of Deane’s letters and accounts, I wrote to the person who had them,
and after some offers and refusals, he let me have them for twenty-five
louis, instead of twenty louis asked at first. He told me that Deane
had still six or eight volumes more, and that when he should return to
London he would try to get them, in order to make himself whole for the
money he had lent Deane. As I knew he would endeavor to make us pay dear
for them, and it appeared to be your opinion, and that of the members
you had consulted, that it was an object worthy attention, I wrote
immediately to a friend in London to endeavor to purchase them from
Deane himself, whose distresses and crapulous habits will probably
render him more easy to deal with. I authorized him to go as far as
fifty guineas. I have as yet no answer from him. I enclose you a letter
which I wrote last month to our bankers in Holland. As it will itself
explain the cause of its being written, I shall not repeat its substance
here. In answer to my proposition, to pay bills for the medals and the
redemption of our captives, they quote a resolution of Congress (which,
however, I do not find in the printed journals), appropriating the loans
of 1787 and 1788 to the payment of interest on the Dutch loans till
1790, inclusive, and the residue to salaries and contingencies in
Europe, and they argue, that, according to this, they are not to pay
any thing in Europe till they shall first have enough to pay all the
interest which will become due to the end of the year 1790; and that it
is out of personal regard, that they relax from this so far as to pay
diplomatic salaries. So that here is a clear declaration they will
answer no other demands, till they have in hand money enough for all the
interest to the end of the year 1790. It is but a twelvemonth since
I have had occasion to pay attention to the proceedings of those
gentlemen; but during that time I have observed, that as soon as a sum
of interest is becoming due, they are able to borrow just that, and no
more; or at least only so much more as may pay our salaries, and keep us
quiet. Were they not to borrow for the interest, the failure to pay
that would sink the value of the capital, of which they are considerable
sharers. So far their interests and ours concur. But there, perhaps,
they may separate. I think it possible they may choose to support our
credit to a certain point, and let it go no further, but at their will;
to keep it so poised, as that it may be at their mercy. By this, they
will be sure to keep us in their own hands. They write word to the
treasury, that in order to raise money for the February interest, they
were obliged to agree with the subscribers, that Congress should open no
other loan at Amsterdam this year, till this one be filled up, and that
this shall not be filled but by the present subscribers, and they not
obliged to fill it. This is delivering us, bound hand and foot, to the
subscribers, that is, to themselves. Finding that they would not raise
money for any other purposes, without being pushed, I wrote the letter I
enclose you. They answer, as I have stated, by refusing to pay, alleging
the appropriation of Congress. I have written again to press them
further, and to propose to them the payment of thirty thousand florins
only, for the case of our captives, as I am in hopes this may do. In
the close of my letter to them, you will observe I refer them, as to the
article of foreign officers, to the board of treasury. I had, in truth,
received the printed journals a few days before, but had not yet had
time to read them carefully, and, particularly, had not then noted the
vote of Congress of August the 20th, directing me to attend to that
article. I shall not fail to do what I can in it; but I am afraid they
will consider this also as standing on the same ground with the other
contingent articles.
This country, being generally engaged in its elections, affords nothing
new and worthy of communication. The hopes of accommodation between
Turkey and the two empires do not gain strength. The war between Russia
and Denmark on the one hand, and Sweden on the other, is likely also to
go on, the mediation of England being rendered of little force by the
accident to its Executive. The progress of this war, and also of the
broils in Poland, may possibly draw the King of Prussia into it during
the ensuing campaign: and it must, before it be finished, take in this
country, and perhaps England. The ill humor on account of the Dutch
revolution continues to rankle here. They have recalled their ambassador
from the Hague, manifestly to show their dissatisfaction with that
court, and some very dry memorials have lately been exchanged on the
subject of the money this country assumed to pay the Emperor for the
Dutch. I send you very full extracts of these, which will show you the
dispositions of the two courts towards each other. Whether, and when
this country will be able to take an active part, will depend on
the issue of their States General. If they fund their public debts
judiciously, and will provide further funds for a war, on the English
plan, 1 believe they will be able to borrow any sums they please. In the
mean time, the situation of England will leave them at leisure to settle
their internal affairs well. That ministry, indeed, pretend their King
is perfectly re-established. No doubt they will make the most of his
amendment, which is real, to a certain degree. But as, under pretence of
this, they have got rid of the daily certificate of the physicians, and
they are possessed of the King’s person, the public must judge hereafter
from such facts only as they can catch. There are several at present,
which, put together, induce a presumption that the King is only better,
not well. And should he be well, time will be necessary to give a
confidence, that it is not merely a lucid interval. On the whole, I
think we may conclude that that country will not take a part in the war
this year, which was by no means certain before.
M. del Pinto, formerly minister of Portugal at London, and the same who
negotiated the treaty with us, being now put at the head of the ministry
of that country, I presume that negotiation may be renewed successfully,
if it be the desire of our government. Perhaps an admission of our flour
into their ports may be obtained now, as M. del Pinto seemed impressed
with our reasoning on that subject, and promised to press it on his
court, though he could not then venture to put it into the treaty. There
is not the same reason to hope any relaxation as to our reception in
Brazil, because he would scarcely let us mention that at all. I think,
myself, it is their interest to take away all temptations to our
cooperation in the emancipation of their colonies; and I know no means
of doing this, but the making it our interest that they should continue
dependant, nor any other way of making this our interest, but by
allowing us a commerce with them. However, this is a mode of reasoning
which their ministry, probably, could not bear to listen to. I send
herewith the gazettes of France and Leyden, and have the honor to be,
Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CLXXXIX.--TO F. HOPKINSON, March 13, 1789
TO F. HOPKINSON.
Paris, March 13, 1789.
Dear Sir,
Since my last, which was of December the 21st, yours of December the
9th and 21st are received. Accept my thanks for the papers and pamphlets
which accompanied them, and mine and my daughters for the book of songs.
I will not tell you how much they have pleased us, nor how well the last
of them merits praise for its pathos, but relate a fact only, which
is, that while my elder daughter was playing it on the harpsichord, I
happened to look towards the fire, and saw the younger one all in
tears. I asked her if she was sick? She said, ‘No; but the tune was so
mournful.’
The Editor of the _Encyclopédie_ has published something as to an
advanced price on his future volumes, which, I understand, alarms the
subscribers. It was in a paper which I do not take, and therefore I have
not yet seen it, nor can I say what it is. I hope that by this time
you have ceased to make wry faces about your vinegar, and that you have
received it safe and good. You say that I have been dished up to you
as an anti-federalist, and ask me if it be just. My opinion was never
worthy enough of notice, to merit citing; but since you ask it, I will
tell it to you. I am not a federalist, because I never submitted the
whole system of my opinions to the creed of any party of men whatever,
in religion, in philosophy, in politics, or in any thing else, where
I was capable of thinking for myself. Such an addiction is the last
degradation of a free and moral agent. If I could not go to heaven but
with a party, I would not go there at all. Therefore, I protest to you,
I am not of the party of federalists. But I am much farther from that
of the anti-federalists. I approved, from the first moment, of the
great mass of what is in the new constitution; the consolidation of the
government; the organization into executive, legislative, and judiciary;
the subdivision of the legislative; the happy compromise of interests
between the great and little States, by the different manner of voting
in the different Houses; the voting by persons instead of States; the
qualified negative on laws given to the executive, which, however, I
should have liked better if associated with the judiciary also, as in
New York; and the power of taxation. I thought at first that the latter
might have been limited. A little reflection soon convinced me it ought
not to be. What I disapproved from the first moment, also, was the want
of a bill of rights, to guard liberty against the legislative as well as
executive branches of the government; that is to say, to secure freedom
in religion, freedom of the press, freedom from monopolies, freedom from
unlawful imprisonment, freedom from a permanent military, and a trial by
jury, in all cases determinable by the laws of the land. I disapproved,
also, the perpetual re-eligibility of the President. To these points
of disapprobation I adhere. My first wish was, that the nine first
conventions might accept the constitution, as the means of securing to
us the great mass of good it contained, and that the four last might
reject it, as the means of obtaining amendments. But I was corrected in
this wish, the moment I saw the much better plan of Massachusetts,
and which had never occurred to me. With respect to the declaration of
rights, I suppose the majority of the United States are of my opinion:
for I apprehend all the anti-federalists, and a very respectable
proportion of the federalists, think that such a declaration should now
be annexed. The enlightened part of Europe have given us the greatest
credit for inventing this instrument of security for the rights of the
people, and have been not a little surprised to see us so soon give it
up. With respect to the re-eligibility of the President, I find myself
differing from the majority of my countrymen; for I think there are but
three States of the eleven which have desired an alteration of this.
And, indeed, since the thing is established, I would wish it not to be
altered during the life of our great leader, whose executive talents are
superior to those, I believe, of any man in the world, and who, alone,
by the authority of his name, and the confidence reposed in his perfect
integrity, is fully qualified to put the new government so under way, as
to secure it against the efforts of opposition. But having derived from
our error all the good there was in it, I hope we shall correct it, the
moment we can no longer have the same name at the helm.
These, my dear friend, are my sentiments, by which you will see I was
right in saying, I am neither federalist nor anti-federalist; that I am
of neither party, nor yet a trimmer between parties. These, my opinions,
I wrote, within a few hours after I had read the constitution, to one or
two friends in America. I had not then read one single word printed on
the subject. I never had an opinion in politics or religion, which I was
afraid to own. A costive reserve on these subjects might have procured
me more esteem from some people, but less from myself. My great wish
is, to go on in a strict but silent performance of my duty: to avoid
attracting notice, and to keep my name out of newspapers, because I find
the pain of a little censure, even when it is unfounded, is more acute
than the pleasure of much praise. The attaching circumstance of my
present office, is, that I can do its duties unseen by those for whom
they are done. You did not think, by so short a phrase in your letter,
to have drawn on yourself such an egotistical dissertation. I beg your
pardon for it, and will endeavor to merit that pardon by the constant
sentiments of esteem and attachment, with which I am, Dear Sir, your
sincere friend and servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CXC.--TO MADAME DE BREHAN, March 14, 1789
TO MADAME DE BREHAN.
Paris, March 14, 1789.
Dear Madam,
I had the honor of writing to you on the 15th of February; soon after
which, I had that of receiving your favor of December the 29th. I have
a thousand questions to ask you about your journey to the Indian treaty,
how you like their persons, their manners, their costumes, cuisine, &c.
But this I must defer till I can do it personally in New York, where I
hope to see you for a moment in the summer, and to take your commands
for France. I have little to communicate to you from this place. It is
deserted: every body being gone into the country to choose or be chosen
deputies to the States General. I hope to see that great meeting before
my departure. It is to be on the 27th of next month. A great political
revolution will take place in your country, and that without bloodshed.
A King with two hundred thousand men at his orders, is disarmed by the
force of the public opinion and the want of money. Among the economies
becoming necessary, perhaps one may be the opera. They say, it has cost
the public treasury an hundred thousand crowns the last year. A
new theatre is established since your departure; that of the _Opera
Buffone_, where Italian operas are given, and good music. It is in the
_Château des Tuileries_. Paris is every day enlarging and beautifying. I
do not count among its beauties, however, the wall with which they
have enclosed us. They have made some amends for this, by making fine
boulevards within and without the walls. These are in considerable
forwardness, and will afford beautiful rides round the city, of between
fifteen and twenty miles in circuit. We have had such a winter, Madam,
as makes me shiver yet, whenever I think of it. All communications,
almost, were cut off. Dinners and suppers were suppressed, and the money
laid out in feeding and warming the poor, whose labors were suspended by
the rigor of the season. Loaded carriages passed the Seine on the ice,
and it was covered with thousands of people from morning till night,
skating and sliding. Such sights were never seen before, and they
continued two months. We have nothing new and excellent in your charming
art of painting. In fact, I do not feel an interest in any pencil but
that of David. But I must not hazard details on a subject wherein I am
so ignorant, and you such a connoisseur. Adieu, my dear Madam; permit
me always the honor of esteeming and being esteemed by you, and of
tendering you the homage of that respectful attachment with which I am,
and shall ever be, Dear Madam, your most obedient, humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CXCI.--TO JAMES MADISON, March 15, 1789
TO JAMES MADISON.
Paris, March 15, 1789.
Dear Sir,
I wrote you last on the 12th of January; since which I have received
yours of October the 17th, December the 8th and 12th. That of October
the 17th came to hand only February the 23rd.
How it happened to be four months on the way, I cannot tell, as I never
knew by what hand it came. Looking over my letter of January the 12th,
I remark an error of the word ‘probable’ instead of’ improbable,’ which,
doubtless, however, you had been able to correct.
Your thoughts on the subject of the declaration of rights, in the letter
of October the 17th, I have weighed with great satisfaction. Some of
them had not occurred to me before, but were acknowledged just, in the
moment they were presented to my mind. In the arguments in favor of a
declaration of rights, you omit one which has great weight with me; the
legal check which it puts into the hands of the judiciary. This is a
body, which, if rendered independent and kept strictly to their own
department, merits great confidence for their learning and integrity. In
fact, what degree of confidence would be too much, for a body composed
of such men as Wythe, Blair, and Pendleton? On characters like these,
the ‘_civium ardor prava jubentium_’ would make no impression. I am
happy to find that, on the whole, you are a friend to this amendment.
The declaration of rights is, like all other human blessings, alloyed
with some inconveniences, and not accomplishing fully its object. But
the good, in this instance, vastly overweighs the evil. I cannot refrain
from making short answers to the objections which your letter states to
have been raised. 1. That the rights in question are reserved, by the
manner in which the federal powers are granted. Answer. A constitutive
act, may, certainly, be so formed, as to need no declaration of rights.
The act itself has the force of a declaration, as far as it goes; and if
it goes to all material points, nothing more is wanting. In the draught
of a constitution which I had once a thought of proposing in Virginia,
and printed afterwards, I endeavored to reach all the great objects
of public liberty, and did not mean to add a declaration of rights.
Probably the object was imperfectly executed; but the deficiencies would
have been supplied by others, in the course of discussion. But in a
constitutive act which leaves some precious articles unnoticed, and
raises implications against others, a declaration of rights becomes
necessary, by way of supplement. This is the case of our new federal
constitution. This instrument forms us into one State, as to certain
objects, and gives us a legislative and executive body for these
objects. It should, therefore, guard us against their abuses of power,
within the field submitted to them. 2. A positive declaration of some
essential rights could not be obtained in the requisite latitude.
Answer. Half a loaf is better than no bread. If we cannot secure all our
rights, let us secure what we can. 3. The limited powers of the federal
government, and jealousy of the subordinate governments, afford a
security which exists in no other instance. Answer. The first member
of this seems resolvable into the first objection before stated. The
jealousy of the subordinate governments is a precious reliance.
But observe that those governments are only agents. They must have
principles furnished them, whereon to found their opposition. The
declaration of rights will be the text, whereby they will try all the
acts of the federal government. In this view, it is necessary to
the federal government also; as by the same text, they may try the
opposition of the subordinate governments. 4. Experience proves the
inefficacy of a bill of rights. True. But though it is not absolutely
efficacious under all circumstances, it is of great potency always, and
rarely inefficacious. A brace the more will often keep up the building
which would have fallen, with that brace the less. There is a remarkable
difference between the characters of the inconveniences which attend
a declaration of rights, and those which attend the want of it. The
inconveniences of the declaration are, that it may cramp government in
its useful exertions. But the evil of this is short-lived, moderate,
and reparable. The inconveniences of the want of a declaration are
permanent, afflicting, and irreparable. They are in constant progression
from bad to worse. The executive, in our governments, is not the sole,
it is scarcely the principal object of my jealousy. The tyranny of the
legislatures is the most formidable dread at present, and will be for
many years. That of the executive will come in its turn; but it will
be at a remote period. I know there are some among us, who would now
establish a monarchy. But they are inconsiderable in number and weight
of character. The rising race are all republicans. We were educated in
royalism; no wonder, if some of us retain that idolatry still. Our young
people are educated in republicanism; an apostacy from that to royalism
is unprecedented and impossible. I am much pleased with the prospect
that a declaration of rights will be added; and I hope it will be done
in that way, which will not endanger the whole frame of government, or
any essential part of it.
I have hitherto avoided public news in my letters to you, because your
situation insured you a communication of my letters to Mr. Jay. This
circumstance being changed, I shall, in future, indulge myself in these
details to you. There had been some slight hopes that an accommodation
might be effected between the Turks and two empires; but these hopes do
not strengthen, and the season is approaching which will put an end to
them, for another campaign at least. The accident to the King of England
has had great influence on the affairs of Europe. His mediation, joined
with that of Prussia, would certainly have kept Denmark quiet, and so
have left the two empires in the hands of the Turks and Swedes. But the
inactivity to which England is reduced, leaves Denmark more free, and
she will probably go on in opposition to Sweden. The King of Prussia,
too, had advanced so far, that he can scarcely retire. This is rendered
the more difficult by the troubles he has excited in Poland. He cannot,
well abandon the party he had brought forward there; so that it is very
possible he may be engaged in the ensuing campaign. France will be quiet
this year, because this year, at least, is necessary for settling her
future constitution. The States will meet the 27th of April: and the
public mind will. I think, by that time, be ripe for a just decision
of the question, whether they shall vote by orders or persons. I think
there is a majority of the Nobles already for the latter. If so,
their affairs cannot but go on well. Besides settling for themselves a
tolerably free constitution, perhaps as free a one as the nation is as
yet prepared to bear, they will fund their public debts. This will give
them such a credit, as will enable them to borrow any money they may
want, and of course, to take the field again, when they think proper.
And I believe they mean to take the field as soon as they can. The pride
of every individual in the nation suffers under the ignominies they have
lately been exposed to, and I think the States General will give money
for a war, to wipe off the reproach. There have arisen new bickerings
between this court and that of the Hague; and the papers which have
passed, show the most bitter acrimony rankling at the heart of this
ministry. They have recalled their ambassador from the Hague, without
appointing a successor. They have given a note to the Diet of Poland,
which shows a disapprobation of their measures. The insanity of the King
of England has been fortunate for them, as it gives them time to put
their house in order. The English papers tell you the King is well; and
even the English ministry say so. They will naturally set the best foot
foremost; and they guard his person so well, that it is difficult for
the public to contradict them. The King is probably better, but not
well, by a great deal. 1. He has been bled, and judicious physicians
say, that in his exhausted state, nothing could have induced a
recurrence to bleeding, but symptoms of relapse. 2. The Prince of Wales
tells the Irish deputation, he will give them a definitive answer in
some days; but if the King had been well, he could have given it at
once. 3. They talk of passing a standing law, for providing a regency in
similar cases. They apprehend then, they are not yet clear of the danger
of wanting a regency.
4. They have carried the King to church; but it was his private chapel.
If he be well, why do not they show him publicly to the nation, and
raise them from that consternation into which they have been thrown,
by the prospect of being delivered over to the profligate hands of the
Prince of Wales. In short, judging from little facts, which are known in
spite of their teeth, the King is better, but not well. Possibly he
is getting well, but still time will be wanting to satisfy even the
ministry, that it is not merely a lucid interval. Consequently, they
cannot interrupt France this year in the settlement of her affairs, and
after this year it will be too late.
As you will be in a situation to know when the leave of absence will be
granted me, which I have asked, will you be so good as to communicate
it, by a line, to Mr. Lewis and Mr. Eppes? I hope to see you in the
summer, and that if you are not otherwise engaged, you will encamp with
me at Monticello for a while.
I am, with great and sincere attachment, Dear Sir, your affectionate
friend and servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER, CXCII.--TO THOMAS PAINE, March 17,1789
TO THOMAS PAINE.
Paris, March 17,1789.
Dear Sir,
My last letter to you extended from December the 23rd to January the
11th. A confidential opportunity now arising, I can acknowledge the
receipt of yours of January the 15th, at the date of which you could not
have received mine.