mistaken. Some of the American missionaries' wives were the Queen's
friends. A famous American newspaper man, Colonel Cockerill, of the New
York _Herald_, came to Seoul, and wrote with the utmost frankness about
what he learned. So much indignation was aroused that the Japanese
Government promised to institute an enquiry and place the guilty on trial.
Ito was then Prime Minister and declared that every unworthy son of Japan
connected with the crime would be placed on trial. "Not to do so would be
to condemn Japan in the eyes of all the world," he declared. "If she does
not repudiate this usurpation on the part of the Tai Won Run, she must lose
the respect of every civilized government on earth." Miura and his
associates were, in due course, brought before a court of enquiry. But the
proceedings were a farce. They were all released, Miura became a popular
hero, and his friends and defenders tried openly to justify the murder.
Japan, following her usual plan of following periods of great harshness by
spells of mildness, sent Count Inouye as Envoy Extraordinary, to smooth
over matters. He issued a decree restoring the late Queen to full rank. She
was given the posthumous title of "Guileless, revered" and a temple called
"Virtuous accomplishment" was dedicated to her memory. Twenty-two officials
of high rank were commissioned to write her biography. But the King was
still kept a prisoner in the palace.
Then came a bolt from the blue. The Russian Minister at Seoul at this time,
M. Waeber, was a man of very fine type, and he was backed by a wife as
gifted and benevolent as himself. He had done his best to keep in touch
with and help the King. Now a further move was made. The Russian Legation
guard was increased to 160 men, and almost immediately afterwards it was
announced that the King had escaped from his jailers at the palace, and had
taken refuge with the Russians. A little before seven in the morning the
King and Crown Prince left the palace secretly, in closed chairs, such as
women use. Their escape was carefully planned. For more than a week before,
the ladies of the palace had caused a number of chairs to go in and out by
the several gates in order to familiarize the guards with the idea that
they were paying many visits. So when, early in the morning, two women's
chairs were carried out by the attendants, the guards took no special
notice. The King and his son arrived at the Russian Legation very much
agitated and trembling. They were expected, and were at once admitted. As
it is the custom in Korea for the King to work at night and sleep in the
morning, the members of the Cabinet did not discover his escape for some
hours, until news was brought to them from outside that he was safe under
the guardianship of his new friends.
Excitement at once spread through the city. Great crowds assembled, some
armed with sticks, some with stones, some with any weapons they could lay
hands on. A number of old Court dignitaries hurried to the Legation, and
within an hour or two a fresh Cabinet was constituted, and the old one
deposed.
The heads of the Consulates and Legations called and paid their respects to
the King, the Japanese Minister being the last to do so. For him this move
meant utter defeat. Later in the day, a proclamation was spread broadcast,
calling on the soldiers to protect their King, to cut off the heads of the
chief traitors and bring them to him. This gave final edge to the temper of
the mob. Two Ministers were dragged into the street and slaughtered.
Another Minister was murdered at his home. In one respect the upheaval
brought peace. The people in the country districts had been on the point of
rising against the Japanese, who were reported to be universally hated as
oppressors. With their King in power again, they settled down peaceably.
IV
THE INDEPENDENCE CLUB
It was a double blow to Japan that the check to her plans should have been
inflicted by Russia, for she now regarded Russia as the next enemy to be
overthrown, and was already secretly preparing against her. Russia had
succeeded in humiliating Japan by inducing France and Germany to cooperate
in a demand that she should evacuate the Liaotung Peninsula, ceded to her,
under the Treaty of Shimonoseki, by China. Forced to obey, Japan entered on
another nine years of preparation, to enable her to cross swords with the
Colossus of the North.
At the close of the nineteenth century Russia was regarded as the supreme
menace to world peace. Her expansion to the south of Siberia threatened
British power in India; her railway developments to the Pacific threatened
Japan. She struggled for a dominating place in the councils of China and
was believed to have cast an ambitious eye on Korea. Germany looked with
dread on the prospect of France and Russia striking her on either side and
squeezing her like a nut between the crackers. Her statesmen were eager to
obtain egress to the seas of the south, through the Dardanelles, and years
before it had become a part of the creed of every British schoolboy that
"the Russians shall not enter Constantinople."
It was dread of what Russia might do that caused England, to the amazement
of the world, to conclude an Alliance with Japan in 1902, for the
maintenance of the _status quo_ in the Far East. Japan, willing under
certain conditions to forget her grievances, had first sought alliance with
Russia and had sent Prince Ito on a visit to St. Petersburg for that
purpose. But Russia was too proud and self-confident to contemplate any
such step, and so Japan turned to Britain, and obtained a readier hearing.
Under the Alliance, both Britain and Japan disclaimed any aggressive
tendencies in China or Korea, but the special interests of Japan in Korea
were recognized.
The Alliance was an even more important step forward for Japan in the ranks
of the nations of the world than her victory against China had been, and it
was the precursor of still more important developments. This, however,
takes us ahead of our story.
The King of Korea, after his escape from the palace, remained for some time
in the Russian Legation, conducting his Court from there. Agreements were
arrived at between the Russians, Japanese and Koreans in 1896 by which the
King was to return to his palace and Japan was to keep her people in Korea
in stricter control. A small body of Japanese troops was to remain for a
short time in Korea to guard the Japanese telegraph lines, when it was to
be succeeded by some Japanese gendarmerie who were to stay "until such time
as peace and order have been restored by the Government." Both countries
agreed to leave to Korea the maintenance of her own national army and
police.
These agreements gave the Korean monarch--who now took the title of
Emperor--a final chance to save himself and his country. The Japanese
campaign of aggression was checked. Russia, at the time, was behaving with
considerable circumspection. A number of foreign advisers were introduced,
and many reforms were initiated. Progressive statesmen were placed at the
head of affairs, and the young reformer, So Jai-pil, Dr. Philip Jaisohn,
was summoned from America as Adviser to the Privy Council.
It must be admitted that the results were on the whole disappointing.
Certain big reforms were made. In the period between 1894 and 1904 the
developments would have seemed startling to those who knew the land in the
early eighties. There was a modern and well-managed railroad operating
between Seoul and the port of Chemulpo, and other railroads had been
planned and surveyed, work being started on some of them. Seoul had
electric light, electric tramways and an electric theatre. Fine roads had
been laid around the city. Many old habits of mediaeval times had been
abolished. Schools and hospitals were spreading all over the land, largely
as a result of missionary activity. Numbers of the people, especially in
the north, had become Christians. Sanitation was improved, and the work of
surveying, charting and building lighthouses for the waters around the
coast begun. Many Koreans of the better classes went abroad, and young men
were returning after graduation in American colleges. The police were put
into modern dress and trained on modern lines; and a little modern Korean
Army was launched.
Despite this, things were in an unsatisfactory state. The Emperor, whose
nerve had been broken by his experiences on the night of the murder of the
Queen and in the days following, was weak, uncertain and suspicious. He
could not be relied on save for one thing. He was very jealous of his own
prerogatives, and the belief that some of his best statesmen and advisers
were trying to establish constitutional monarchy, limiting the power of the
Throne, finally caused him to throw in his lot with the anti-Progressive
group.
Then there was no real reform in justice. The prisons retained most of
their mediaeval horrors, and every man held his life and property at the
mercy of the monarch and his assistants.
Some of the foreign advisers were men of high calibre; others were unfitted
for their work, and used their offices to serve their own ends and fill
their own pockets. Advisers or Ministers and foreign contractors apparently
agreed at times to fill their pockets at the cost of the Government. There
is no other rational explanation of some of the contracts concluded, or
some of the supplies received. The representatives of the European Powers
and America were like one great happy family, and the life of the European
and American community in Seoul was for a long time ideal. There came one
jarring experience when a Government--it would be unkind to mention
which--sent a Minister who was a confirmed dipsomaniac. For days after his
arrival he was unable to see the Ministers of State who called on him,
being in one long debauch. The members of his Legation staff had to keep
close watch on him until word could be sent home, when he was promptly
recalled.
The young Koreans who were given power as Ministers and Advisers after the
Monarch escaped from Japanese control were anxious to promote reform and
education, and to introduce some plan of popular administration. They were
aided by one British official, Mr. (now Sir John) McLeavy Brown. Mr. Brown,
trained in the Chinese Customs Service, was given charge of the Korean
Treasury and Customs, at the instigation of the British Government. It was
hoped that this appointment indicated that the British Government would
take a more active interest in Korean affairs. Unfortunately Korea was far
away, and the prevailing idea in England at the time was to escape any more
over-seas burdens.
Mr. Brown was the terror of all men who regarded the national treasure
chest as the plunder box. Even the King found his extravagance checked, and
Imperial schemes were delayed and turned from mere wasteful squanderings to
some good purpose. When, for example, the Emperor announced his
determination to build a great new memorial palace to the late Queen, Mr.
Brown pointed out that the first thing to do was to build a fine road to
the spot. The road was built, to the permanent gain of the nation, and the
palatial memorial waited. Old debts were paid off. The nation was making
money and saving.
A national economist always arouses many foes. The popular man is the man
who spends freely. Officials who found their own gains limited and the
sinecure posts for their relatives cut down united against the British
guardian of the purse. Just about this time Russian control was changed. M.
Waeber left Seoul, to the universal regret of all who knew him, and was
succeeded by M. de Speyer, who displayed the most aggressive aspects of the
Russian expansionist movement. A Russian official was appointed Mr. Brown's
successor and for a beginning doubled the salaries of the Korean office
holders. This brought many of the Korean office holders in line against Mr.
Brown. The latter held on to his office despite the appointment of the
Russian, and when an active attempt was made to turn him from his office,
the British Fleet appeared in Chemulpo Harbour. Mr. Brown was to be backed
by all the force of England. The Russians yielded and Mr. Brown remained on
at the head of the Customs, but did not retain full control over the
Treasury.
Had Britain or America at this time taken a hand in the administration of
Korean affairs, much future trouble would have been avoided. They would
have done so as part of their Imperial task of "bearing the burden of
weaker nations." Many Koreans desired and tried to obtain the intervention
of America, but the United States had not then realized to the extent she
was to do later that great power brings great responsibilities, not for
your nation alone, but for all the world that has need of you.
During the period of active reform following the King's escape, the
Progressives formed a league for the maintenance of Korean union. At their
head was Dr. Philip Jaisohn, the boy General of 1884. The movement was one
of considerable importance. In response to my request, Dr. Jaisohn has
written the following description of what took place:
THE INDEPENDENCE CLUB
"Early in 1896 I went back to Korea after an absence of twelve
years, at the urgent invitation of some Koreans who at that time
held high positions in the government. When I reached Korea, I
found that the Koreans who had invited me had left their
government positions, either voluntarily or by force, and they
were not to be seen. It seemed that some of them had to leave the
country to save their lives. In those days the Korean government
changed almost every month.
"At first I tried to help the Korean government in the capacity
of Adviser to the Privy Council, as they offered me a five year
contract to serve them in this manner. I accepted the offer and
gave some advice. For the first month or two some of it was
accepted by the Emperor and his Cabinet officers, but they soon
found that if they carried out this advice, it would interfere
with some of their private schemes and privileges. They informed
the Emperor that I was not a friend of his, but a friend of the
Korean _people_, which at that time was considered treason. My
influence was decreasing every day at the Court, and my advice
was ignored. I gave up the idea of helping the government
officially and planned to give my services to the Korean people
as a private individual.
"I started the first English newspaper, as well as the first
Korean newspaper, both being known as _The Independent_. At first
this was only published semi-weekly, but later on, every other
day. The Korean edition of this paper was eagerly read by the
people and the circulation increased by leaps and bounds. It was
very encouraging to me and I believe it did exert considerable
influence for good. It stopped the government officials from
committing flagrant acts of corruption, and the people looked
upon the paper as a source of appeal to their ruler. This little
sheet was not only circulated in the capital and immediate
vicinity, but went to the remote corners of the entire kingdom. A
pathetic but interesting fact is that it was read by a
subscriber, and when he had finished reading it, turned it over
to his neighbours, and in this way each copy was read by at least
200 people. The reason for this was that most of the people were
too poor to buy the paper, and it was also very hard to get it to
the subscribers, owing to the lack of proper transportation
facilities at that time.
"After the paper was running in an encouraging manner, I started
a debating club, called THE INDEPENDENCE CLUB, and leased a large
hall outside of the West Gate which was originally built by the
government to entertain foreign envoys who visited Korea in olden
times. This hall was very spacious and surrounded by considerable
ground and was the best place in Korea for holding public
meetings. When this club was organized there were only half a
dozen members, but in the course of three months the membership
increased to nearly 10,000. There were no obstacles or
formalities in joining it and no dues or admission were charged.
As a result, many joined, some from curiosity and some for the
sake of learning the way of conducting a public meeting in
Parliamentary fashion.
"The subjects discussed were mostly political and economical
questions, but religion and education were not overlooked. In the
beginning the Koreans were shy about standing up before an
audience to make a public speech, but after a certain amount of
coaching and encouragement I found that hundreds of them could
make very effective speeches. I believe the Koreans have a
natural talent for public speaking. Of course, all that was said
in these meetings was not altogether logical or enlightening;
nevertheless, a good many new thoughts were brought out which
were beneficial. Besides, the calm and orderly manner in which
various subjects were debated on equal footing, produced a
wonderful effect among the Korean young men and to those who were
in the audience.
"In the course of a year the influence of this club was very
great and the members thought it was the most marvellous
institution that was ever brought to Korea. The most remarkable
thing I noticed was the quick and intelligent manner in which the
Korean young men grasped and mastered the intricacies of
Parliamentary rule. I often noticed that some Korean raised a
question of the point of order in their procedure which was well
taken, worthy of expert Parliamentarians of the Western
countries.
"The increasing influence of the Independence Club was feared not
only by the Korean officials but by some of the foreign
representatives, such as Russia and Japan, both of whom did not
relish the idea of creating public opinion among the Korean
people. The members of the Independence Club did not have any
official status, but they enjoyed the privilege of free speech
during the meeting of this club, and they did not hesitate to
criticize their own officials, as well as those of the foreign
nations who tried to put through certain schemes in Korea for the
benefit of their selfish interests. In the course of a year and a
half the opposition to this club developed in a marked degree not
among the people, but among a few government officials and
certain members of the foreign legations.
"The first time in Korean history that democracy made its power
felt in the government was at the time Russia brought to Korea a
large number of army officers to drill the Korean troops. When
this question was brought up in the Independence Club debate, and
the scheme was thoroughly discussed pro and con by those who took
part in the debate, it was the consensus of opinion that the
turning over of the Military Department to a foreign power was
suicidal policy and they decided to persuade the government to
stop this scheme. The next day some 10,000 or more members of the
club assembled in front of the palace, and petitioned the Emperor
to cancel the agreement of engaging the Russian military officers
as they thought it was a dangerous procedure. The Emperor sent a
messenger out several times to persuade them to disperse and
explain to the people that there was no danger in engaging the
Russians as military instructors. But the people did not
disperse, nor did they accept the Emperor's explanation. They
quietly but firmly refused to move from the palace gates unless
the contract with Russia was cancelled.
"When the Russian Minister heard of this demonstration against
the contract he wrote a very threatening letter to the Korean
government to the effect that the Korean government must disperse
the people, by force if necessary, and stop any talk imputing
selfish motives on the part of the Russian government. If this
was not stopped, the Russian government would withdraw all the
officers from Korea at once, and Korea would have to stand the
consequences. This communication was shown to the people with the
explanation that if they insisted upon cancelling this contract
dire consequences would result to Korea. But the people told the
government they would stand the consequences, whatever they would
be, but would not have Russian officers control their military
establishment. The Korean government finally asked the Russian
Minister to withdraw their military officers and offered to pay
any damage on account of the cancellation of the contract. This
was done, and the will of the people was triumphant.
"But this event made opposition to the Independence Club stronger
than ever, and the government organized an opposing organization,
known as the PEDLARS' GUILD, which was composed of all the
pedlars of the country, to counteract the influence this club
wielded in the country. In May, 1898, I left Korea for the United
States."
Dr. Jaisohn, as a naturalized American citizen, was immune from arrest by
the Korean Government, and the worst that could happen to him was
dismissal. Another young man who now came to the front in the Independence
movement could claim no such immunity. Syngman Rhee, son of a good family,
training in Confucian scholarship to win a literary degree and official
position, heard with contempt and dislike the tales told by his friends of
foreign teachers and foreign religion. His parents were pious Buddhists and
Confucians, and he followed their faith. Finding, however, that if he hoped
to make good in official life he must know English, he joined the Pai Chai
mission school, in Seoul, under Dr. Appenzeller. He became a member of the
Independence Club, and issued a daily paper to support his cause. Young,
fiery, enthusiastic, he soon came to occupy a prominent place in the
organization.
The Independents were determined to have genuine reform, and the mass of
the people were still behind them. The Conservatives, who opposed them, now
controlled practically all official actions. The Independence Club started
a popular agitation, and for months Seoul was in a ferment. Great meetings
of the people continued day after day, the shops closing that all might
attend. Even the women stirred from their retirement, and held meetings of
their own to plead for change. To counteract this movement, the
Conservative party revived and called to its aid an old secret society, the
Pedlars' Guild, which had in the past been a useful agent for reaction. The
Cabinet promised fair things, and various nominal reforms were outlined.
The Independents' demands were, in the main, the absence of foreign
control, care in granting foreign concessions, public trial of important
offenders, honesty in State finance, and justice for all. In the end,
another demand was added to these--that a popular representative tribunal
should be elected.
When the Pedlars' Guild had organized its forces, the King commanded the
disbandment of the Independence Club. The Independents retorted by going
_en bloc_ to the police headquarters, and asking to be arrested. Early in
November, 1898, seventeen of the Independent leaders were thrown into
prison, and would have been put to death but for public clamour. The people
rose and held a series of such angry demonstrations that, at the end of
five days, the leaders were released.
The Government now, to quiet the people, gave assurances that genuine
reforms would be instituted. When the mobs settled down, reform was again
shelved. On one occasion, when the citizens of Seoul crowded into the main
thoroughfare to renew their demands, the police were ordered to attack them
with swords and destroy them. They refused to obey, and threw off their
badges, saying that the cause of the people was their cause. The soldiers
under foreign officers, however, had no hesitation in carrying out the
Imperial commands. As a next move, many thousands of men, acting on an old
national custom, went to the front of the palace and sat there in silence
day and night for fourteen days. In Korea this is the most impressive of
all ways of demonstrating the wrath of the nation, and it greatly
embarrassed the Court.