wood in his _Essay on the
Original Genius of Homer_, 1776, pp. v.-vi.: "Being directed to call
upon his Lordship, a few days before he died, with the preliminary
articles of the Treaty of Paris, I found him so languid that I proposed
postponing my business for another time; but he insisted that I should
stay, saying it could not prolong his life to neglect his duty; and,
repeating the following passage out of Sarpedon's speech, dwelled with
particular emphasis on the third line, which recalled the distinguishing
part he had taken in public affairs--=Ô pepon=, etc. His Lordship
repeated the last word [=iomen=] several times with a calm and
determined resignation; and, after a serious pause of some minutes, he
desired to hear the Treaty read, to which he listened with great
attention, and recovered spirits enough to declare the approbation of a
dying statesman (I use his own words) on the most glorious War, and most
honourable Peace, this nation ever saw."
[25] This was so true that Newcastle, after a public life of five and
forty years, died £300,000 the poorer for it.--ED.
THE ENGLISH IN INDIA (1757-1759).
I.
THE BLACK HOLE OF CALCUTTA DESCRIBED BY A SURVIVOR.
+Source.+--_A Complete History of the War in India, from the Year 1749
to the Taking of Pondicherry in 1761._ Pp. 18-21.
[The nabob of Bengal marched on Calcutta, which was abandoned by the
commanding officer and the principal inhabitants.] Mr. Holwell, with a
few gallant friends, and the remains of a feeble garrison, bravely
defended the fort to the last extremity; but it was insufficient to
protect an untenable place, or to affect an ungenerous enemy. The fort
was taken on the twentieth day of June, 1756, and the whole garrison,
consisting of 146 persons, being made prisoners, were thrust into a
dungeon, called the Black-hole, from whence Mr. Holwell, with twenty-one
others, came out alive, to paint a scene of the most cruel distress,
which perhaps human nature ever suffered or survived.
When he came to England, in the year 1757, he published, in a letter, an
account of this shocking barbarity, in terms so pathetic and moving as
cannot fail drawing pity from the most obdurate and savage breast.
"Figure to yourself, says he, if possible, the situation of one hundred
and forty-six wretches, exhausted by continual fatigue and action, thus
crammed together, in a cube of eighteen feet, in a close sultry night in
Bengal; shut up to the eastward and southward, the only quarters from
whence air could come to us, by dead walls, and a door open only to the
westward by two windows strongly barred within; from whence we could
receive scarce any the least circulation of fresh air.
"Such was the residence of those unhappy victims for the space of twelve
hours. When they had been in but a little while, a profuse sweat broke
out on every individual; and this was attended with an insatiable
thirst, which became the more intolerable as the body was drained of its
moisture. In vain these miserable objects stripped themselves of their
cloaths, squatted down on their hams, and fanned the air with their
hats, to produce a refreshing undulation. Many were unable to rise again
from this posture, but falling down, were trod to death or suffocated.
The dreadful symptom of thirst was now accompanied with a difficulty of
respiration, and every individual gasped for breath. Their despair
became outrageous. The cry of _water! water!_ issued from every mouth;
even the jemmadar [the serjeant of the Indian guard] was moved to
compassion, at their distress. He ordered his soldiers to bring some
skins of water, which served only to enrage their appetite and increase
the general agitation. There was no other way of conveying it through
the windows but by hats, and this was rendered ineffectual by the
eagerness and transports of the wretched prisoners; who, at sight of it,
struggled and raved even into fits of delirium. In consequence of these
contests, very little reached those that stood nearest the windows;
while the rest, at the farther end of the prison, were totally excluded
from all relief, and continued calling on their friends for assistance,
and conjuring them by all the tender ties of pity and affection. To
those who were indulged it proved pernicious; for, instead of allaying
their thirst, it enraged their impatience for more. The confusion became
general and horrid, all was clamour and contest; those who were at a
distance endeavoured to force their passage to the windows, and the weak
were pressed down to the ground, never to rise again. The inhuman
ruffians without derived entertainment, from their misery; they supplied
the prisoners with more water, and held up lights to the bars, that they
might enjoy the inhuman pleasure of seeing them fight for the baneful
indulgence. The miserable prisoners perceiving that water rather
aggravated than relieved their distress, grew clamorous for air; they
insulted the guard, in order to provoke them to fire upon them; and
loaded the _Suba_ [the nabob of Bengal] with the most virulent reproach;
from railing they had recourse to prayers, beseeching Heaven to put an
end to their misery.
"They now began to drop on all hands, but a steam arose from the living
and the dead as pungent and volatile as spirit of hartshorn; so that all
who could not approach the window were suffocated. Mr. Holwell, being
weary of life, retired, as he had done once before, from the window, and
went and stretched himself by the reverend Mr. Jervas Bellamy, who,
together with his son, a lieutenant, lay dead in each other's embrace.
In this situation he was soon deprived of sense, and lay, to all
appearance, dead, till day broke, when his body was discovered and
removed by his surviving friends to one of the windows, where the fresh
air revived him, and he was restored to his sight and senses."
II.
CLIVE TO PITT ON ENGLAND'S OPPORTUNITY.
+Source.+--_Correspondence of William Pitt, Earl of Chatham._ Edition of
1838-1840. Vol. i., pp. 387-392.
CALCUTTA,
_January 7, 1759_.
SIR,
Suffer an admirer of yours at this distance to congratulate himself on
the glory and advantage which are likely to accrue to the nation by your
being at its head, and at the same time to return his most grateful
thanks for the distinguished manner you have been pleased to speak of
his successes in these parts, far indeed beyond his deservings.[26]
The close attention you bestow on the affairs of the British nation in
general has induced me to trouble you with a few particulars relative to
India, and to lay before you an exact account of the revenues of this
country; the genuineness whereof you may depend upon, as it has been
faithfully copied from the minister's books.
The great revolution that has been effected here by the success of the
English arms, and the vast advantages gained to the Company by a treaty
concluded in consequence thereof, have, I observe, in some measure
engaged the public attention; but much more may yet in time be done, if
the Company will exert themselves in the manner the importance of their
present possessions and future prospects deserves. I have represented to
them in the strongest terms the expediency of sending out and keeping up
constantly such a force as will enable them to embrace the first
opportunity of further aggrandizing themselves; and I dare pronounce,
from a thorough knowledge of this country government and of the genius
of the people, acquired by two years' application and experience, that
such an opportunity will soon offer. The reigning Subah, whom the
victory at Plassey invested with the sovereignty of these provinces,
still, it is true, retains his attachment to us, and probably, while he
has no other support, will continue to do so; but Mussulmans are so
little influenced by gratitude, that should he ever think it his
interest to break with us, the obligations he owes us would prove no
restraint: and this is very evident from his having very lately removed
his prime minister, and cut off two or three of his principal officers,
all attached to our interest, and who had a share in his elevation.
Moreover, he is advanced in years; and his son is so cruel and worthless
a young fellow, and so apparently an enemy to the English, that it will
be almost useless trusting him with the succession. So small a body as
two thousand Europeans will secure us against any apprehensions from
either the one or the other, and in case of their daring to be
troublesome, enable the company to take the sovereignty upon themselves.
There will be the less difficulty in bringing about such an event, as
the natives themselves have no attachment whatever to particular
princes; and as, under the present government, they have no security for
their lives or properties, they would rejoice in so happy an exchange as
that of a mild for a despotic government; and there is little room to
doubt our easily obtaining the mogul's sannud (or grant) in confirmation
thereof, provided we agree to pay him the stipulated allotment out of
the revenues. That this would be agreeable to him can hardly be
questioned, as it would be so much to his interest to have these
countries under the dominion of a nation famed for their good faith,
rather than in the hands of people who, a long experience has convinced
him, never will pay him his proportion of the revenues, unless awed into
it by the fear of the imperial army marching to force them thereto.
But so large a sovereignty may possibly be an object too extensive for a
mercantile company; and it is to be feared they are not of themselves
able, without the nation's assistance, to maintain so wide a dominion. I
have, therefore, presumed, Sir, to represent this matter to you, and
submit it to your consideration, whether the execution of a design, that
may hereafter be still carried to greater lengths, be worthy of the
government's taking it in hand.
I flatter myself I have made it pretty clear to you, that there will be
little or no difficulty in obtaining the absolute possession of these
rich kingdoms; and that with the mogul's own consent, on condition of
paying him less than a fifth of the revenues thereof. Now I leave you to
judge whether an income yearly of upwards of two millions sterling, with
the possession of three provinces abounding in the most valuable
productions of nature and art, be an object deserving the public
attention; and whether it be worth the nation's while to take the proper
measures to secure such an acquisition,--an acquisition which, under the
management of so able and disinterested a minister, would prove a source
of immense wealth to the kingdom, and might in time be appropriated in
part as a fund towards diminishing the heavy load of debt under which we
at present labour.
Add to these advantages the influence we shall thereby acquire over the
several European nations engaged in the commerce here, which these could
no longer carry on but through our indulgence, and under such
limitations as we should think fit to prescribe. It is well worthy
consideration, that this project may be brought about without draining
the mother country, as has been too much the case with our possessions
in America. A small force from home will be sufficient, as we always
make sure of any number we please of black troops, who being much better
paid and treated by us than by the country powers, will very readily
enter into our service.