The House resolved itself into a Committee of the whole House on the
state of the Union. The Chairman read the resolution before the House
for equipping a Naval force.
Mr. MADISON thought this expedient unlikely to answer the purpose, and
liable to many objections. Before the American squadron can be equipped,
the truce between Algiers and Portugal must expire. When that expiration
shall take place, she either will not renew the truce at all, or she
will stipulate that the United States shall be comprehended in it. He
would save the money intended for the fleet, and hire the Portuguese
ships of war with it, as soon as the truce ends. He wished that the
committee might reject the present motion, and when they did so, he
would move a resolution, a copy of which he read to the committee. It
was in substance:
"That the sum of ---- dollars be provided to be employed in
such a manner as should be found most effectual for
obtaining a peace with the Regency of Algiers; and failing
of this, that the sum should be applied to the end of
obtaining protection from some of the European Powers."
Mr. M. considered the armament at present proposed, as quite too small
to answer any efficient purpose.
A member here observed, that it would be hazardous to rely on Portugal;
because, though the truce might expire in about six months, it would
possibly be renewed at the end of that time, or converted into a peace.
Mr. FITZSIMONS wished that gentlemen would pay some attention to
attested facts, before they so abruptly declare that the six ships
proposed by the committee to be built and put into commission, were
incompetent to the end for which they were designed. The committee had
bestowed considerable time in deliberating upon the best information
which could be obtained, before they specified the force requisite to be
employed, and they had been satisfied, that what was now proposed would
be equal to the end. Here Mr. F. read a different statement of the ships
of war in the service of the Regency of Algiers, at different times. One
of these shows that in the year 1789, there were nine xebecs, from
thirty-six to ten guns, and one ship of forty guns upon the stocks; but
that several of the xebecs were laid up or unfit for service. A second
estimate of the Algerine maritime force, had been transmitted by Mr.
Humphries. He specified four frigates, two xebecs, and one brig. By
advices still more recent, the fleet consisted of one vessel of
forty-four guns, one of thirty-six, one of twenty-eight, three xebecs,
and a brig. Mr. F. observed, that gentlemen had objected to the sending
out an American fleet; that they could not always keep together. He
reminded them, that from November to March or April, the corsairs of
Barbary never go out to sea. There were two months during that time,
when they were restrained by their religion from piratical excursions.
The committee had been told, that the Portuguese are ready to assist us.
There is ground to expect this assistance, but not to depend upon it.
Two American frigates, along with the Portuguese vessels, would be fully
equal to the task of curbing the Algerines. As to militia, he could not
see of what consequence they could be in a naval contest. With regard to
expense, he stated a very important fact. The United States import,
annually, two millions of bushels of salt from these countries, which
the Algerines will cut off from our commerce. The rise on that article
must then be at least one dollar per bushel; which is a tax of two
millions of dollars at once, or three times the expense of the armament.
Probably, however, the loss may extend to four millions of dollars on
this single article of salt, in one year only; a sum which would keep up
the fleet a long time. We have been trying to buy a peace, but without
success; and if we are not able to enforce it, the price of buying it
must be so much the higher. As soon as Portugal is left to herself, she
will certainly protect us, because it is much for her interest to do so.
At present, she cannot, perhaps, from the influence of the combined
powers. Mr. F., therefore, recommended an armament in the mean time.
Mr. SMILIE objected to this measure, because it was unequal to the task.
Britain would assist the Algerines underhandedly, as she did an enemy in
another quarter, and would continue to do so. He did not think she was
shameless enough to own it, but she would do it.[49]
Mr. NICHOLAS went on the same ground. He said that Britain had not been
content with striking up a truce for Portugal, that the Algerines might
be let loose on American commerce, but her Minister at the Court of
Lisbon had endeavored to prevent our vessels from obtaining a Portuguese
convoy. Not content with insuring a loss to America, she had striven to
make that loss immediate. As to the duration of the truce, it could not
last long, for the Queen of Portugal had, in fact, broken it already.
She had declared that the trade to that country should pass unmolested;
to which condition it was not likely that the Algerines would consent.
The Portuguese nobility had clamored at the acceptance of a truce. So
that, on the whole, it could hardly last long. A naval force was a very
expensive affair. The greater part of the immense debt of England had
been lavished on her navy. He was against building a navy.
Mr. SWIFT had been always sensible that the situation of this country
was not fit for war. We have a very heavy debt; but still it is better
to bear debts than depredations. A gentleman of extensive information
(Mr. S. SMITH, in yesterday's debate) had stated the rise of insurance
as much less than the armament would cost. Britain had always more
dependence on her navy, than on the immense sums that she pays to these
barbarians. Mr. S. had no doubt that the proposed fleet would have its
intended effect. He despaired of either buying a truce or buying an
ally. As to the militia of Algiers, they could not be brought into
action against frigates. He considered the charge of hiring the
Algerines, as an unfounded accusation on the honor of Britain. He could
not bring himself to believe that she was capable of a conduct so
exceedingly disgraceful. He had no direct evidence to convince. It might
be objected to this armament, that it would augment the national debt,
and throw too much influence into the hands of the Executive Government.
But the same objection might be started against every armament whatever.
Mr. MURRAY said, the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. MADISON,) yesterday,
observed that he was not a little surprised that those who a few days
since had appeared so alarmed at the phantom of war, should on this
question appear so willing to meet it. He would remark that those
gentlemen were alarmed at a shadow which appeared followed by the
substance of war, and were unwilling to do any thing that might lead to
a war that did not yet exist. But we were now at war with Algiers, and
had no choice. They had been at war with the United States ever since
the end of the Revolutionary war. The Spaniards and Portuguese kept them
within the Mediterranean. Gentlemen who are averse to the report, hold
up two substitute measures: one, which was suggested, and has been
argued by the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. MADISON,) is, that we ought
to grant a sum to Portugal for her protection of our trade. The other
is, that commercial regulations will accomplish our protection. He liked
neither. The last, if permanent, will withdraw all temptation from Great
Britain to interpose her good offices. The first is worse; it is
subsidizing Portugal at the expense of our own people, and that too
without security. Gentlemen would make it the interest of Portugal to
make such breaches of truce as would occasionally withdraw protection,
and oblige us to subsidize her higher. It would create a disgraceful
dependence on a foreign power, and weaken the spirit of our marine;
whereas, if you fit out frigates, you employ your money in nourishing
the roots of your own industry; you encourage your own ship-building,
lumber, and victualling business. He believed, that however true might
be the suspicion of British interference in Indian affairs, and he
feared it was too true, he did not believe the evidence as to Algerine
interference strong enough to induce an argument against the report,
under a supposition that as Great Britain had effected the truce, so she
would aid Algiers against us. He thought so, because it was not now as
much her interest as it was in times of peace. In times of peace, had
she let loose the Algerines, her own navigation would have been enabled
to carry for us, but now it would be molested by the French. He did not
believe nations, more than persons, would do wrong purely out of evil
designs, devoid of interest; the greatest villain would not. At present,
their ships are liable to attack from the French, and he had it from
good authority, that so far were the British from having advantaged
themselves if they had been so base, that scarcely a British ship had
appeared since in our ports. The ship frigates would be able to blockade
the Gut of Gibraltar; the Algerines did not sail in fleets; they wanted
plunder, not glory; when they discovered they had to get the first by
hard fighting, they would listen to peace, accompanied by money. Spain,
it was true, had purchased a peace, but there was an hereditary
inveteracy against Spain, and a facility of attacking her shores which
we need not fear; so it was her interest to buy a peace when war could
bring her nothing but a glory that almost disgraced her armies; as to
jealousy of power in the Executive, he hoped to see a proper equipoise
in the powers of this Government; but, when proper occasions occurred,
he hoped Congress would never refuse the adequate means to enable the
Executive to discharge its constitutional duties.
Mr. GOODHUE observed, that the committee had carefully looked over the
statement of the marine force of Algiers for several years back, and had
no reason to doubt that the six vessels would be equal to the purpose
intended. There was no ground to suppose Algiers would have more force
at present than she had during her war with Portugal. He had no doubt
that the Algerines were let loose on the American commerce to prevent
supplies going to France, and while the war lasts, we shall not be able
to buy a peace. It is said, that the truce was but for a year, and in
six months it will expire. He did not wish to depend on that, when the
evil is so great. And why depend on Portugal? She is more under the
influence of Britain than any other nation in Europe. When Britain has
been at the trouble of stipulating a peace for Portugal, will she suffer
that nation to assist us? Certainly not. Or is it wise to stand by and
depend upon such a resource?
Mr. MADISON said, that gentlemen thought so differently on this subject,
and advanced arguments against his side of the question of such a
different nature, that it was difficult or impossible to give them an
answer. He then proceeded to quote the speech of Mr. GOODHUE; when that
gentleman rose to explain. Mr. M. then proceeded to notice the speeches
of Mr. FITZSIMONS and Mr. S. SMITH. Both of these gentlemen were up more
than once to explain, as having been misquoted. In a speech of
considerable length, he was not suffered long to proceed without
interruptions of explanations. This produced a scene of altercation. One
circumstance, however, was mentioned by Mr. FITZSIMONS that deserves
particular notice. From April to December next, he said, the insurance
on American ships from England and the rest of Europe, will not be less
than twenty-five per cent. of their value on account of the Algerines.
The House now adjourned, without taking any question.
TUESDAY, March 4.
_Estimate of Appropriations._
The House again resolved itself into a Committee of the whole House on
the Report of the Secretary of the Treasury of the sums necessary to be
appropriated for the service of the year one thousand seven hundred and
ninety-four; and after some time spent therein, the Chairman reported
that the committee had again had the said report under consideration,
and come to a resolution thereupon; which he delivered in at the Clerk's
table, where the same was twice read, and agreed to by the House, as
follows:
_Resolved_, That, for the support of the Military Establishment of the
United States, for the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-four,
there be appropriated a sum of money, not exceeding one million four
hundred and fifty-seven thousand nine hundred and thirty-six dollars
and one cent; that is to say:
For the pay of the Legion of the United States, $303,684 00
For subsistence, 312,567 75
For forage, 31,632 00
For clothing, 112,000 00
For equipments for the cavalry, 7,314 05
For horses for the cavalry, 16,000 00
For bounty, 5,000 00
For the Hospital Department, 20,000 00
For the Ordnance Department, 6,715 32
For repairs and articles directed to be made
and purchased by the PRESIDENT OF THE
UNITED STATES, 202,783 34
For defensive protection of the frontiers, 130,000 00
For the Indian Department, 50,000 00
For the Quartermaster's Department, 150,000 00
For contingencies of the War Department, 30,000 00
And for Invalid Pensions, 80,239 55
------------
$1,457,936 01
_Ordered_, That a bill or bills be brought in, pursuant to the said
resolution; and that Mr. BOUDINOT, Mr. TRUMBULL, and Mr. GILLESPIE, do
prepare and bring in the same.
THURSDAY, March 6.
_Slave Trade._
The House went into Committee of the Whole on the bill to prohibit the
carrying on the slave trade from the ports of the United States, Mr.
BOUDINOT in the chair.
The two first sections of the bill were agreed to, with one alteration
moved by Mr. TRUMBULL, which was to give the District Court as well as
the Circuit Courts cognizance of the offence.
The third section which relates to the penalty &c., it was moved should
be struck out. This motion was negatived. It was then moved to insert
the word _foreign_ before "ship or vessel;" which was agreed to.
The committee proceeded through the bill, which was reported to the
House with sundry amendments; these were agreed to by the House, and the
bill ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.
MONDAY, March 10.
_Algerine War._