D. Kali=1150 B. C. Sanskrit merely the learned language.

Therefore the oldest Vedas, the purely popular, cannot be younger than

3000; the _collection_ was made in the third period, the tenth book is

already in chief part written in a _dead language_. You see all depends on

whether I can authenticate the four periods with their three catastrophes;

for a new form of language presupposes a political change. Forms such as

Har-aqaiti I can explain just as that the Norwegian names of places are

younger than the corresponding Icelandic forms; in the colony the old

remains as a fixed form, in the mother country the language progresses.

For what concerns now seriously the _Mythology_, your spirited essay

opening the way was a real godsend, for I had just arrived at the

conviction which you will find expressed in the introduction to Book V.

(a): That the so-called nature-religion can be nothing but the _symbol_ of

the primitive consciousness of God, which only gradually became

independent (through misunderstanding) and which already lies prefigured

in organic speech. P——, K—— and Co., are on this point in great darkness,

or rather in utter error. _You_ have kept yourself perfectly free from

this mistake. I however felt that I must proclaim what is positively true

far more sharply, and have drawn the outlines of a method which is to me

the more convincing, as it has stood the test of the whole history of old

religion. For in taking up the Aryan investigations, I closed the circle

of my historical mythological inquiry. What will _you_ say to this? For I

have written the whole especially for you, to come to an understanding

with you. I arrive at the same point which you aim at, but without your

roundabout way, which is but a make-shift. But in the fundamental

conception of nature-religion, we do certainly agree altogether. If you

come to Germany, you will find here with me the proof-sheets of Book V.(b)

(about pages 1-200) which treat of this section, as well as the analysis

of the table of the Hebrew patriarchs. They will be looked through before

Haug’s journey to Paris and mine to Geneva (August 1), and will be

therefore all struck off when I return here on the 23d August.

Your essay holds a beautiful place in the history of the subject. The work

on that section gave me inexpressible delight, and a despaired-of gap in

my life is filled up, as far as is necessary for my own knowledge; and I

believe too not without advantage to the faithful.

How disgraceful it is that we do not instinctively understand the Veda

language, when we read it in respectable Roman letters, with a little

previous grammatical practice! Your Veda Grammar will be a closed book to

me, as you print in the later Devanagari goose-foot character. Haug shall

transliterate for me the grammatical forms into _your_ alphabet. He is a

noble Suabian, and much attached to me; also a great admirer of yours.

My “God-Consciousness” is printed (thirty-two sheets), twenty are

corrected (and fought through with Bernays). This work, too, will be

carried through the second revise before my journey. I wonder myself what

will come of the work. Its _extent_ remains unaltered (three volumes in

six books), but its contents are ever swelling. I hope it _will take_. I

shall strike the old system _dead forever_, if we do not go to ruin; of

this I am sure; therefore I must all the more lay the foundations of the

new structure in the heart, the conscience, and the reason.

O! what a hideous time! God be praised, who made us both free. So also is

Carl now, through his official efficiency and his happy marriage. The

wedding will take place in Paris between the 9th and 15th October. We

shall go there.

I take daily rides, and was never better. Please God I shall finish the

“God-Consciousness” (II. and III.) between the 25th August and the end of

October (the third volume is nearly ready), and then I shall take up the

“Biblework,” the proof-sheets of which lie before me, with _undivided_

energy. The contract with Brockhaus is concluded and exchanged. I shall

perhaps come to England in October, 1857; that is to say _with_ the first

volume of the Bible, but _not without_ it.

Neukomm and Joachim have been with us for six weeks, which gave us the

greatest enjoyment. Neukomm returns here at the end of August.

My children promise me (without saying it) to meet here for the 25th

August, to introduce the amiable bride to me. I am rejoicing over it like

a child.

Why do you not make a journey to the Neckar valley with your mother and

cousin? My people send hearty greetings. With true love, yours.

I am purposely not reading your Anti-Renan all at once, that I may often

read it over again before I finish it. I think it is admirably written.

Perhaps a distinguished philologist, Dr. Fliedner (nephew of the head of

the Deaconesses), may call on you. He has been highly recommended to me,

and is worthy of encouragement. What is Aufrecht about? I cannot cease to

feel interested about him.

[75.]

CHARLOTTENBERG, _October 7, 1856_.

Yesterday, my dearest friend, I sent off the close of the last volume of

“Egypt,” together with the printed sheets 13-19, and at the same time to

Brockhaus the last two revised sheets of the “God in History,” Volume I.;

and to-day I have again taken up the translation of the Bible (Exodus),

with Haug and Camphausen—that is, Haug arrived the day before yesterday.

(Between ourselves, I hope Bernays is coming to me for three years.) How I

should have liked to show you these sheets, 13-19 (the Bactrians and

Indians and their chronology). You will find in them a thorough discussion

of your beautiful essay (which has been admired everywhere as a perfect

masterpiece), not without some shakings of the head at K—— and B——. In

fact I have gone in for it, and by New Year’s Day you shall have it before

you. This, with the journey to Switzerland and three weeks of

indisposition afterwards, are an excuse for my silence.

It always gives me great and inexpressible pleasure when you _talk_ to me

by letter and _think aloud_. And this time I have been deeply touched by

it. I am convinced you have since then yourself examined the

considerations which oppose themselves to your bold and noble wish with

regard to the Punjab. What would become of your great work? I will not

here say what shall we in Europe do without you? Also; do you mean to go

_alone_ to Hapta Hendu, or as a married man? There you will never find a

wife. And would your intended go with you? And the _children_? All

Englishmen tell me it is just as unbearably hot in Lahore as in Delhi; in

_Umritsir_ there is no fresh air. No Sing goes to Cashmir because he who

reigns there would soon dispatch him out of the world at the time of the

fever.

By the by, what has become of your convert? Does he still smoke without

any scruple?

Your gorgeous Rig-veda at Brockhaus’ frightens people here because of its

extent (they would have given up the Sanhita, satisfied with various

readings) and the exorbitant price. Others would willingly have had your

own Veda Grammar besides the Indian grammatical treatise, especially on

account of the Vedic forms. In fact you are admired, but criticised. You

must not allow this to annoy you. I find that Haug thinks about the

mythology nearly as I do.

Everything in Germany resolves itself more and more into pettinesses and

cliques, and the pitiful question of subsistence. “The many princes are

our good fortune, but poverty is our crime.” Had not _Brunn_ offered

himself to take Braun’s place, giving up his private tutorship, we must

have given up the Archæological Institute at Rome! With difficulty Gerhard

has found _one_ man in Germany who could undertake the Italian printing of

the “Annali” (appearing, as you know, in Gotha). “Resta a vedere se lo

può!” All who can, leave Prussia—and only blockheads or hypocrites are let

in, with the exception of physical science; whoever can do so turns

engineer, or goes into a house of business, or emigrates. My decided

advice on this account therefore is, reserve yourself for better times,

and stay at present in England, where you have really won a delightful

position for yourself.

Now for various things about myself. Every possible thing is done to draw

me away from here (my third capitol, the first of my own). The King quite

recently (which I could not in the least expect) received me here at the

railway station, in the most affectionate way, and demanded a promise from

me that I would pay him a visit within a year and a day. But I have once

for all declared myself as the “hermit of Charlottenberg,” and hermits and

prophets should stay at home. I do not even go to Carlsruhe and Coblentz.

_Cui bono?_ What avails good words, without good deeds? But the nation is

not dead. Don’t imagine that. Before this month is out you will see what I

have said on this subject in the Preface to the “God in History.” Within

six to ten years the nation will again be fit to act. Palmerston will cut

his throat if nothing comes of the Neapolitan business, and just the same

if he cannot make “a good case;” the principle of intervention even

against Bomba is self-destruction for England, and disgraceful in the

highest degree. The _fox_ cannot begin war in Italy at _the present

moment_ from want of money, and his accomplices are afraid of losing their

stolen booty. So he tries to gain time. He will still live a few years.

I have seen ——: he knows a great deal more than he allows to appear, but

is the driest, and most despairing Englishman I have ever seen. He has

suffered shipwreck of everything on the Tübingen sand bank. The poor

wretches! Religion and theology without philosophy is bad; philosophy

without philosophy is a monster! So Comte is a trump-card with many in

Oxford! He is so in London. What a fall of intellect! what a decay of

life! what an abyss of ignorance! Jowett is a living shoot, and will

continue so; but John Bull is my chief comfort, even for my “God in

History.” America is my greatest misery after my misery for Germany; but

the North _will_ prove itself in the right.

With hearty greetings of truest attachment and love to your mother, truly

yours.

We expect George on the 18th. Ernst is here.

[76.]

CHARLOTTENBERG, _January 29, 1857_.

You have really inflicted it on me! For though I have but one leg to stand

upon (I cannot _sit_ at all), as the other has been suffering for four

days from sciatica (let Dr. Acland explain that to you, whilst you at the

same time thank him heartily for his excellent book on the cholera), still

I am obliged to place myself at the desk, to answer my dear friend’s

letter, received yesterday evening in bed. The last fortnight I have daily

thought of you incessantly, and wished to write you a dunning letter, at

the same time thanking you for the third volume of the Veda, which already

contains some hymns of the seventh book, as the admiring Haug read it out

to me. Out of this especially he promises me a great treasure for my Vedic

God-Consciousness, without prejudice to what the muse may perhaps prompt

you to send me in your beautiful poetical translation; for my young

assistant will have nothing to do with that. You will certainly agree with

him, after you have read my first volume, that much is to be found in that

Veda for the centre of my inquiries; the consciousness in the Indian

Iranians of the reality of the divine in human life. I find in all that

has yet come before me, almost the same that echoes through the Edda, and

that appears in Homer as popular belief; the godhead interferes in human

affairs, when crime becomes too wanton, and thus evil is overcome and the

good gains more and more the upper hand. Of course that is kept in the

background, when despair in realities becomes the keynote of the

God-Consciousness, as with the Brahmans, and then with the much-praised

apostles of annihilation, the Buddhists. You are quite right; it is a pity

that I could not let the work appear all at once, for even you

misunderstand me. When I say “_we_ cannot pray with the Vedas and Homer

and their heroes, not even with Pindar,” I mean, we as worshippers, as a

community; and that you will surely allow. Of course the thoughtful

philosopher can well say with Goethe, “worship and liturgy in the name of

St. Homer, not to forget Æschylus and Shakespeare.” But that matter is

nevertheless true in history without any limitation. I have only tried it

with Confucius, but it is more difficult; it is as if an antediluvian

armadillo tried to dance.

But what will my Old Testament readers say when I lead them into the glory

of the Hellenic God-Consciousness? Crossing and blessing themselves won’t

help! My expressions therefore in the second volume are carefully

considered and cautiously used. But the tragedy of my life will be the

fourth book. Yet I write it, I have written it!

You are quite right about the English translation; all the three volumes

at once, and the address at the beginning. But you must read the second

book for me. It is no good saying you don’t understand anything about it.

I have made it easy enough for you. I have asserted nothing simply,

without making it easy for every educated person to form his own opinion,

if he will only reflect seriously about the Bible. The _presuppositions_

are either as good as granted, or where anything peculiar to me comes in,

I have in the notes justified everything thoroughly, although apparently

very simply. Take the Lent Sundays for this, and you will keep Easter with

me, and also your amiable mother (from whom you never send me even a word

of greeting).

But now, how does it fare with “Egypt?” The closing volume, which, as you

know, I wrote partly out of despair, because you would not help me, and in

which I most especially thought of you, and reckoned on your guiding

friendship, must surely now be in your hands (the two preceding volumes,

of course, some time ago). Why don’t you read them?

I am not at all easy at what you tell me about yourself and your feelings;

even though I feel deeply that you do not quite withdraw your inmost

thoughts from me. But why are you unhappy? You have gained for yourself a

delightful position in life. You are getting on with your gigantic work.

You (like me) have won a fatherland in England, without losing your German

home, the ever excellent. You have a beautiful future before you. You can

at any moment give yourself a comfortable and soul-satisfying family

circle. If many around you are Philisters, you knew that already; still

they are worth something in _their_ own line. Only step boldly forward

into life. Then Heidelberg would come again into your itinerary.

One thing more this time. I have not received Wilson’s translation. I

possess both the first and second volumes. Has he not continued his useful

work? What can I do to remind him of the missing part? The third volume,

too, must contain much that is interesting for me.

I cannot forget Aufrecht. Is he free from care and contented? The family

greet you and your dear mother. We expect Charles and his young wife next

week. Ernst is, as you will know, back at Abbey Lodge. With unaltered

affection.

[77.]

CHARLOTTENBERG, _April 27, 1857_.

The month is nearly over, my dear friend, before the close of which I

must, according to agreement, deliver up my revised copy of the amendments

and additions to the English edition of my “Egypt.” (They are already

there.) I hoped that in this interval you would have found a little

leisure (as Lepsius and Bernays have done, who sent me the fruits of their

reading already at the beginning of the month, in the most friendly way)

to communicate to me your criticisms or doubts or thoughts or corrections

on that which I have touched on in your own especial territory, as I had

expressly and earnestly begged you to do. I have improved the arrangement

very much. As you have not done this, I can only entertain one of two

disagreeable suppositions, namely, that you are either ill or out of

spirits, or that you have only what is disagreeable to say of my book, and

would rather spare yourself and me from this. But as from what I know of

you, and you know of me, I do not find in either the one or the other

supposition a sufficient explanation of your obstinate silence, I should

have forced myself to wait patiently, had I not to beg from you alone a

small but indispensable gift for my “God in History.”

I have again in this interregnum taken up the interrupted studies of last

year on the Aryan God-Consciousness in the Asiatic world, and thanks to

Burnouf’s, yours, Wilson’s, Roth’s and Fausböll’s books, and Haug’s

assistance and translations, I have made the way easy to myself for

understanding the two great Aryan prophets Zaraduschtra and Sākya, and (so

far as that is possible to one of us now) the Veda; and this not without

success and with inexpressible delight. My expectations are far exceeded.

The Vedic songs are by far the most glorious, which in first going through

that fearful translation of Wilson’s, seemed to wish to hide themselves

entirely from me. The difficulties of making them intelligible, even of a

bare translation, are immense; the utter perverseness of Sâya_n_a is only

exceeded by that of Wilson, to whom however one can never be grateful

enough for his communications. I now first perceive what a difficult but

also noble work you have undertaken, and how much still remains doubtful;

even after one has got beyond the collectors and near to the original

poets. It is as if of the Hebrew traditions we only had the Psalms, and

that without an individual personality like David, without, in fact, any

one; on the contrary, allusions to Abraham’s possible poems and the

cosmical dreams of the Aramæans. But yet how strong is the feeling of

immediate relation to God and nature, how truly human, and how closely

related to our own! What a curious similarity to the Edda, Homer, and

Pindar, Hesiod, and the Hellenic primitive times! Nothing however gave me

greater delight than the dignity and solemnity of the funeral ceremonies,

which you have made so really clear and easy to be understood. This is as

yet the only piece of _real life_ of our blood relations in the land of

the five rivers. I have naturally taken possession of this treasure with

the greatest delight, and perfected the description for my problem by the

explanation of Yama (following on the whole Roth, who however overlooks

the demiurgic character), of the Ribhus (departing entirely, not only from

Nève’s mistaken views, but also from what I have read elsewhere,

representing them as the three powers which divide and form matter,

namely, Air, Water, and Earth, to whom the fourth, Agni, was joined under

the guidance of Tvash’ar), and of the funeral ceremonies as the condition

of the laws of inheritance; where I return to my own beginning. And here

it strikes me at once that in the Vedas, so far as they are accessible to

me, there is not a trace to be found of the _joining together of the three

generations_ (the departed and his father and grandfather), and making

them the unity of the race through the sacrificial oblations. And yet the

_idea_ must be older than the Vedas, as this precise, though certainly not

accidental limitation is found with Solon and the Twelve Tables, just as

clearly as with Manu and all the books of laws, and the commentaries

collected by Colebrooke. You would of course have mentioned this in your

account if anything of the sort had existed in the tenth book. But even

the Pitris, the fathers, are not mentioned, but it passes on straight to

Yama the first ancestor. Haug, too, has discovered nothing; if you know

anything about it, communicate it to me in the course of May, for my

second volume goes to press on the 1st June. I shall read it aloud to

George and Miss Wynn here, between the 25th and 31st.

But my real desire is that you should send me one of your melodious and

graceful metrical translations of _your_ hymn, “Nor aught nor nought

existed.” I must of course give it (it belongs with me to the period of

transition, therefore, comparatively speaking, late); and how can I

venture to translate it? I have, to be sure, done so with about five

poems, which Haug chose for me out of the first nine books, and translated

literally and then explained them to me; as well as with those which I

worked out of Wilson’s two first volumes by the help of Roth and Haug. But

that is _your_ hymn, and I have already written my thanks for your

communication in my MS. and then left a space. That good Rowland Williams

thinks it theistic, or at all events lets one of the speakers say so.

Rowland Williams’ “Christ and Hinduism” has been a real refreshment to me,

in this investigation of the Indian consciousness of God in the world. The

mastery of the Socratic-Platonic dialogue, the delicacy and freedom of the

investigation, and the deep Christian and human spirit of this man, have

attracted me more than all other new English books, and even filled me

with astonishment. Muir, that good man, sent it me through Williams and

Norgate, and I have not only thanked him, but Williams himself, in a full

letter, and have pressingly invited him for his holidays to our little

philosophers’ room. It is an especial pleasure to me that Mary and John,

whose neighbor he is in summer, have appreciated him, and loved and prized

him, and Henry also.

Henry will bring me “Rational Godliness.” This book, English as it is,

should be introduced into India, in order to convert the followers of

Brahma and the English Christians! One sees what hidden energy lies in the

English mind, as soon as it is turned to a worthy object, but for this of

course the fructifying influences of the German spirit are required. I

have, on the contrary, been much disappointed by G——’s communication

contained in Burnouf’s classical works, on that most difficult but yet

perfectly soluble point of the teaching of Buddha, the twelve points

“beginning with ignorance and ending with death.” G—— leaves the rational

way even at the first step, and perceives his error himself at the ninth,

but so far he finds Buddha’s (that is his own) proofs unanswerable. How

totally different is Burnouf. He is fresh, self-possessed, and clear. I

can better explain why William von Humboldt went astray on this subject.

But I have already gossiped too much of my own thoughts to you. Therefore

to Anglicis.

What are you about in Oxford? According to Haug’s account you have abused

me well, or allowed me to be well abused in your “Saturday Review,” which

passes as yours and Kingsley’s mouthpiece. If it were criticism, however

mistaken, but why personal aspersions? Pattison’s article on the

“Theologia Germanica” in the April number of the “Westminster Review” is

very brave, and deserves all thanks. He has learnt to prize Bleek: in all

respects he has opened himself more to me in the last few weeks, and I

like him. But the man who now writes the survey of foreign literature in

the “Westminster Review” might have just _read_ my book: this he cannot

have done, or else he is a thorough bungler; for he (1) understands me

only as representing the personal God (apparently the one in the clouds,

as you once expressed it, _a-straddle_, riding) and leaving out everything

besides; (2) that the last twenty-seven chapters of the book of Isaiah are

not, as one has hitherto conceived, written by one man, but by Jeremiah,

although he is already the glorified saint of the 53d chapter, _and_ by

Baruch. Now thank God that the sheet is finished, and think occasionally

in a friendly way of your true friend.

I shall to-day finish the ante-Solonic God-Consciousness of the Hellenes.

That does one good.

[78.]

CHARLOTTENBERG, _Friday, May 8, 1857_.

I must at least begin a letter to you to-day, because I feel I must thank

you, and express my delight at the letter and article. The _letter_

confirms my fears in the highest degree, namely, that _you are not well_,

not to say that you begin to be a hypochondriacal old bachelor. But that

is such a natural consequence of your retired sulky Don’s life, and of

your spleen, that I can only wonder how you can fight so bravely against

it. But both letter and article show me how vigorous are both your mind

and heart. It is quite right in you to defend Froude, though no one better

knows that the general opinion is (as is even acknowledged by members of

the German romantic school) that Shakespeare intentionally counteracted

the corrupt instinct and depraved taste of his nation in the matter of

Oldcastle. Whatever strange saints there have been in all countries, yet

the Wycliffites, true to their great and noble master, were martyrs, and

Milman has insisted on this most nobly. To misapprehend Wyeliffe himself,

that is, not to recognize him as the first and purest reformer, the man

between the Waldenses, Tauler, and Luther, is, however, a heresy more

worthy of condemnation than the ignoring of Germany in the Reformation,

and doubly deplorable when one sees such blind faith in the bloody

sentences of that most miserable court of judgment of Henry VIII. I must

therefore invert your formula thus, “L’histoire romanique (romantique) ne

vaut pas le Roman historique.” (I am not speaking of “Two Years Ago,” for

I only began to read the book yesterday.) _But_ I am very glad that you

think so highly of Froude personally, and therefore this matter does not

disturb me. On the other hand, I rejoice without any _but_, that you have

taken up Buddha so lovingly and courageously. (Do you know that extracts

from the article have found their way into the papers, through “Galignani”

as “Signs of the Times.”) You will soon see how nearly we agree together,

although I cannot say so much of the humanizing influence of Buddhism: it

makes of the Turanians what the Jesuits make of the people of Paraguay,

“praying machines.” In _China_ the Buddhists are not generally respected;

in _India_ they could not maintain their position, and would with

difficulty convert the people, if they tried to regain their lost ground.

But Buddha, _personally_, was a saint, a man who felt for mankind, a

profound man. I have said in my section, “Buddha has not only found more

millions of followers than Jesus, but is also even more misunderstood than

the Son of Mary.” Have you read _Dhammapadam_? What is the authority for

Buddha’s “Ten Commandments?” I have always considered this as an invention

of Klaproth’s, confirmed by Prinsep. I do not find them on Asoka’s

pillars, nor in that didactic poem; on the contrary, four or five _ad

libitum_. I shall, however, now read the sermons of the (really worthless)

convert Asoka at the fountain head, from Sprenger’s library.

You have represented the whole as with a magic wand. We really _edified_

ourselves yesterday evening with it. Frances read aloud, and we listened;

and this morning early my wife has made it into a beautiful little book in

quarto, with which I this afternoon made _Trübner_ very happy for some

hours. He is a remarkable man, and is _much_ devoted to you, and I have

entered into business relations with him about my “Biblework,” the first

volume of which goes to press on the 1st of January; the other six stand

before me as far finished as they can be, till I have the printed text of

“The People’s Bible” in three volumes before me, on which the “Biblical

Documents,” three volumes, and the “Life of Jesus and the Eternal Kingdom

of God,” one volume, are founded. He appears to me to be the right

negotiator between America, England, and Germany. He will before long call

on you some Saturday. (Write me word how you think of him as a

bookseller.) The duty you pay for your place, by putting together a

Chresthomathy, is very fair; whether you are obliged to print your

Lectures I cannot decide. I shall curse them both if they prevent you from

tearing yourself away from the Donnish atmosphere and bachelor life of

Oxford, and from throwing yourself into the fresh mental atmosphere of

Germany and of German mind and life. You must take other journeys besides

lake excursions and Highland courses. Why don’t you go to Switzerland,

with an excursion (by Berlin) to Breslau, to the German Oriental Congress?

There is nothing like the German spirit, in spite of all its

one-sidedness. What a _lœta paupertas_! What a recognition of the

sacerdocy of science! And then the strengthening air, free from fog, of

our mountains and valleys! You bad fellow, to tell me nothing of your

mother’s leaving you, for you ought to know that I am _tenderly_ devoted

to her; and it vexes me all the more, as I should long ago have sent her

my “God in History,” had I known that she was in Germany. (Query where?

Address?) Therefore fetch her, instead of luring her away to the walks

under the lime-trees. _George_ is going too at the end of June from here

to the Alps; we expect him in a fortnight. He is a great delight to me.

Now something more about Yama. I think you are _perfectly_ right with

regard to the origin. It is exactly the same with _Osiris_, the husband of

Isis, the earth, and then the judge of the dead and first man. Only we do

not on this account explain _Anubis_ as a _symbol of the sun_, but as the

watchful Dog of Justice, the accuser. So there are features in Yama (and

Yima) which are not to be easily explained from the cosmogonic conception,

although they can be from the idea of the divine, the first natural

representation of which is the astral one. I think, however, that Yama is

Geminus, that is “the upper and lower sun,” to speak as an Egyptian. _The

two dogs_ must originally have been what their mother the old bitch Saramâ

is; but with the God of Death they are something different, and the lord

of the dead is to be as little explained by the so-called nature-religion

_without returning to the eternal factor_, as this first phase itself

could have arisen without it as cosmical—_therefore_, as first symbol. How

I long for your two translations! The hymn which you give in the article

is _sublime_: the search after the God of the human heart is expressed

with indescribable pathos; and how much more will this be the case in your

hands in a new Indian translation! For we are most surely now the Indians

of the West. I am delighted that you so value Rowland Williams. We must

never forget that he has undertaken (as he himself most pointedly wrote to

me) the difficult task “to teach Anglican theology (and that to Anglican

Cymri).” He has not yet quite promised to pay me a visit,—he is evidently

afraid of me as a German and freethinker, and is afraid “to be

catechised.” He, like all Englishmen, is wanting in _faith_. He seems to

occupy himself profoundly with the criticism of the Old Testament. Poor

fellow! But he will take to Daniel.

The Harfords are determined to keep him there, in which Henry has already

encouraged them. I, however, think he _ought_ to go to Cambridge if they

offer him a professorship. Muir has written to me again,—an honest man;

but he has again taken a useless step, a prize, for which Hoffmann

(superintendent-in-general) is to be the arbiter; and the three judges

will be named by him, Lehnert as theologian (Neander’s unknown successor),

H. Ritter as the historian of philosophy (very good,—and who as

_Orientalist_)! No magister will touch his pen, _his ducibus_ and _tali

auspicio_. You should perform the Benares vow by a catechism drawn up for

the poor young Brahmans in the style of Rowland Williams, and yet quite

different, that is, in your own manner, telling and short. At all events,

no one in Germany will write half as good a book for the Brahmans as

Williams has done. The Platonic dialogue requires a certain breadth,

unless one is able and willing to imitate the Parmenides. At the same time

the ordinary missionaries may convert the lower classes through the Gospel

and through Christian-English-German life, in which alone they prove their

faith. By the by, it seems that Williams hopes for an article from you in

the “North British Review.” That you intend to read my “Egypt” is

delightful; only not in the Long Vacation, when you ought to travel about.

Have you read the friendly article on “God in History” in the “National

Review” (April), which however certainly shows an ignorance bordering on

impudence. Even the man in the “Westminster Review” pleases me better,

although he looked through my book fast asleep, and puts into my mouth the

most unbelievable discoveries of his own ignorance,—Isaiah chapters

xlix.-lxvi. are written by _Jeremiah_ and _Baruch_, and similar horrors!

When will people learn something? But in four years I hope, with God’s

help, to state this, in spite of them, and force them at last to learn

something through “the help of their masters and mine.” With true love,

yours.

[79.]

CHARLOTTENBERG, _Friday Morning, August 28, 1857_.

See there he remains in the centre of Germany for a month, and lets one

hear and see nothing of him! Had I not soon after the receipt of your dear

and instructive letter gone to Wildbad, and there fallen into

indescribable idleness, I should long ago have written to Oxford; for the

letter was a great delight to me. The snail had there crept out of his

shell and spoke to me as the friend, but now “Your Excellency” appears

again; so the snail has drawn his head in again.

Now, my dear friend, you ought to be thanked for the friendly thought of

paying me a visit, and writing to me. Therefore you must know that I

returned here on the 19th, in order to greet, in his father’s native

country, Astor, my now sixty-three years old pupil, who proposed himself

for the 20th to the 25th, and who for my sake has left his money-bags in

order to see me once again. And now Astor is really in Europe, and has

called at Abbey Lodge; but his wife and granddaughter have stayed on in

Paris or Brussels, and Astor is _not_ yet here. This, however, has no

effect on my movements, for I do not accompany him to Switzerland, where,

I know, Brockhaus would send a hue and cry after me.

That the Oxford Don should ask him if I would afford him a “few hours,”

shows again the English leaven. For you well know that my hermit’s life is

dear to me for this reason,—that it leaves me at liberty to receive here

the Muses and my friends. And what have we not to talk over? The “hours”

belong to the Don’s gown; for you know very well that we could in a “few

hours” only figure to ourselves _what_ we have to discuss by turns. So

come as soon as you can, and stay at least a week here. You will find my

house to be sure rather lonely, as Henry has robbed me of the womankind,

and Sternberg of Theodora; and that excellent princess keeps Emilia from

me, who is faithfully nursing her benefactress in an illness that I hope

is passing away. We two old people are, however, here and full of old

life. Perhaps you will also still find Theodore, who, however, soon after

Astor’s departure will be hurrying off to Falmouth for sea-bathing, in

acceptance of his brother Ernst’s invitation. Laboulaye has announced

himself for the 8th; Gerhard and his wife for the first or second week in

September; therefore, if you do find any one, they will be friends.

Besides Meyer, there is Dr. Sprenger, the Arabic scholar, as house friend,

whose library I have at last secured for us,—a delightful man, who is my

guide in the Arabian desert, so that I may be certain of bringing the

children of Israel in thirty months to the Jabbok, namely, in the fifth of

the eight volumes.

I can give you no better proof of my longing to see you than by saying

that you shall _even_ be welcome without your mother, who is so dear and

unforgotten to us all, although we by no means give up the hope that you

will bring her with you here. For I _must_ see her again in this life. I

ought to have thanked her before this for a charming letter, but I did not

know _where_ she had gone from Carlsbad; her son never sent me the

address. Should she _not_ come with you, you must pay toll for the delay,

which, however, must not be longer than one year, with a photograph, for I

_must_ soon see her.

So you have looked at my Genesis! I am pleased at this. But I hope you

will look at the chapters once again, when they are set _in pages_, after

my last amendments; also at my discussions on Genesis i. 1-4, ii. 4-7, as

i. and ii. of the thirty thorns (in the Appendix, p. cxxxv.) which I have

run into the weak side of the Bible dragon, though less than one thirtieth

of its heaviest sins. I feel as if I had got over three quarters of the

work since I sent the eleven chapters and the thirty thorns into the

world. My holidays last till the 21st of October. Haug is in the India

House, over Minokhired and Parsi Bundehesh. If you have a moment’s time,

look at my quiet polemic against you and Burnouf in favor of Buddha, in

reference to the Nirvâna. Koeppen has given me much new material, although

he is of your opinion. I am quite convinced that Buddha thought on this

point like Tauler and the author of the “German Theology;” but he was an

Indian and lived in desperate times. A thousand thanks for the dove which

you sent me out of the ark of the Rig-Veda. I had sinned against the same

hymn by translating it according to Haug, as I had not courage enough to

ask you for more. And that leads me to tell you with what deep sympathy

and melancholy pleasure your touching idyl has filled me. You will easily

believe me that after the first five minutes I saw you vividly behind the

mask. I thank you _very much_ for having ordered it to be sent to me. I am

very glad that you _have_ written it, for I would far rather see you

mixing in the life of the present and future, with your innate freshness

and energy. I must end. All love from me and Fanny to your incomparable

mother. So to our speedy meeting. Truly yours.

George will have arrived in London yesterday with wife and child; his

darling Ella has a serious nervous affection, and they are to try sea air.

He is much depressed.

[80.]

CHARLOTTENBERG, _February 17, 1858_.

Your affectionate letter, my dear friend, has touched me deeply. First

your unaltered love and attachment, and that you have perfectly understood

me and my conduct in this affair. Naturally my fate will be very much

influenced by it. I must be _every year_ in Berlin: this year I shall

satisfy myself with the last three weeks after Easter. In 1859 (as I shall

spend the winter in Nice) I shall take my seat, when I return in April

across the Alps. But later (and perhaps from 1859) I must not only live in

Prussia, which is prescribed by good feeling and by the constitution, but

I must stay for some time in Berlin. They all wish to have me there. God

knows how little effort it costs me not to seek the place of Minister of

Instruction, to say nothing of declining it, for everything is daily going

more to _ruin_. But it could only be for a short time, and

Bethmann-Hollweg, Usedom, and others can do the right thing just as well,

and have time and youth to drag away the heavy cart of a Chinese order of

business, which now consumes nine tenths of the time of a Prussian

minister (who works twelve hours a day).

What I wish and am doing with my “Biblework,” _you_ will see between the

lines of my first volume; other people, twelve months later, when my first

volume of the Bible documents “comes out:” and even then they will not see

where the concluding volume tends,—the world’s history in the Bible, and

the Bible in the world’s history. Already in the end of 1857 I finished

all of the first volume: the stereotyping goes on fearfully slow. You will

receive one of the first copies which goes across the Channel; and you

will read it at once, will you not? I am delighted that you are absorbed

in _Eckart_: he is the key to Tauler, and there is nothing better, _except

the Gospel of St. John_. For there stands still more clearly than in the

other gospel writings, that the object of life in this world is to _found

the Kingdom of God on earth_ (as my friends the Taipings understand it

also). Of this, Eckart and his scholars had despaired, just as much as

Dante and his parody, Reineke Fuchs. You will find already many pious

ejaculations of this kind in my two volumes of “God in History;” but I

have deferred the closing word till the sixth book, where _our_ tragedy

will be revealed, in order to begin boldly with a new epos. I send you

to-day four sheets by book-post, “The Aryans in Asia;” for I cannot finish

it without your personal help. You will find that you have already

furnished a great portion of the matter. The same hymn which I translated

with difficulty and trouble from Haug’s literal translation (in strophes

which you however do not recognize?) (Ps. li.), you have translated for

me, in your own graceful manner, on a fly-sheet, and sent to me from

Leipzig. Of course I shall use this translation in place of my own. I

therefore venture to request that you will do the same with regard to the

other examples which I have given. If you wish to add anything _new_, it

will suit perfectly, for everything fits in at the end of the chapter: the

number of the pages does not come into consideration in the present stage.

You will receive the leaves on Saturday; it would be delightful if you

could finish them in the course of the following week, and send them back

to me. (We have a contract here with France, which gives us a sort of

book-post.) I expect next week the continuation of the Brahmanism and

Buddha. I should like to send both to you. The notes and _excursus_ will

only be printed at the close of the volume, therefore not before May. The

rest (Books V., VI.) will be printed during the summer, to appear before I

cross the Alps. In this I develop the tragedy of the Romano-Germanic

world, and shall both gain many and lose many friends by it. I have read

your brilliant article on Welcker with great delight. I possess it. Have

you sent it (if only anonymously) to the noble old man? He has deserved

it. The article makes a great noise, and will please him very much. In

fact, everything would give me undisturbed pleasure, did I not see (even

without your telling me, which, however, you have done, as is the sacred

duty between friends) that you are not happy in yourself. Of _one_ thing I

am convinced,—you would be just as little so, _even less_, in Germany, and

least of all among the sons of the Brahmans. If you continue to live as

you do now, you would everywhere miss England,—perhaps also Oxford, if you

went to London. Of this I am not clear: in general a German lives far more

freely in the World-city than in the Don-city, where every English

idiosyncrasy strengthens itself, and buries itself in coteries.

Unfortunately I have neither read “Indophilus” nor “Philindus:” please

tell me the numbers of the “Times.” I can get a copy of the “Times” here

from the library from month to month. Trevelyan is an excellent man,

occasionally unpractical and mistaken, always meaning well and accessible

to reason. But does any one _study_ in London? _Dubito!_ But I don’t

understand the plan of an Oriental College. Perhaps it is possible to

undertake London without giving up Oxford entirely. The power of

influencing the young men, who after ten or twenty years will govern the

land, is far greater in Oxford or Cambridge than in London. I am curious

about your “German Reading Book.”

I maintain one thing,—you are not happy; and that comes from your bachelor

life. The progress of your Vedic work delights me: but how much in it is

still a riddle! Thus, for instance, the long hymn (2 Ash_t_aka, third

Adhyâya, Sûkta viii. CLXIV.) p. 125. The hymn is first of all, as can be

proved, beyond verse 41 _not genuine_; but even this older portion is

late, surely already composed on the Sarasvatî. The Veda is already a

finished book (verse 39), Brahma and Vish_n_u are gods (35, 36). The whole

is really wearisome, because it wishes to be mysterious without an idea.

(See 4 Ash_t_aka, seventh Adhyâya, vol. iii. p. 463.) Is not Brahma there

a god like Indra?

I depend on your marking all egregious blunders with a red pencil. Many

such must still have remained, leaving out of view all differences of

opinion. Tell me as much as you can on this point in a letter, for on the

Continent only notes for press are allowed to go as a packet. (But of

these you can bring in as much as you wish: the copy is a duplicate.) At

the end I should much like to write something about the present

impossibility of enjoying the Rig-Veda, and of the necessity of a

spiritual key. But I do not quite know, first of all, whether one can

really enter upon the whole: there is much that is conventional and mortal

by the side of what is imperishable. An anthology in about two or three

volumes would find a rapid sale, and would only benefit a more learned and

perfect edition. If you have arrived at the same conclusion, _I will blow

the trumpet_.

George greets you heartily, as do his mother and sisters. Perhaps I shall

move in April, 1859, to Bonn; _here_ I shall _not_ stay. _Deus

providebit._ With truest affection, yours.

Best remembrance to your mother. Have you read my preface to “Debit and

Credit?” I have poured out my heart about Kingsley in the Introduction to

the German “Hypatia,” and told him that everybody must say to himself,

sooner or late, “Let the dead bury the dead.”

[81.]

CHARLOTTENBERG, _July 31, 1858_.

With threefold joy, my loved friend, have I heard the news through your

great admirer Mme. Schwabe, of your charming intention of delighting us in

August with a visit. _First_, on account of the plan itself: _then_

because I can now compress into a few lines the endless letter I have so

long had in my thoughts, to develop it in conversation according to my

heart’s desire; _thirdly_, because really since yesterday the day has come

when the one half of the concluding volume (iii.) of “God in History” has

gone to press, so that its appearing is secured. A letter to you, and a

like debt to Lepsius, therefore open the list. And now before anything

else receive my hearty _thanks_ for your friendly and instructive letter,

and what accompanied it _in Vedicis_. It came just at the right time, and

you will see what use I made of it in the work.

And now here first come my _congratulations_. Nothing could be more

agreeable and suitable; it is personally and nationally an honor, and an

unique acknowledgment. I can only add the wish that you may enjoy the

dignity itself as short a time as possible, and take leave as soon as

possible of the Fellow-celibates of All Souls’. Your career in England

wants nothing but this crowning-point. How prosperous and full of results

has it been! Without ceasing to be a German, you have appropriated all

that is excellent and superior in English life, and of that there is much,

and it will last for life. I imagine you will bring your historical

_Chrestomathy_ with you, and propose to you, as you most probably give

something out of the Heliand and Ulphilas, to reserve my Woluspa for the

next edition, as I have just established the first tenable text of this

divine poem, on which the brothers Grimm would never venture. I have had

this advantage, of working on the good foundation of my studies (with a

Danish translation) of 1815 from Copenhagen. Neither Magnusson, nor Munch,

nor Bergmann has given the text of the only MS. (Cod. Regius); one has

disfigured it with the latest interpolations, another with unauthorized

transpositions. I have at last worked out the unity of the Helgi and the

Sigurd songs with each other, and the oldest purely mythological stratum

(the solar tragedy) of both, as an important link in the chain of

evidence, for the reality of the God-Consciousness of mankind and its

organic laws. What people will say to the “results” (Book VI.) which fall

into one’s hands, I do not know.

I have been obliged to postpone the journey to Italy from September to

November. October (the 23d) is the great crisis for Prussia, and I ought

not to forsake the Fatherland then, and have willingly agreed not to do

so. A brighter, better day is approaching. May God give his blessing.

Every one must help; it is the highest time.

But nothing disturbs me from the work of my life. The fourth volume of the

“Biblework” goes to press the day after to-morrow; on the 1st of

September, the fifth (Documents I. a). I have now finished _my_

preliminary work for the Old Testament in the main points, and only

reserved the last word before the stereotyping; so I begin at once on the

New Testament and Life of Jesus. The friendly and clever notice of the

first volume of the “Biblework” in the “Continental Review” gave me and my

whole family _great pleasure_: and Bernays is here since yesterday (for

August and September), which helps the printing of the Pentateuch very

much, as I always sent him a last revise, and now all can be worked off

here. I finish with Haug in the beginning of September; he will go

probably to Poonah with his very sensible bride. Charles and Theodore are

well. I expect George this week with Emilia for a visit. My family greet

you. Bernays sighs. He has again made some _beautiful discoveries_; that

of Aristotle (about the tragedies) I have carried further philosophically.

Suggest to that good Arthur Stanley (to whom I have sent my “Biblework”)

to send me his “Palestine.” I cannot get it here, and should like to say

something about it.

With most true love, yours.

[82.]

CHARLOTTENBERG, _July 23, 1859_.

My sons knew too well what delight they would give me through their

confidential communication, which has already given us all a foretaste of

the delight of your visit with your bride, and meanwhile has brought me

your expected and affectionate letter.

I have felt all these years what was the matter with you, and I sympathize

with your happiness as if it concerned one of my own children. I therefore

now, my loved friend, wish you all the more happiness and blessing in the

acquisition of the highest of life’s prizes, because your love has already

shown the right effect and strength, in that you have acquired courage for

finishing at _this present time_ your difficult and great work on the

Vedas. The work will also give you further refreshment for the future,

whilst the editing of the Veda still hangs on your hands.

Therefore let us all wish you joy most heartily (my wife has received the

joyful news in Wildbad), and accept our united thanks beforehand for your

kind intention of visiting us shortly with your young wife. By that time

we shall all be again united here. Your remarkable mother will alone be

wanting. Beg your bride beforehand to feel friendly towards me and towards

us all. You know how highly I esteem her two aunts, though without

personal acquaintance with them, and how dear to me is the cultivated,

noble, Christian circle in which the whole family moves. I have as yet

carried out my favorite plan with a good hope of success; six months in

Charlottenberg on the true spiritually historical interpretation of the

Old Testament, in the first volumes of the second division of the work

(the so-called documents); six months of the winter on the “Life of

Jesus,” and what in my view immediately joins on to that. The first volume

of the Bible documents is printed, _the Pentateuch_. You will see that I

have handled Abraham and Moses as freely here as I did Zoroaster and

Buddha in my last work; the explanation of the books and the history from

Joram to Zedekiah is as good as finished.

We shall keep peace; Napoleon and Palmerston understand each other, and

Palmerston is the _only_ statesman in England and Europe who conceives

rightly the Italian question. Russia follows him. I still hope by the

autumn to be able to bless the God of free Italy beside Dante’s and

Machiavelli’s graves. With us (Prussia) matters move fairly forwards; here

they have been fools, and begin to feel ashamed of themselves. So a speedy

and happy meeting.

Your heartily affectionate friend,

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