interested; and it is with great pleasure that I learn, by your favor
of the 16th, that the execution of the arch of experiment exceeds
your expectations. In your former letter you mention, that, instead of
arranging your tubes and bolts as ordinates to the cord of the arch, you
had reverted to your first idea, of arranging them in the direction of
radii. I am sure it will gain both in beauty and strength. It is true
that the divergence of these radii recurs as a difficulty, in getting
the rails on upon the bolts; but I thought this fully removed by the
answer you first gave me, when I suggested that difficulty, to wit, that
you should place the rails first, and drive the bolts through them,
and not, as I had imagined, place the bolts first, and put the rails on
them. I must doubt whether what you now suggest will be as good as
your first idea; to wit, to have every rail split into two pieces
longitudinally, so that there shall be but the halves of the holes in
each, and then to clamp the two halves together. The solidity of this
method cannot be equal to that of the solid rail, and it increases the
suspicious parts of the whole machine, which, in a first experiment,
ought to be rendered as few as possible. But of all this the practical
iron men are much better judges than we theorists. You hesitate between
the catenary and portion of a circle. I have lately received from Italy
a treatise on the equilibrium of arches, by the Abbe Mascheroni. It
appears to be a very scientifical work. I have not yet had time to
engage in it; but I find that the conclusions of his demonstrations are,
that every part of the catenary is in perfect equilibrium. It is a great
point, then, in a new experiment, to adopt the sole arch, where the
pressure will be equally borne by every point of it. If any one point is
pushed with accumulated pressure, it will introduce a danger, foreign to
the essential part of the plan. The difficulty you suggest, is, that the
rails being all in catenaries, the tubes must be of different lengths,
as these approach nearer or recede farther from each other, and
therefore you recur to the portions of concentric circles, which are
equidistant in all their parts. But I would rather propose, that you
make your middle rail an exact catenary, and the interior and exterior
rails parallels to that. It is true, they will not be exact catenaries,
but they will depart very little from it; much less than portions of
circles will. Nothing has been done here on the subject since you went
away. There is an Abbe D’Arnal at Nismes, who had obtained an exclusive
privilege for navigating the rivers of this country by the aid of the
steam-engine. This interests Mr. Rumsey, who had hoped the same thing.
D’Arnal’s privilege was published in a paper of the 10th of November.
Probably, therefore, his application for it was previous to the delivery
of Mr. Rumsey’s papers to the secretary of the Academy of Sciences,
which was in the latter part of the month of August. However, D’Arnal is
not a formidable competitor. He is not in circumstances to make any use
himself of his privilege, and he has so illy succeeded with a steam-mill
he erected at Nismes, that he is not likely to engage others to venture
in his projects. To say another word of the catenarian arch, without
caring about mathematical demonstrations, its nature proves it to be in
equilibrio in every point. It is the arch formed by a string fixed at
both ends, and swaying loose in all the intermediate points. Thus at
liberty, they must finally take that position, wherein every one will
be equally pressed; for if any one was more pressed than the neighboring
point, it would give way, from the flexibility of the matter of the
string.
*****
I am, with sentiments of sincere esteem and attachment, Dear Sir, your
friend and servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CLXXVII.--TO JOHN JAY, January 11, 1789
TO JOHN JAY.
Paris, January 11, 1789.
Sir,
My last letters were of the 14th, 19th, and 29th of November, by the way
of London. The present will go the same way, through a private channel.
All military operations in Europe seem to have been stopped, by the
excessive severity of the weather. In this country, it is unparalleled
in so early a part of the winter, and in duration, having continued
since the middle of November, during which time it has been as low as
nine degrees below nought, that is to say, forty degrees below freezing,
by Fahrenheit’s thermometer; and it has increased the difficulties of
the administration here. They had, before, to struggle with the want of
money, and want of bread for the people, and now, the want of fuel for
them, and want of employment. The siege of Oczakow is still continued,
the soldiers sheltering themselves in the Russian manner, in
subterraneous barracks; and the Captain Pacha has retired with his
fleet. The death of the King of Spain has contributed, with the insanity
of the English King, to render problematical the form which the affairs
of Europe will ultimately take. Some think a peace possible between the
Turks and two Empires, with the cession of Crimea to the former, as less
important to Russia than Poland, which she is in danger of losing. In
this case, the two Empires might attack the King of Prussia, and the
scene of war be only changed. He is certainly uneasy at the accident
happened to his principal ally. There seems no doubt, but that the
Prince of Wales will be sole regent; but it is also supposed, they
will not give him the whole executive power, and particularly, that of
declaring war without the consent of the parliament. Should his personal
dispositions, therefore, and that of a new ministry, be the same which
the King had, of co-operating with Prussia, yet the latter cannot count
on their effect. Probably, the parliament will not consent to war, so
that I think we may consider the two great powers of France and England
as absolutely at rest for some time.
As the character of the Prince of Wales is becoming interesting, I have
endeavored to learn what it truly is. This is less difficult in his
case, than in that of other persons of his rank, because he has taken no
pains to hide himself from the world. The information I most rely on,
is from a person here, with whom I am intimate, who divides his time
between Paris and London, an Englishman by birth, of truth, sagacity,
and science. He is of a circle, when in London, which has had good
opportunities of knowing the Prince; but he has also, himself, had
special occasions of verifying their information, by his own personal
observation. He happened, when last in London, to be invited to a dinner
of three persons. The Prince came by chance, and made the fourth. He
ate half a leg of mutton; did not taste of small dishes, because small;
drank Champagne and Burgundy as small beer during dinner, and Bordeaux
after dinner, as the rest of the company. Upon the whole, he ate as much
as the other three, and drank about two bottles of wine without seeming
to feel it. My informant sat next him, and being till then unknown
to the Prince, personally, (though not by character), and lately from
France, the Prince confined his conversation almost entirely to him.
Observing to the Prince that he spoke French without the least foreign
accent, the Prince told him, that when very young, his father had put
only French servants about him, and that it was to that circumstance he
owed his pronunciation. He led him from this to give an account of his
education, the total of which was the learning a little Latin. He has
not a single element of Mathematics, of Natural or Moral Philosophy, or
of any other science on earth, nor has the society he has kept been such
as to supply the void of education. It has been that of the lowest, the
most illiterate and profligate persons of the kingdom, without choice
of rank or mind, and with whom the subjects of conversation are only
horses, drinking-matches, bawdy houses, and in terms the most vulgar.
The young nobility, who begin by associating with him, soon leave him,
disgusted with the insupportable profligacy of his society; and Mr. Fox,
who has been supposed his favorite, and not over nice in the choice
of company, would never keep his company habitually. In fact, he never
associated with a man of sense. He has not a single idea of justice,
morality, religion, or of the rights of men, or any anxiety for the
opinion of the world. He carries that indifference for fame so far, that
he would probably not be hurt were he to lose his throne, provided he
could be assured of having always meat, drink, horses, and women. In
the article of women, nevertheless, he is become more correct, since his
connection with Mrs. Fitzherbert, who is an honest and worthy woman:
he is even less crapulous than he was. He had a fine person, but it
is becoming coarse. He possesses good native common sense; is affable,
polite, and very good humored. Saying to my informant on another
occasion, ‘your friend, such a one, dined with me yesterday, and I made
him damned drunk;’ he replied, ‘I am sorry for it; I had heard that your
royal highness had left off drinking;’ the Prince laughed, tapped him on
the shoulder very good-naturedly, without saying a word, or ever after
showing any displeasure. The Duke of York, who was for some time
cried up as the prodigy of the family, is as profligate, and of less
understanding. To these particular traits, from a man of sense and
truth, it would be superfluous to add the general terms of praise or
blame, in which he is spoken of by other persons, in whose impartiality
and penetration, I have less confidence. A sample is better than a
description. For the peace of Europe, it is best that the King should
give such gleamings of recovery, as would prevent the regent or his
ministry from thinking themselves firm, and yet, that he should
not recover. This country advances with a steady pace towards the
establishment of a constitution, whereby the people will resume the
great mass of those powers, so fatally lodged in the hands of the King.
During the session of the _Notables_, and after their votes against the
rights of the people, the Parliament of Paris took up the subject, and
passed a vote in opposition to theirs, (which I send you.) This was not
their genuine sentiment: it was a manœuvre of the young members, who are
truly well disposed, taking advantage of the accidental absence of many
old members, and bringing others over by the clause, which, while it
admits the negative of the States General in legislation, reserves still
to the parliament the right of enregistering, that is to say, another
negative. The _Notables_ persevered in their opinion. The Princes of the
blood (Monsieur and the Duke d’Orleans excepted) presented and published
a memoire, threatening a scission. The parliament were proposing to
approve of that memoire (by way of rescinding their former vote), and
were prevented from it by the threat of a young member, to impeach
(_denoncer_) the memoire and the Princes who signed it. The vote of the
_Notables_, therefore, remaining balanced by that of the parliament,
the voice of the nation becoming loud and general for the rights of the
_Tiers-Etat_, a strong probability that if they were not allowed one
half the representation, they would send up their members with express
instructions to agree to no tax and to no adoption of the public
debts, and the court really wishing to give them a moiety of the
representation, this was decided on ultimately. You are not to suppose
that these dispositions of the court proceed from any love of the
people, or justice towards their rights. Courts love the people always,
as wolves do the sheep. The fact is this. The court wants money. From
the _Tiers-Etat_ they cannot get it, because they are already squeezed
to the last drop. The clergy and the nobles, by their privileges and
their influence, have hitherto screened their property, in a great
degree, from public contribution. That half of the orange, then, remains
yet to be squeezed, and for this operation there is no agent powerful
enough, but the people. They are, therefore, brought forward as the
favorites of the court, and will be supported by them. The moment of
crisis will be the meeting of the States; because their first act will
be, to decide whether they shall vote by persons or by orders. The
clergy will leave nothing unattempted to obtain the latter; for they see
that the spirit of reformation will not confine itself to the political,
but will extend to the ecclesiastical establishment also. With respect
to the nobles, the younger members are generally for the people, and the
middle aged are daily coming over to the same side: so that by the time
the States meet, we may hope there will be a majority of that body,
also, in favor of the people, and consequently for voting by persons,
and not by orders.
You will perceive, by the report of Mr. Necker (in the gazette of
France), 1. a renewal of the renunciation of the power of imposing a new
tax by the King, and a like renunciation of the power of continuing any
old one; 2. an acknowledgment that the States are to appropriate the
public monies, which will go to the binding the court to a civil list;
3. a consent to the periodical meeting of the States; 4. to consider of
the restrictions of which _lettres de cachet_ are susceptible; 5. the
degree of liberty to be given to the press; 6. a bill of rights; and 7.
there is a passage which looks towards the responsibility of ministers.
Nothing is said of communicating to them a share in the legislation. The
ministry, perhaps, may be unwilling to part with this, but it will be
insisted on in the States. The letters of convocation will not appear
till towards the latter end of the month: neither time nor place are yet
declared, but Versailles is talked of, and we may well presume that some
time in April will be fixed on. In the mean time, Mr. Necker gets money
to keep the machine in motion. Their funds rose slowly, but steadily,
till within these few days, when there was a small check. However,
they stand very well, and will rise. The _caisse d’escompte_ lent the
government twenty-five millions, two days ago. The navy of this country
sustained a heavy loss lately, by the death of the Bailli de Suffrein.
He was appointed Generalissimo of the Atlantic, when war was hourly
expected with England, and is certainly the officer on whom the nation
would have reposed its principal hopes, in such a case. We just now
hear of the death of the Speaker of the House of Commons, before
the nomination of a regent, which adds a new embarrassment to the
re-establishment of government in England. Since writing mine of
November the 29th, yours of the 23rd of September has come to hand. As
the General of the Mathurins was to be employed in the final redemption
of our captives, I thought that their previous support had better be
put into his hands, and conducted by himself in such a way as not to
counterwork his plan of redemption, whenever we can enable him to begin
on it. I gave him full powers as to the amount and manner of subsisting
them. He has undertaken it, informing me, at the same time, that it
will be on a very low scale, to avoid suspicion of its coming from the
public. He spoke of but three sous a day per man, as being sufficient
for their physical necessaries, more than which, he thinks it not
advisable to give. I have no definitive answer yet from our bankers,
whether we may count on the whole million last agreed to be borrowed,
but I have no doubt of it, from other information, though I have not
their formal affirmative. The gazettes of Leyden and France to this
date, accompany this. I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the
most perfect esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient and most humble
servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CLXXVIII.--TO JAMES MADISON, January 12, 1789
TO JAMES MADISON.
Paris, January 12, 1789.
Dear Sir,
My last to you was of the 18th of November; since which, I have received
yours of the 21st of September, and October the 8th, with the pamphlet
on the Mohicon language, for which, receive my thanks. I endeavor to
collect all the vocabularies I can of the American Indians, as of those
of Asia, persuaded, that if they ever had a common parentage, it will
appear in their languages.
I was pleased to see the vote of Congress, of September the 16th, on the
subject of the Mississippi, as I had before seen, with great uneasiness,
the pursuit of other principles, which I could never reconcile to my
own ideas of probity or wisdom, and from which, and my knowledge of the
character of our western settlers, I saw that the loss of that country
was a necessary consequence. I wish this return to true policy may be in
time to prevent evil. There has been a little foundation for the reports
and fears relative to the Marquis de la Fayette. He has, from the
beginning, taken openly part with those who demand a constitution; and
there was a moment that we apprehended the Bastile: but they ventured on
nothing more, than to take from him a temporary service, on which he
had been ordered; and this, more to save appearances for their own
authority, than any thing else; for at the very time they pretended
that they had put him into disgrace, they were constantly conferring and
communicating with him. Since this, he has stood on safe ground, and is
viewed as among the foremost of the patriots. Every body here is trying
their hand at forming declarations of rights. As something of that kind
is going on with you also, I send you two specimens from hence. The
one is by our friend of whom I have just spoken. You will see that it
contains the essential principles of ours, accommodated as much as
could be, to the actual state of things here. The other is from a very
sensible man, a pure theorist, of the sect called the _Economists_, of
which Turgot was considered as the head. The former is adapted to the
existing abuses, the latter goes to those possible, as well as to those
existing.
With respect to Doctor Spence, supposed to have been taken by the
Algerines, I think the report extremely improbable. O’Bryan, one of our
captives there, has constantly written to me, and given me information
on every subject he thought interesting. He could not have failed to
know if such a capture had been made, though before his time, nor to
inform me of it. I am under perpetual anxiety for our captives there.
The money, indeed, is not yet ready at Amsterdam; but when it shall
be, there are no orders from the board of treasury to the bankers, to
furnish what may be necessary for the redemption of the captives: and
it is so long since Congress approved the loan, that the orders of the
treasury for the application of the money would have come, if they
had intended to send any. I wrote to them early on the subject, and
pointedly. I mentioned it to Mr. Jay also, merely that he might suggest
it to them. The payments to the foreign officers will await the same
formality.
I thank you for your attention to the case of Mrs. Burke. We have no
news of Doctor Franklin since July last, when he was very ill. Though
the silence of our letters on that subject is a proof that he is well,
yet there is an anxiety here among his friends. We have lately had three
books published, which are of great merit, in different lines. The
one is in seven volumes, octavo, by an Abbe Barthelemy, wherein he has
collected every subject of Grecian Literature, after a labor of thirty
years. It is called ‘Les Voyages d’Anacharsis.’ I have taken a copy for
you, because the whole impression was likely to be run off at once.
The second is a work on government, by the Marquis de Condorcet, two
volumes, octavo. I shall secure you a copy. The third are the works of
the King of Prussia, in sixteen volumes, octavo. These were a little
garbled at Berlin, before printed. The government lays its hands on
all which come here, and change some leaves. There is a genuine
edition published at Basle, where even the garblings of Berlin are
re-established. I doubt the possibility of getting a copy, so vigilant
is the government as to this work. I shall obtain you one, if it be
possible. As I write all the public news to Mr. Jay, I will not repeat
it to you. I have just received the Flora Caroliniana of Walter, a very
learned and good work. I am, with very sincere esteem and respect, Dear
Sir, your friend and servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CLXXIX.--TO JOHN JAY, January 14, 1789
TO JOHN JAY.
Sir,
Paris, January 14, 1789.
In my letter of the 11th, I have said nothing of the _Arrêt_ explanatory
of that of September the 28th, on the subject of whale-oils, which
my letter of November the 19th gave you reason to expect. Though this
explanatory _Arrêt_ has been passed so long ago as the 7th of December,
it has not been possible for me to obtain an authentic copy of it, till
last night. I now enclose that to you, with a copy of a letter to me
from Mr. Necker, on the subject. The reception of our oils in the mean
time, is provided for by an intermediate order. You will observe, that
in the _Arrêt_ it is said to be passed ‘_provisoirement,_’ and that Mr.
Necker expressly holds up to us in his letter, a repeal, whenever the
national fishery supplies their wants. The _Arrêt_, however, is not
limited in its duration, and we have several chances against its repeal.
It may be questioned, whether Mr. Necker thinks the fishery worth the
expense. It may be well questioned, whether, either with or without
encouragement, the nation, whose navigation is the least economical of
all in Europe, can ever succeed in the whale-fishery, which calls for
the most rigorous economy. It is hoped that a share in the legislation
will pass immediately into the hands of the States General, so as to
be no longer in the power of the _commis_ of a bureau, or even of his
minister, to smuggle a law through, unquestioned; and we may even hope
that the national demand for this oil will increase faster than both
their and our fisheries together will supply. But in spite of all these
hopes, if the English should find means to cover their oils under our
name, there will be great danger of a repeal. It is essential, then,
that our government take effectual measures to prevent the English from
obtaining genuine sea-papers, that they enable their consuls in the
ports of France (as soon as they shall be named) to detect counterfeit
papers, and that we convince this government that we use our best
endeavors, with good faith, as it is clearly our interest to do; for the
rivalship of the English is the only one we have to fear. It had already
begun to render our oils invendible in the ports of France. You will
observe that Mr. Necker renews the promise of taking off the ten sous
pour livre, at the end of the next year.
Oczakow is at length taken by assault. The assailants were fourteen
thousand, and the garrison twelve thousand, of whom seven thousand were
cut to pieces before they surrendered. The Russians lost three thousand
men. This is the Russian version, of which it is safe to believe no
part, but that Oczakow is taken. The Speaker of the English House of
Commons, having died suddenly, they have chosen Mr. Grenville, a young
man of twenty-seven years of age. This proves that. Mr. Pitt is firm
with the present parliament.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and
respect, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CLXXX.--TO MADAME NECKER, January 24, 1789
TO MADAME NECKER.
Paris, January 24, 1789.
I have received, Madam, with a great deal of sensibility, the letter of
the 22nd instant, with which you were pleased to honor me on the claims
of Monsieur Klein against the United States; and immediately endeavored
to inform myself of their foundation, by an examination of the journals
of Congress. Congress consisting of many persons, can only speak by the
organ of their records. If they have any engagements, they are to
be found there. If not found there, they can never have existed. I
proceeded to this examination, with all the partialities which were
naturally inspired by the interest you are so good as to take in
his behalf, the desire of doing what will be agreeable to you, and a
disposition to obtain for him the justice which might be his due. I have
extracted, literally, from those journals, every thing I find in them
on his subject, and I take the liberty of enclosing you those extracts.
From them, as well as from what I recollect of the ordinary train of
business about the years 1778 and 1779, I presume the following to be
very nearly the history of Monsieur Klein’s case.
Congress were generally desirous of adding to their army during the war.
Among other methods attempted, it was usual for foreigners (multitudes
of whom went to ask command), when they found there was no vacancy,
to propose to raise troops themselves, on condition they should have
commissions to command them. I suppose that Messrs. Klein, Fearer, and
Kleinsmit (named in the resolution of Congress of 1778, and whom, from
their names, I conjecture to be Germans) offered to enlist a body of men
from among the German prisoners taken with General Burgoyne at Saratoga,
on condition that Fearer and Kleinsmit should be captains over them, and
Klein, lieutenant colonel. Three months seem to have been allowed them
for raising their corps. However, at the end of ten months it seems they
had engaged but twenty-four men, and that all of these, except five, had
deserted. Congress, therefore, put an end to the project, June the 21st,
1779, (and not in July, 1780, as Monsieur Klein says) by informing him
they had no further use for his services, and giving him a year’s pay
and subsistence to bring him to Europe. He chose to stay there three and
a half longer, as he says, to solicit what was due to him. Nothing could
ever have been due to him, but pay and subsistence for the ten months
he was trying to enlist men, and the donation of a year’s pay and
subsistence; and it is not probable he would wait three years and a half
to receive these. I suppose he has staid, in hopes of finding some other
opening for employment. If these articles of pay and subsistence have
not been paid to him, he has the certificates of the paymaster and
commissary to prove it; because it was an invariable rule, when demands
could not be paid, to give the party a certificate, to establish the sum
due to him. If he has not such a certificate, it is a proof he has
been paid. If he has it, he can produce it, and in that case, I will
undertake to represent his claim to our government, and will answer for
their justice.