Just as man spoke, for countless thousands of years, before he had

any idea of the principles on which he spoke, of the laws of speech or

of the grammar of his language; just as he reasoned, long before he

made the reasoning process matter of reflection, and reduced it to the

laws of logic; so from the beginning he was religious though he had no

more idea that there were principles of religion, than that there were

principles of grammar or laws of correct thought. 'First principles of

every kind have their influence, and indeed operate largely and

powerfully, long before they come to the surface of human thought and

are articulately expounded' (Ferrier: _Institute of Metaphysics_, p.

13).

But this is not to say that primitive man argued, or thought, with

never an error, or spoke with never a mistake, until by some

catastrophe he was expelled from some paradise of grammarians and

logicians. Though correct reasoning was logical before the time of

Aristotle, and correct speech grammatical before the time of Dionysius

Thrax; there was before, as there has been since, plenty both of bad

logic and bad grammar. But that is very different from saying that, in

the beginning, all reasoning was unsound, or all speech ungrammatical.

To say so, would be as unmeaning and as absurd as to say that

primitive man's every action was immoral, and his habitual state one

of pure, unmitigated wickedness. If the assumption of a primitive

paradise is unworkable, neither will the assumption of a primitive

inferno act, whether it is for the evolution of the grammar of

language or morality, or of logic or religion, that we wish to

account. It is to ask too much, to ask us to believe that in the

beginning there was only wrong-doing and no right, only error and no

correctness of thought or speech, only spell and no prayer. And if

both have been always, as they are now, present, there must also

always have been a tendency in that which has prevailed to conquer. We

may say that, in the process of evolution, man becomes aware of

differences to which at first he gave but little attention; and, so

far as he becomes conscious of them, he sets aside what is illogical,

immoral, or irreligious, because he is satisfied it is illogical,

immoral, or irreligious, and for no other reason.

The theory that spell preceded prayer in the evolution of religion

proceeds upon a misconception of the process of evolution. At one time

it was assumed and accepted without question that the vegetable and

animal kingdoms, and all their various species, were successive stages

of one process of evolution; and that the process proceeded on one

line and one alone. On the analogy of the evolution of living beings,

as thus understood, all that remained, when the theory of evolution

came to be applied to the various forms of thought and feeling, was to

arrange them also in one line; and that, it was assumed, would be the

line which the evolution of religion had followed. On this assumption,

either magic must be prior to religion, or religion prior to magic;

and, on the principle that priority must be assigned to the less

worthy, it followed that magic must have preceded religion.

It will scarcely be disputed that it was on the analogy of what was

believed to be the course of evolution, in the case of vegetable and

animal life, that the first attempts to frame a theory of the

evolution of religion proceeded, with the result that gods were

assumed to have been evolved out of fetishes, religion out of magic,

and prayer out of spell. To disprove this, it is not necessary to

reject the theory of evolution, or to maintain that evolution in

religion proceeds on lines wholly different from those it follows

elsewhere. All that is necessary is to understand the theory of the

evolution of the forms of life, as that theory is held by naturalists

now; and to understand the lines which the evolution of life is now

held to have followed. The process of evolution is no longer held to

have followed one line alone, or to have described but one single

trajectory like that of a cannon-ball fired from a cannon. The process

of evolution is, and has been from the beginning, dispersive. To

borrow M. Bergson's simile, the process of evolution is not like that

of a cannon-ball which followed one line, but like that of a shell,

which burst into fragments the moment it was fired off; and these

fragments being, as it were, themselves shells, in their turn burst

into other fragments, themselves in their turn destined to burst, and

so on throughout the whole process. The very lines, on which the

process of evolution has moved, show the process to be dispersive. If

we represent the line by which man has risen from the simplest forms

of life or protoplasm by an upright line; and the line by which the

lowest forms of life, such as some of the foraminifera, have continued

on their low level, by a horizontal line starting from the bottom of

the upright line, then we have two lines forming a right angle. One

represents the line of man's evolution, the other that of the

foraminifera. Between these two lines you may insert as many other

lines as necessary. That line which is most nearly upright will

represent the evolution of the highest form of vertebrate, except man;

the next, the next highest; and so on till you come to the lines

representing the invertebrates; and so on till you come to the lines

which are getting nearer and nearer to the horizontal. Thus you will

have a whole sheaf of lines, all radiating indeed from one common

point, but all nevertheless dispersing in different directions.

The rush of life, the _elan de la vie_, is thus dispersive; and if we

are to interpret the evolution of mental on the analogy of physical

life, we shall find, M. Bergson says, nothing in the latter which

compels us to assume either that intelligence is developed instinct,

or that instinct is degraded intelligence. If that be so, then, we may

say, neither is there anything to warrant us in assuming either that

religion is developed magic, or magic degraded religion. Spell is not

degraded prayer, nor is prayer a superior form of spell: neither does

become or can become the other, though man may oscillate, with great

rapidity, between the two, and for long may continue so to oscillate.

The two moods were from the beginning different, though man for long

did not clearly discriminate between the two. The dispersive force of

evolution however tends to separate them more and more widely, until

eventually oscillation ceases, if it does not become impossible.

The dispersive force of evolution manifests itself in the power of

discrimination whereby man becomes aware of differences to which, in

the first confusion of thought, he paid little attention; and

ultimately may become conscious of the first principles of reason,

morality or religion, as normative principles, in accordance with

which he feels that he should act, though he has not always acted, and

does not always act in accordance with them. In the beginning there is

confusion of feeling and confusion of thought both as to the quarter

to which prayer is addressed and as to the nature of the petitions

which should be proffered. But we should be mistaken, if from the

confusion we were to infer that there was no principle underlying the

confusion. We should be mistaken, were we to say that prayer, if

addressed to polytheistic gods, is not prayer; or that prayer, if

addressed to a fetish, is not prayer. In both cases, the being to whom

prayer is offered is misconceived and misrepresented by polytheism and

fetishism; and the misconception is due to want of discrimination and

spiritual insight. But failure to observe is no proof either that the

power of observation is wanting or that there is nothing to be

observed. The being to whom prayer is offered may be very different

from the conception which the person praying has of him, and may yet

be real.

Petitions, then, put up to polytheistic gods, or even to fetishes, may

still be prayers. But petitions may be put up, not only to

polytheistic gods, or to fetishes, but even to the one god of the

monotheist, which never should be put up. 'Of thy goodness, slay mine

enemies,' is, in form, prayer: it is a desire, a petition to a god,

implying recognition of the superiority of the divine power, implying

adoration even. But eventually it comes to be condemned as an

impossible prayer: spiritually it is a contradiction in terms. If

however we say that it is not, and never was, prayer; and that only by

confusion of thought was it ever considered so, we may be told that,

as a simple matter of actual fact, it is an actual prayer that was

actually put up. That it ought not--from the point of view of a later

stage in the development of religion--to have been put up, may be

admitted; but that it was a prayer actually put up, cannot be denied.

To this the reply seems to be that it is with prayer as it is with

argument: a fallacy is a fallacy, just as much before it is detected

as afterwards. The fact that it is not detected does not make it a

sound argument; still less does it prove either that there are now no

principles of correct reasoning or that there were none then; it only

shows that there was, on this point, confusion of thought. So too we

may admit--we have no choice but to admit--that there are spiritual

fallacies, as well as fallacies of logic. Of such are the petitions

which are in form prayers, just as logical fallacies are, in form,

arguments. They may be addressed to the being worshipped, as fallacies

are addressed to the reason; and eventually their fallacious nature

may become evident even to the reason of man. But it is only by the

evolution of prayer, that is by the disclosure of its true nature,

that petitions of the kind in question come to be recognised and

condemned as spiritual fallacies. The petitioner who puts up such

petitions is indeed unconscious of his error, but he errs, for all

that, just as the person who uses a fallacious argument may be

himself the victim of his fallacy: but he errs none the less because

he is deceived himself. There are normative principles of prayer as

well as the normative principles of thought; and both operate 'long

before they come to the surface of human thought and are articulately

expounded.' It is in thinking that the normative principles of thought

emerge. But it is by no means the case that they come to the surface

of every man's thought. So too it is in prayer that the normative

principles of prayer emerge; yet men require teaching how to pray.

Some petitions are permissible, some not.

If then there are normative principles of prayer, just as there are of

action, thought and speech; if there are petitions which are not

permissible, and which are not and never can be prayers, though by a

spiritual fallacy, analogous to logical fallacies, they may be thought

to be prayers, what is it that decides the nature of an admissible

petition? It seems to be the conception of the being to whom the

petition is addressed. Thus it is that prayer throws light on the idea

of God. From the prayers offered we can infer the nature of the idea.

The confusion of admissible and inadmissible petitions points to

confused apprehension of the idea of God. It is not merely imperfect

apprehension but confused apprehension. In polytheism the confusion

betrays itself, because it leads to collision with the principles of

morality: of the gods who make war upon one another, each must be

supposed to hold himself in the right; therefore either some gods do

not know what is right, or there is no right to be known even by the

gods. From this confusion the only mode of escape, which is

satisfactory both to religion and to morality, is to recognise that

the unity of morality and the unity of the godhead mutually imply one

another. But so long as a plurality of gods, with a shifting standard

of morality, is believed in, the distinction between admissible and

inadmissible petitions cannot be firmly or correctly drawn.

A tribal god is petitioned to slay the tribe's enemies, because he is

conceived as the god of the tribe and not the god of its enemies. If

the declaration, that 'I am thy servant,' is affirmed with emphasis on

the first personal pronoun, so as to imply that others are no servants

of thine, the implication is that thy servants' enemies are thy

enemies; whereas if there is, for all men, one God only, then all men

are his servants, and not one person, or one tribe, alone. The

conception of God as the god of one tribe alone is an imperfect and

confused apprehension of the idea of God. But it is less so than is

the conception of a god as belonging to one individual owner, as a

fetish does. To a fetish the distinctive, though not the only, prayer

offered, precisely is 'Slay mine enemies'; and therein it is that lies

the difference between a fetish and a god of the community. The

difference is the same in kind as that between a tribal god and the

God of all mankind. The fetish and the tribal god are both inadequate

ideas of God; and the inadequacy implies confusion--the confusion of

conceiving that the god is there only to subserve the desires and to

do the will of the individual worshipper or body of worshippers.

Escape from this confusion is to some extent secured by the fact that

prayers to the community's god are offered by the community aloud, in

public and as part of the public worship; and, consequently, with the

object of securing the fulfilment of the desires of the community as a

community. The blessing on the community is, at this stage, the only

blessing in which the individual can properly share, and the only one

for which he can pray to the god of the community. Thus the nature of

the petitions, and the quarter to which permissible petitions can be

addressed, are determined by the fact that prayer is an office

undertaken by the community as a community. If the desires which an

individual entertains are such as would be repudiated by the

community, because injurious to the community, they cannot be

preferred, in the presence of the community, to the god of the

community; and thus permissible petitions begin to be differentiated

from those which are impermissible--a normative principle of prayer

emerges, and the idea of God begins to take more definite form, or to

emerge somewhat from the mist which at first enveloped it.

But though permissible petitions be distinguished from petitions

which are impermissible, it by no means follows that impermissible

petitions cease to be put up. What actually happens is that since the

community does not, and cannot, allow petitions, conceived to be

injurious to itself, to be put up to its god, they are put up

privately to a fetish; or, to put the matter more correctly, a being

or power not identified with the welfare of the community is sought

in such cases; and the being so found is known to the science of

religion as a fetish. But though a fetish differs from a god,

inasmuch as the fetish will, and a god will not, injure a member of

the tribe, the distinction is not clear-cut. There are things which

both alike may be prayed to do: both may be besought to do good to

the individual who addresses them. To this protective mimicry the

fetish owes in part its power of survival. For the same reason spell

and magic contrive to continue their existence side by side with

religion and prayer. What conduces to this result is that at first

the god of the community is conceived as listening to the prayers of

the community rather than of the individual: from the beginning it

is part of the idea of God that He cares for all His worshippers

alike. This conviction, to be carried out to its full consequences,

both logical and spiritual, requires that each individual worshipper

should forget himself, should renounce his particular inclinations,

should abandon himself and long to do not his own will but that of

God. But before self can be consciously abandoned, the consciousness

of self must be realised. Before self-will can be surrendered, its

existence must be realised. And self-consciousness, the recognition

of the existence of the will and the reality of the self, comes

relatively late both in the history of the community and in the

personal history of the individual. At first the existence of the

individual will and the individual self is not recognised by the

community and is not provided for in the community's worship and

prayers. It is the community, as a community, and not as so many

individual worshippers, offering separate prayers, that first

approaches the community's god. The existence of the individual

worshipper, as an individual is not denied, it is simply unknown, or

rather not realised by the community. But its stirrings are felt in

the individual himself: he is conscious of desires which are other

than those of the community, and the fulfilment of which forms no

part of the community's prayers to the community's god. His

self-consciousness, his consciousness of himself as contrasted with

the community, is fostered by the growth of such desires. For the

fulfilment of some of them, those which are manifestly anti-social,

he must turn to his fetish, or rely upon the power of magic. Even for

the fulfilment of those of his desires which are not felt to be

anti-social, but which find no place in the prayers of the community,

he must rely on some other power than that of the god of the

community; and it is in spells, therefore, that he continues to trust

for the fulfilment of these innocent desires, inasmuch as the prayers

of the community do not include them.

The existence, in the individual, of desires, other than those of the

community, wakes the individual to some consciousness of his

individual existence. The effort to secure the fulfilment of those

desires increases still further his self-consciousness, for he resorts

to powers which are not exercised solely in the interests of the

community, as are the powers of the community's god. But his

increasing self-consciousness cannot and does not fail to modify his

character and action as a worshipper of the community's gods. It

modifies his relation to the community's gods in this sense, viz. that

he appears before them not merely as a member of the community

undistinguished from other members, but as an individual conscious to

some extent of his individuality. He continues to take part in the

worship of the gods, but he comes to it conscious of wishes of his own

which may become petitions to the god, so far as they are not felt to

be inconsistent with the good of the community.

Of this stage we have ample evidence afforded by the cuneiform

inscriptions of Assyria. Spells employed to the hurt of any worshipper

of the gods are spells against which the worshipper may properly

appeal to the gods for protection. A god is essentially the protector

of his worshippers, and he protects each as well as all of them. Each

of them may therefore appeal to him for protection. But though any one

of them may so appeal, it is apparently only in course of time that

individual petitions of this kind come to be put up to the gods. And

the evidence of the cuneiform inscriptions is particularly interesting

and instructive on the way in which this came about.

In the 'Maklu' tablets we find that the writers of the tablets are, or

anticipate that they may be, the victims of spells. The inscriptions

themselves may be regarded, and by some authorities are described, as

counter-charms or counter-spells. They do in fact include, though they

cannot be said to consist of, counter-spells. Their typical feature is

that they include some such phrase as, 'Whoever thou art, O witch, I

bind thy hands behind thee,' or 'May the magic thou hast made recoil

upon thyself.' If the victim is being turned yellow by sickness, the

counter-spell is 'O witch, like the circlet of this seal, may thy face

grow yellow and green.'

The ceremonies with which these counter-spells were performed are

indicated by the words, and they are ceremonies of the same kind as

those with which spells are performed: they are symbolic actions, that

is to say, actions which express by gesture the same meaning and

intention as are expressed by the words. Thus, from the words:

'As the water trickleth away from his body

So may the pestilence in his body trickle away,'

it is obvious that this counter-spell accompanied a ceremonial rite of

the kind indicated by the words. As an image of the person to be

bewitched was used by the workers of magic, so an image of her 'who

hath bewitched me' is used by the worker of the counter-spell, with

the words:

'May her spell be wrecked, and upon her

And upon her image may it recoil.'

If, now, such words, and the symbolical actions which are described

and implied, were all that these Maklu tablets contained, it might be

argued that these counter-spells were pure pieces of magic. The

argument would not indeed be conclusive, because though the sentences

are in the optative mood, there would be nothing to show on what, or

on whom, the speaker relied for the fulfilment of his wish. But as it

happens, it is characteristic of these Maklu tablets that they are all

addressed to the gods by name, e.g. 'May the great gods remove the

spell from my body,' or 'O flaming Fire-god, mighty son of Anu! judge

thou my case and grant me a decision! Burn up the sorcerers and

sorceress!' It is the gods that are prayed to that the word of the

sorceress 'shall turn back to her own mouth; may the gods of might

smite her in her magic; may the magic which she has worked be crumbled

like salt.'

Thus these Maklu petitions are not counter-spells, as at first sight

they may appear; nor are they properly to be treated as being

themselves spells for the purpose of counteracting magic. They are in

form and in fact prayers to the gods 'to undo the spell' and 'to force

back the words' of the witch into her own mouth. But though in the

form in which these Maklu petitions are preserved to us, they appear

as prayers to the gods, and not as spells, or counter-spells; it is

true, and important to notice, that, in some cases, the sentences in

the optative mood seem quite detachable from the invocation of the

gods. Those sentences may apparently have stood, at one time, quite

well by themselves, and apart from any invocation of the gods; that

is to say, they may originally have been spells or counter-spells, and

only subsequently have been incorporated into prayers addressed to the

gods.

Let us then assume that this was the case with some of these Maklu

petitions, and let us consider what is implied when we make the

assumption. What is implied is that there are some wishes, for

instance those embodied in these Maklu petitions, which may be

realised by means of spells, or may quite appropriately be preferred

to the gods of the community. Such are wishes for the well-being of

the individual worshipper and for the defeat of evil-doers who would

do or are doing him wrong. When it is recognised that individuals--as

well as the community--may come with their plaints before the gods of

the community, the functions of those gods become enlarged, for they

are extended to include the protection of individual members of the

community, as well as the protection of the community, as such; and

the functions of the community's gods are thus extended and enlarged,

because the members of the community have become, in some degree,

individuals conscious of their individuality. The importance, for the

science of religion, of this development of self-consciousness is that

the consciousness of self must be realised before self can

consciously be abandoned, that is before self-will can be consciously

surrendered.

The Idea of God in Early Religions · 第 7 / 9 段