XVI. BUNSEN.(97)

Ours is, no doubt, a forgetful age. Every day brings new events rushing in

upon us from all parts of the world; and the hours of real rest, when we

might ponder over the past, recall pleasant days, gaze again on the faces

of those who are no more, are few indeed. Men and women disappear from

this busy stage, and though for a time they had been the radiating centres

of social, political, or literary life, their places are soon taken by

others,—“the place thereof shall know them no more.” Few only appear again

after a time, claiming once more our attention through the memoirs of

their lives, and then either flitting away forever among the shades of the

departed, or assuming afresh a power of life, a place in history, and an

influence on the future often more powerful even than that which they

exercised on the world while living in it. To call the great and good thus

back from the grave is no easy task; it requires not only the power of a

_vates sacer_, but the heart of a loving friend. Few men live great and

good lives; still fewer can write them; nay, often, when they have been

lived and have been written, the world passes by unheeding, as crowds will

pass without a glance by the portraits of a Titian or a Van Dyke. Now and

then, however, a biography takes root, and then acts, as a lesson, as no

other lesson can act. Such biographies have all the importance of an _Ecce

Homo_, showing to the world what man can be, and permanently raising the

ideal of human life. It was so in England with the life of Dr. Arnold; it

was so more lately with the life of Prince Albert; it will be the same

with the life of Bunsen.

It seems but yesterday that Bunsen left England; yet it was in 1854 that

his house in Carlton Terrace ceased to be the refreshing oasis in London

life which many still remember, and that the powerful, thoughtful,

beautiful, loving face of the Prussian Ambassador was seen for the last

time in London society. Bunsen then retired from public life, and after

spending six more years in literary work, struggling with death, yet

reveling in life, he died at Bonn on the 28th of November, 1860. His widow

has devoted the years of her solitude to the noble work of collecting the

materials for a biography of her husband; and we have now in two large

volumes all that could be collected, or, at least, all that could be

conveniently published, of the sayings and doings of Bunsen, the scholar,

the statesman, and, above all, the philosopher and the Christian.

Throughout the two volumes the outward events are sketched by the hand of

the Baroness Bunsen; but there runs, as between wooded hills, the main

stream of Bunsen’s mind, the outpourings of his heart, which were given so

freely and fully in his letters to his friends. When such materials exist,

there can be no more satisfactory kind of biography than that of

introducing the man himself, speaking unreservedly to his most intimate

friends on the great events of his life. This is an autobiography, in

fact, free from all drawbacks. Here and there that process, it is true,

entails a greater fullness of detail than is acceptable to ordinary

readers, however highly Bunsen’s own friends may value every line of his

familiar letters. But general readers may easily pass over letters

addressed to different persons, or treating of subjects less interesting

to themselves, without losing the thread of the story of the whole life;

while it is sometimes of great interest to see the same subject discussed

by Bunsen in letters addressed to different people. One serious difficulty

in these letters is that they are nearly all translations from the German,

and in the process of translation some of the original charm is inevitably

lost. The translations are very faithful, and they do not sacrifice the

peculiar turn of German thought to the requirements of strictly idiomatic

English. Even the narrative itself betrays occasionally the German

atmosphere in which it was written, but the whole book brings back all the

more vividly to those who knew Bunsen the language and the very

expressions of his English conversation. The two volumes are too bulky,

and one’s arms ache while holding them; yet one is loth to put them down,

and there will be few readers who do not regret that more could not have

been told us of Bunsen’s life.

All really great and honest men may be said to live three lives: there is

one life which is seen and accepted by the world at large, a man’s outward

life; there is a second life which is seen by a man’s most intimate

friends, his household life; and there is a third life, seen only by the

man himself and by Him who searcheth the heart, which maybe called the

inner or heavenly life. Most biographers are and must be satisfied with

giving the two former aspects of their hero’s life,—the version of the

world, and that of his friends. Both are important, both contain some

truth, though neither of them the whole truth. But there is a third life,

a life led in communion with God, a life of aspiration rather than of

fulfillment,—that life which we see, for instance, in St. Paul, when he

says, “The good that I would, I do not; but the evil which I would not,

that I do.” It is but seldom that we catch a glimpse of those deep springs

of human character which cannot rise to the surface even in the most

confidential intercourse, which in every-day life are hidden from a man’s

own sight, but which break forth when he is alone with his God in secret

prayer,—aye, in prayers without words. Here lies the charm of Bunsen’s

life. Not only do we see the man, the father, the husband, the brother,

that stands behind the ambassador, but we see behind the man his angel

beholding the face of his Father which is in heaven. His prayers, poured

forth in the critical moments of his life, have been preserved to us, and

they show us what the world ought to know, that our greatest men can also

be our best men, and that freedom of thought is not incompatible with

sincere religion. Those who knew Bunsen well, know how that deep,

religious undercurrent of his soul was constantly bubbling up and breaking

forth in his conversations, startling even the mere worldling by an

earnestness that frightened away every smile. It was said of him that he

could drive out devils, and he certainly could, with his solemn, yet

loving voice, soften hearts that would yield to no other appeal, and see

with one look through that mask which man wears but too often in the

masquerade of the world. Hence his numerous and enduring friendships, of

which these volumes contain so many sacred relics. Hence that confidence

reposed in him by men and women who had once been brought in contact with

him. To those who can see with their eyes only, and not with their hearts,

it may seem strange that Sir Robert Peel, shortly before his death, should

have uttered the name of Bunsen. To those who know that England once had

prime ministers who were found praying on their knees before they

delivered their greatest speeches, Sir Robert Peel’s recollection, or, it

may be, desire of Bunsen in the last moments of his life has nothing

strange. Bunsen’s life was no ordinary life, and the memoirs of that life

are more than an ordinary book. That book will tell in England and in

Germany far more than in the Middle Ages the life of a new saint; nor are

there many saints whose real life, if sifted as the life of Bunsen has

been, would bear comparison with that noble character of the nineteenth

century.

Bunsen was born in 1791 at Corbach, a small town in the small principality

of Waldeck. His father was poor, but a man of independent spirit, of moral

rectitude, and of deep religious convictions. Bunsen, the son of his old

age, distinguished himself at school, and was sent to the University of

Marburg at the age of seventeen. All he had then to depend on was an

exhibition of about £7 a year, and a sum of £15, which his father had

saved for him to start him in life. This may seem a small sum; but if we

want to know how much of paternal love and self-denial it represented, we

ought to read an entry in his father’s diary: “Account of cash receipts by

God’s mercy obtained for transcribing law documents between 1793 and

1814,—sum total 3,020 thalers 23 groschen,” that is to say, about £22 per

annum. Did any English Duke ever give his son a more generous

allowance,—more than two-thirds of his own annual income? Bunsen began by

studying divinity, and actually preached a sermon at Marburg, in the

Church of St. Elizabeth. Students in divinity are required in Germany to

preach sermons as part of their regular theological training, and before

they are actually ordained. Marburg was not then a very efficient

university, and, not finding there what he wanted, Bunsen after a year

went to Göttingen, chiefly attracted by the fame of Heyne. He soon devoted

himself entirely to classical studies: and in order to support

himself,—for £7 per annum will not support even a German student,—he

accepted the appointment of assistant teacher of Greek and Hebrew at the

Göttingen gymnasium, and also became private tutor to a young American,

Mr. Astor, the son of the rich American merchant. He was thus learning and

teaching at the same time, and he acquired by his daily intercourse with

his pupil a practical knowledge of the English language. While at

Göttingen he carried off, in 1812, a prize for an essay on “The Athenian

Law of Inheritance,” which attracted more than usual attention, and may,

in fact, be looked upon as one of the first attempts at Comparative

Jurisprudence. In 1713 he writes from Göttingen:—

“Poor and lonely did I arrive in this place. Heyne received me,

guided me, bore with me, encouraged me, showed me in himself the

example of a high and noble energy and indefatigable activity in a

calling which was not that to which his merit entitled him; he

might have superintended and administered and maintained an entire

kingdom.”

The following passage from the same letter deserves to be quoted as coming

from the pen of a young man of twenty-two:—

“Learning annihilates itself, and the most perfect is the first

submerged; for the next age scales with ease the height which cost

the preceding the full vigor of life.”

After leaving the university Bunsen travelled in Germany with young Astor,

and made the acquaintance of Frederic Schlegel at Vienna, of Jacobi,

Schelling, and Thiersch at Munich. He was all that time continuing his own

philological studies, and we see him at Munich attending lectures on

Criminal Law, and making his first beginning in the study of Persian. When

on the point of starting for Paris with his American pupil, the news of

the glorious battle of Leipzig (October, 1813) disturbed their plans, and

he resolved to settle again at Göttingen till peace should have been

concluded. Here, while superintending the studies of Mr. Astor, he plunged

into reading of the most varied character. He writes (p. 51):—

“I remain firm, and strive after my earliest purpose in life, more

felt, perhaps, than already discerned,—namely, to bring over into

my own knowledge and into my own Fatherland the language and the

spirit of the solemn and distant East. I would for the

accomplishment of this object even quit Europe, in order to draw

out of the ancient well that which I find not elsewhere.”

This is the first indication of an important element in Bunsen’s early

life, his longing for the East, and his all but prophetic anticipation of

the great results which a study of the ancient language of India would one

day yield, and the light it would shed on the darkest pages in the ancient

history of Greece, Italy, and Germany. The study of the Athenian law of

inheritance seems first to have drawn his attention to the ancient codes

of Indian law, and he was deeply impressed by the discovery that the

peculiar system of inheritance which in Greece existed only in the

petrified form of a primitive custom, sanctioned by law, disclosed in the

laws of Manu its original purport and natural meaning. This one spark

excited in Bunsen’s mind that constant yearning after a knowledge of

Eastern and more particularly of Indian literature which very nearly drove

him to India in the same adventurous spirit as Anquetil Duperron and Czoma

de Körös. We are now familiar with the great results that have been

obtained by a study of the ancient languages and religion of the East; but

in 1813 neither Bopp nor Grimm had begun to publish, and Frederic Schlegel

was the only one who in his little pamphlet, “On the Language and the

Wisdom of the Indians” (1808), had ventured to assert a real intellectual

relationship between Europe and India. One of Bunsen’s earliest friends,

Wolrad Schumacher, related that even at school Bunsen’s mind was turned

towards India. “Sometimes he would let fall a word about India which was

unaccountable to me, as at that time I connected only a geographical

conception with that name” (p. 17).

While thus engaged in his studies at Göttingen, and working in company

with such friends as Brandis, the historian of Greek philosophy; Lachmann,

the editor of the New Testament; Lücke, the theologian; Ernst Schulze, the

poet, and others,—Bunsen felt the influence of the great events that

brought about the regeneration of Germany; nor was he the man to stand

aloof, absorbed in literary work, while others were busy doing mischief

difficult to remedy. The princes of Germany and their friends, though

grateful to the people for having at last shaken off with fearful

sacrifices the foreign yoke of Napoleon, were most anxious to maintain for

their own benefit that convenient system of police government which for so

long had kept the whole of Germany under French control. “It is but too

certain,” Bunsen writes, “that either for want of good-will or of

intelligence our sovereigns will not grant us freedom such as we

deserve.... And I fear that, as before, the much-enduring German will

become an object of contempt to all nations who know how to value national

spirit.” His first political essays belong to that period. Up to August,

1814, Bunsen continued to act as private tutor to Mr. Astor, though we see

him at the same time, with his insatiable thirst after knowledge,

attending courses of lectures on astronomy, mineralogy, and other subjects

apparently so foreign to the main current of his mind. When Mr. Astor left

him to return to America, Bunsen went to Holland to see a sister to whom

he was deeply attached, and who seems to have shared with him the same

religious convictions which in youth, manhood, and old age formed the

foundation of Bunsen’s life. Some of Bunsen’s detractors have accused him

of professing Christian piety in circles where such professions were sure

to be well received. Let them read now the annals of his early life, and

they will find to their shame how boldly the same Bunsen professed his

religious convictions among the students and professors of Göttingen, who

either scoffed at Christianity or only tolerated it as a kind of harmless

superstition. We shall only quote one instance:—

“Bunsen, when a young student at Göttingen, once suddenly quitted

a lecture in indignation at the unworthy manner in which the most

sacred subjects were treated by one of the professors. The

professor paused at the interruption, and hazarded the remark that

‘some one belonging to the Old Testament had possibly slipped in

unrecognized.’ That called forth a burst of laughter from the

entire audience, all being as well aware as the lecturer himself

who it was that had mortified him.”

During his stay in Holland, Bunsen not only studied the language and

literature of that country, but his mind was also much occupied in

observing the national and religious character of this small but

interesting branch of the Teutonic race. He writes:—

“In all things the German, or, if you will, the Teutonic character

is worked out into form in a manner more decidedly national than

anywhere else.... This journey has yet more confirmed my decision

to become acquainted with the entire Germanic race, and then to

proceed with the development of my governing ideas (_i.e._ the

study of Eastern languages in elucidation of Western thought). For

this purpose I am about to travel with Brandis to Copenhagen to

learn Danish, and, above all, Icelandic.”

And so he did. The young student, as yet without any prospects in life,

threw up his position at Göttingen, declined to waste his energies as a

schoolmaster, and started, we hardly know how, on his journey to Denmark.

There, in company with Brandis, he lived and worked hard at Danish, and

then attacked the study of the ancient Icelandic language and literature

with a fervor and with a purpose that shrank from no difficulty. He writes

(p. 79):—

“The object of my research requires the acquisition of the whole

treasures of language, in order to complete my favorite linguistic

theories, and to inquire into the poetry and religious conceptions

of German-Scandinavian heathenism, and their historical connection

with the East.”

When his work in Denmark was finished, and when he had collected

materials, some of which, as his copy taken of the “Völuspa,” a poem of

the Edda, were not published till forty years later, he started with

Brandis for Berlin. “Prussia,” he writes on the 10th of October, 1815, “is

_the true_ Germany.” Thither he felt drawn, as well as Brandis, and

thither he invited his friends, though, it must be confessed, without

suggesting to them any settled plan of how to earn their daily bread. He

writes as if he was even then at the head of affairs in Berlin, though he

was only the friend of a friend of Niebuhr’s, Niebuhr himself being by no

means all powerful in Prussia, even in 1815. This hopefulness was a trait

in Bunsen’s character that remained through life. A plan was no sooner

suggested to him and approved by him than he took it for granted that all

obstacles must vanish, and many a time did all obstacles vanish, before

the joyous confidence of that magician, a fact that should be remembered

by those who used to blame him as sanguine and visionary. One of his

friends, Lücke, writes to Ernst Schulze, the poet, whom Bunsen had invited

to Denmark, and afterwards to Berlin:—

“In the inclosed richly filled letter you will recognize Bunsen’s

power and splendor of mind, and you will also not fail to perceive

his thoughtlessness in making projects. He and Brandis are a pair

of most amiable speculators, full of affection; but one must meet

them with the _ne quid nimis_.”

However, Bunsen in his flight was not to be scared by any warning or

checked by calculating the chances of success or failure. With Brandis he

went to Berlin, spent the glorious winter from 1815 to 1816 in the society

of men like Niebuhr and Schleiermacher, and became more and more

determined in his own plan of life, which was to study Oriental languages

in Paris, London, or Calcutta, and then to settle at Berlin as Professor

of Universal History. A full statement of his literary labors, both for

the past and for the future, was drawn up by him, to be submitted to

Niebuhr, and it will be read even now with interest by those who knew

Bunsen when he tried to take up after forty years the threads that had

slipped from his hand at the age of four-and-twenty.

Instead of being sent to study at Paris and London by the Prussian

government, as he seems to have wished, he was suddenly called to Paris by

his old pupil, Mr. Astor, who, after two years’ absence, had returned to

Europe, and was anxious to renew his relations with Bunsen. Bunsen’s

object in accepting Astor’s invitation to Paris was to study Persian; and

great was his disappointment when, on arriving there, Mr. Astor wished him

at once to start for Italy. This was too much for Bunsen, to be turned

back just as he was going to quench his thirst for Oriental literature in

the lectures of Sylvestre de Sacy. A compromise was effected. Bunsen

remained for three months in Paris, and promised then to join his friend

and pupil in Italy. How he worked at Persian and Arabic during the

interval must be read in his own letters:—

“I write from six in the morning till four in the afternoon, only

in the course of that time having a walk in the garden of the

Luxembourg, where I also often study; from four to six I dine and

walk; from six to seven sleep; from seven to eleven work again. I

have overtaken in study some of the French students who had begun

a year ago. God be thanked for this help! Before I go to bed I

read a chapter in the New Testament, in the morning on rising one

in the Old Testament; yesterday I began the Psalms from the

first.”

As soon as he felt that he could continue his study of Persian without the

aid of a master, he left Paris. Though immersed in work, he had made

several acquaintances, among others that of Alexander von Humboldt, “who

intends in a few years to visit Asia, where I may hope to meet him. He has

been beyond measure kind to me, and from him I shall receive the best

recommendations for Italy and England, as well as from his brother, now

Prussian Minister in London. Lastly, the winter in Rome may become to me,

by the presence of Niebuhr, more instructive and fruitful than in any

other place. Thus has God ordained all things for me for the best,

according to His will, not mine, and far better than I deserve.”

These were the feelings with which the young scholar, then twenty-four

years of age, started for Italy, as yet without any position, without

having published a single work, without knowing, as we may suppose, where

to rest his head. And yet he was full, not only of hope, but of gratitude,

and he little dreamt that before seven years had passed he would be in

Niebuhr’s place; and before twenty-five years had passed in the place of

William von Humboldt, the Prussian Ambassador at the Court of St. James.

The immediate future, in fact, had some severe disappointments in store

for him. When he arrived at Florence to meet Mr. Astor, the young American

had received peremptory orders to return to New York; and as Bunsen

declined to follow him, he found himself really stranded at Florence, and

all his plans thoroughly upset. Yet, though at that very time full of care

and anxiety about his nearest relations, who looked to him for support

when he could hardly support himself, his God-trusting spirit did not

break down. He remained at Florence, continuing his Persian studies, and

making a living by private tuition. A Mr. Cathcart seems to have been his

favorite pupil, and through him new prospects of eventually proceeding to

India seemed to open. But, at the same time, Bunsen began to feel that the

circumstances of his life became critical. “I feel,” he says, “that I am

on the point of securing or losing the fruit of my labors for life.” Rome

and Niebuhr seemed the only haven in sight, and thither Bunsen now began

to steer his frail bark. He arrived in Rome on the 14th of November, 1816.

Niebuhr, who was Prussian Minister, received him with great kindness, and

entered heartily into the literary plans of his young friend. Brandis,

Niebuhr’s secretary, renewed in common with his old friend his study of

Greek philosophy. A native teacher of Arabic was engaged to help Bunsen in

his Oriental studies. The necessary supplies seem to have come partly from

Mr. Astor, partly from private lessons for which Bunsen had to make time

in the midst of his varied occupations. Plato, Firdusi, the Koran, Dante,

Isaiah, the Edda, are mentioned by himself as his daily study.

From an English point of view that young man at Rome, without a status,

without a settled prospect in life, would have seemed an amiable dreamer,

destined to wake suddenly, and not very pleasantly, to the stern realities

of life. If anything seemed unlikely, it was that an English gentleman, a

man of good birth and of independent fortune, should give his daughter to

this poor young German at Rome. Yet this was the very thing which a kind

Providence, that Providence in which Bunsen trusted amid all his troubles

and difficulties, brought to pass. Bunsen became acquainted with Mr.

Waddington, and was allowed to read German with his daughters. In the most

honorable manner he broke off his visits when he became aware of his

feelings for Miss Waddington. He writes to his sister:—

“Having, at first, believed myself quite safe (the more so as I

cannot think of marrying without impairing my whole scheme of

mental development, and, least of all, could I think of pretending

to a girl of fortune), I thought there was no danger.”

A little later he writes to Mrs. Waddington to explain to her the reason

for his discontinuing his visits. But the mother—and, to judge from her

letters, a high-minded mother she must have been—accepted Bunsen on trust;

he was allowed to return to the house, and on the 1st of July, 1817, the

young German student, then twenty-five years of age, was married at Rome

to Miss Waddington. What a truly important event this was for Bunsen, even

those who had not the privilege of knowing the partner of his life may

learn from the work before us. Though little is said in these memoirs of

his wife, the mother of his children, the partner of his joys and sorrows,

it is easy to see how Bunsen’s whole mode of life became possible only by

the unceasing devotion of an ardent soul and a clear head consecrated to

one object,—to love and to cherish, for better for worse, for richer for

poorer, in sickness and in health, till death us do part,—aye, and even

after death! With such a wife, the soul of Bunsen could soar on its wings,

the small cares of life were removed, an independence was secured, and,

though the Indian plans had to be surrendered, the highest ambition of

Bunsen’s life, a professorship in a German university, seemed now easy of

attainment. We should have liked a few more pages describing the joyous

life of the young couple in the heyday of their life; we could have wished

that he had not declined the wish of his mother-in-law, to have his bust

made by Thorwaldsen, at a time when he must have been a model of manly

beauty. But if we know less than we could wish of what Bunsen then was in

the eyes of the world, we are allowed an insight into that heavenly life

which underlay all the outward happiness of that time, and which shows him

to us as but one eye could then have seen him. A few weeks after his

marriage he writes in his journal:—

“Eternal, omnipresent God! enlighten me with thy Holy Spirit, and

fill me with thy heavenly light! What in childhood I felt and

yearned after, what throughout the years of youth grew clearer and

clearer before my soul, I will now venture to hold fast, to

examine, to represent the revelation of Thee in man’s energies and

efforts: thy firm path through the stream of ages I long to trace

and recognize, as far as may be permitted to me even in this body

of earth. The song of praise to Thee from the whole of humanity,

in times far and near,—the pains and lamentations of men, and

their consolations in Thee,—I wish to take in, clear and

unhindered. Do Thou send me thy Spirit of Truth, that I may behold

things earthly as they are, without veil and without mask, without

human trappings and empty adornment, and that in the silent peace

of truth I may feel and recognize Thee. Let me not falter, nor

slide away from the great end of knowing Thee. Let not the joys,

or honors, or vanities of the world enfeeble and darken my spirit;

let me ever feel that I can only perceive and know Thee in so far

as mine is a living soul, and lives, and moves, and has its being

in Thee.”

Here we see Bunsen as the world did not see him, and we may observe how

then, as ever, his literary work was to him hallowed by the objects for

which it was intended. “The firm path of God through the stream of ages”

is but another title for one of his last works, “God in History,” planned

with such youthful ardor, and finished under the lengthening shadow of

death.

The happiness of Bunsen’s life at Rome may easily be imagined. Though

anxious to begin his work at a German university, he stipulated for three

more years of freedom and preparation. Who could have made the sacrifice

of the bright spring of life, of the unclouded days of happiness at Rome

with wife and children, and with such friends as Niebuhr and Brandis? Yet

this stay at Rome was fraught with fatal consequences. It led the straight

current of Bunsen’s life, which lay so clear before him, into a new bed,

at first very tempting, for a time smooth and sunny, but alas! ending in

waste of energy for which no outward splendor could atone. The first false

step seemed very natural and harmless. When Brandis went to Germany to

begin his professorial work, Bunsen took his place as Niebuhr’s secretary

at Rome. He was determined, then, that nothing should induce him to remain

in the diplomatic career (p. 130), but the current of that mill-stream was

too strong even for Bunsen. How he remained as Secretary of Legation,

1818; how the King of Prussia, Frederick William III., came to visit Rome,

and took a fancy to the young diplomatist, who could speak to him with a

modesty and frankness little known at courts; how, when Niebuhr exchanged

his embassy for a professorial chair at Bonn, Bunsen remained as Chargé

d’Affaires; how he went to Berlin, 1827-28, and gained the hearts of the

old King and of everybody else; how he returned to Rome and was fascinated

by the young Crown Prince of Prussia, afterwards Frederick William IV.,

whom he had to conduct through the antiquities and the modern life of the

world city; how he became Prussian Minister, the friend of popes and

cardinals, the centre of the best and most brilliant society; how, when

the difficulties began between Prussia and the Papal government, chiefly

with regard to mixed marriages, Bunsen tried to mediate, and was at last

disowned by both parties in 1838,—all this may now be read in the open

memoirs of his life. His letters during these twenty years are numerous

and full, particularly those addressed to his sister, to whom he was

deeply attached. They are the most touching and elevating record of a life

spent in important official business, in interesting social intercourse,

in literary and antiquarian researches, in the enjoyment of art and

nature, and in the blessedness of a prosperous family life, and throughout

in an unbroken communion with God. There is hardly a letter without an

expression of that religion in common life, that constant consciousness of

a Divine Presence, which made his life a life in God. To many readers this

free outpouring of a God-loving soul will seem to approach too near to

that abuse of religious phraseology which is a sign of superficial rather

than of deep-seated piety. But, though through life a sworn enemy of every

kind of cant, Bunsen never would surrender the privilege of speaking the

language of a Christian, because that language had been profaned by the

thoughtless repetition of shallow pietists.

Bunsen has frequently been accused of pietism, particularly in Germany, by

men who could not distinguish between pietism and piety, just as in

England he was attacked as a freethinker by men who never knew the freedom

of the children of God. “Christianity is ours, not theirs,” he would

frequently say of those who made religion a mere profession, and imagined

they knew Christ because they held a crosier and wore a mitre. We can now

watch the deep emotions and firm convictions of that true-hearted man, in

letters of undoubted sincerity, addressed to his sister and his friends,

and we can only wonder with what feelings they have been perused by those

who in England questioned his Christianity or who in Germany suspected his

honesty.

From the time of his first meeting with the King of Prussia at Rome, and

still more, after his stay at Berlin in 1827, Bunsen’s chief interest with

regard to Prussia centred in ecclesiastical matters. The King, after

effecting the union of the Lutheran and Calvinistic branches of the

Protestant Church, was deeply interested in drawing up a new Liturgy for

his own national, or, as it was called, Evangelical Church. The

introduction of his Liturgy, or _Agenda_, particularly as it was carried

out, like everything else in Prussia, by royal decree, met with

considerable resistance. Bunsen, who had been led independently to the

study of ancient liturgies, and who had devoted much of his time at Rome

to the collection of ancient hymns and hymn tunes, could speak to the King

on these favorite topics from the fullness of his heart. The King listened

to him, even when Bunsen ventured to express his dissent from some of the

royal proposals, and when he, the young attaché, deprecated any

authoritative interference with the freedom of the Church. In Prussia the

whole movement was unpopular, and Bunsen, though he worked hard to render

it less so, was held responsible for much which he himself had

disapproved. Of all these turbulent transactions there remains but one

bright and precious relic, Bunsen’s “Hymn and Prayer Book.”

The Prussian Legation on the Capitol was during Bunsen’s day not only the

meeting-place of all distinguished Germans, but, in the absence of an

English embassy, it also became the recognized centre of the most

interesting portion of English society at Rome. Among the Germans, whose

presence told on Bunsen’s life, either by a continued friendship or by

common interests and pursuits, we meet the names of Ludwig, King of

Bavaria; Baron von Stein, the great Prussian statesman; Radowitz, the less

fortunate predecessor of Bismarck; Schnorr, Overbeck, and Mendelssohn.

Among Englishmen, whose friendship with Bunsen dates from the Capitol, we

find Thirlwall, Philip Pusey, Arnold, and Julius Hare. The names of

Thorwaldsen, too, of Leopardi, Lord Hastings, Champollion, Sir Walter

Scott, Chateaubriand, occur again and again in the memoirs of that Roman

life which teems with interesting events and anecdotes. The only literary

productions of that eventful period are Bunsen’s part in Platner’s

“Description of Rome,” and the “Hymn and Prayer Book.” But much material

for later publications had been amassed in the mean time. The study of the

Old Testament had been prosecuted at all times, and in 1824 the first

beginning was made by Bunsen in the study of hieroglyphics, afterwards

continued with Champollion, and later with Lepsius. The Archæological

Institute and the German Hospital, both on the Capitol, were the two

permanent bequests that Bunsen left behind when he shook off the dust of

his feet, and left Rome on the 29th of April, 1838, in search of a new

Capitol.

At Berlin, Bunsen was then in disgrace. He had not actually been dismissed

the service, but he was prohibited from going to Berlin to justify

himself, and he was ordered to proceed to England on leave of absence. To

England, therefore, Bunsen now directed his steps with his wife and

children, and there, at least, he was certain of a warm welcome, both from

his wife’s relations and from his own very numerous friends. When we read

through the letters of that period, we hardly miss the name of a single

man illustrious at that time in England. As if to make up for the

injustice done to him in Italy, and for the ingratitude of his country,

people of all classes and of the most opposite views vied in doing him

honor. Rest he certainly found none, while travelling about from one town

to another, and staying at friends’ houses, attending meetings, making

speeches, writing articles, and, as usual, amassing new information

wherever he could find it. He worked at Egyptian with Lepsius; at Welsh

while staying with Lady Hall; at Ethnology with Dr. Prichard. He had to

draw up two state papers,—one on the Papal aggression, the other on the

law of divorce. He plunged, of course, at once into all the ecclesiastical

and theological questions that were then agitating people’s minds in

England, and devoted his few really quiet hours to the preparation of his

own “Life of Christ.” With Lord Ashley he attended Bible meetings, with

Mrs. Fry he explored the prisons, with Philip Pusey he attended

agricultural assemblies, and he spent night after night as an admiring

listener in the House of Commons. He was presented to the Queen and the

Duke of Wellington, was made a D.C.L. at Oxford, discussed the future with

J. H. Newman, the past with Buckland, Sedgwick, and Whewell. Lord

Palmerston and Lord John Russell invited him to political conferences;

Maurice and Keble listened to his fervent addresses; Dr. Arnold consulted

the friend of Niebuhr on his own “History of Rome,” and tried to convert

him to more liberal opinions with regard to Church reform. Dr. Holland,

Mrs. Austin, Ruskin, Carlyle, Macaulay, Gaisford, Dr. Hawkins, and many

more, all greeted him, all tried to do him honor, and many of them became

attached to him for life. The architectural monuments of England, its

castles, parks, and ruins, passed quickly through his field of vision

during that short stay. But he soon calls out: “I care not now for all the

ruins of England; it is her life that I like.”

Most touching is his admiration, his real love of Gladstone. Thirty years

have since passed, and the world at large has found out by this time what

England possesses in him. But it was not so in 1838, and few men at that

early time could have read Gladstone’s heart and mind so truly as Bunsen.

Here are a few of his remarks:—

“Last night, when I came home from the Duke, Gladstone’s book was

on my table, the second edition having come out at seven o’clock.

It is the book of the time, a great event,—the first book since

Burke that goes to the bottom of the vital question; far above his

party and his time. I sat up till after midnight; and this morning

I continued until I had read the whole, and almost every sheet

bears my marginal glosses, destined for the Prince, to whom I have

sent the book with all dispatch. Gladstone is the first man in

England as to intellectual powers, and he has heard higher tones

than any one else in this island.”

Chips from a German Workshop, Volume 3 Essays on Literature, Biography, and Antiquities · 第 124 / 222 题