I have duly received your favor by Mr. Cutting. I had before had a

transient acquaintance with him, and knew him to be sensible. Your

recommendation is always a new merit. I really think, and had taken the

liberty some time ago of hinting to Congress, that they would do well

to have a diplomatic character at Lisbon. There is no country whose

commerce is more interesting to us. I wish Congress would correspond

to the wishes of that court, in sending a person there, and to mine,

in sending yourself. For I confess, I had rather see you there than at

London, because I doubt whether it be honorable for us to keep any body

at London, unless they keep some person at New York. Of all nations on

earth, they require to be treated with the most hauteur. They require to

be kicked into common good manners. You ask, if you shall say any thing

to Sullivan about the bill. No. Only that it is paid. I have, within

these two or three days, received letters from him explaining the

matter. It was really for the skin and bones of the moose, as I had

conjectured. It was my fault, that I had not given him a rough idea

of the expense I would be willing to incur for them. He had made the

acquisition an object of a regular campaign, and that too of a winter

one. The troops he employed sallied forth, as he writes me, in the month

of March--much snow--a herd attacked--one killed--in the wilderness--a

road to cut twenty miles--to be drawn by hand from the frontiers to his

house--bones to be cleaned, &c. &c. &c. In fine, he put himself to

an infinitude of trouble, more than I meant: he did it cheerfully, and I

feel myself really under obligations to him. That the tragedy might not

want a proper catastrophe, the box, bones, and all are lost: so that

this chapter of Natural History will still remain a blank. But I have

written to him not to send me another. I will leave it for my successor

to fill up, whenever I shall make my bow here. The purchase for Mrs.

Adams shall be made, and sent by Mr. Cutting. I shall always be happy

to receive her commands. Petit shall be made happy by her praises of his

last purchase for her. I must refer you to Mr. Adams for the news. Those

respecting the Dutch you know as well as I. Nor should they be written

but with the pen of Jeremiah. Adieu, mon ami! Yours affectionately,

Th: Jefferson.

LETTER C.--TO MONSIEUR LE COMTE DE BUFFON, October 3, 1787

TO MONSIEUR LE COMTE DE BUFFON.

Paris, October 3, 1787.

Sir,

I had the honor of informing you, some time ago, that I had written to

some of my friends in America, desiring they would send me such of the

spoils of the moose, caribou, elk, and deer, as might throw light on

that class of animals; but more particularly, to send me the complete

skeleton, skin, and horns of the moose, in such condition as that the

skin might be sewed up and stuffed, on its arrival here. I am happy to

be able to present to you at this moment, the bones and skin of a moose,

the horns of another individual of the same species, the horns of the

caribou, the elk, the deer, the spiked-horned buck, and the roebuck of

America. They all come from New Hampshire and Massachusetts, and were

received by me yesterday. I give you their popular names, as it rests

with yourself to decide their real names. The skin of the moose was

dressed with the hair on, but a great deal of it has come off, and the

rest is ready to drop off. The horns of the elk are remarkably small. I

have certainly seen some of them, which would have weighed five or six

times as much. This is the animal which we call elk in the southern

parts of America, and of which I have given some description in the

Notes on Virginia, of which I had the honor of presenting you a copy. I

really doubt, whether the flat-horned elk exists in America: and I think

this may be properly classed with the elk, the principal difference

being in the horns. I have seen the _daim_, the _cerf_, the _chevreuil_,

of Europe. But the animal we call elk, and which may be distinguished as

the round-horned elk, is very different from them. I have never seen the

_brand-hirtz_ or _cerf d’Ardennes_, nor the European elk. Could I get

a sight of them, I think I should be able to say which of them the

American elk resembles most, as I am tolerably well acquainted with

that animal. I must observe, also, that the horns of the deer, which

accompany these spoils, are not of the fifth or sixth part of the weight

of some that I have seen. This individual has been of three years

of age, according to our method of judging. I have taken measures,

particularly, to be furnished with large horns of our elk and our deer,

and therefore beg of you not to consider those now sent, as furnishing a

specimen of their ordinary size. I really suspect you will find that

the moose, the round-horned elk, and the American deer are species not

existing in Europe. The moose is, perhaps, of a new class. I wish these

spoils, Sir, may have the merit of adding any thing new to the treasures

of nature, which have so fortunately come under your observation, and

of which she seems to have given you the key: they will in that case

be some gratification to you, which it will always be pleasing to me

to have procured; having the honor to be, with sentiments of the most

perfect esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient and most humble

servant,

Th: Jefferson.

LETTER CI.--TO MR. DUMAS, October 4,1787

TO MR. DUMAS.

Paris, October 4,1787.

Sir,

I received your favor of the 23rd of September two days ago. That of the

28th and 29th was put in my hands this morning. I immediately waited on

the ambassadors, ordinary and extraordinary, of the United Netherlands,

and also on the envoy of Prussia, and asked their good offices to have

an efficacious protection extended to your person, your family, and your

effects, observing, that the United States know no party, but are the

friends and allies of the United Netherlands as a nation, and would

expect from their friendship, that the person who is charged with their

affairs, until the arrival of a minister, should be covered from all

insult and injury, which might be offered him by a lawless mob; well

assured that their minister, residing with Congress, would on all

occasions receive the same. They have been so good as to promise me,

each, that he will in his first despatches press this matter on the

proper power, and give me reason to hope that it will be efficacious

for your safety. I will transmit your letter to Mr. Jay by the Count

de Moustier, who sets out within a week for New York, as Minister

Plenipotentiary for France, in that country. I sincerely sympathize in

your sufferings, and wish that what I have done may effect an end to

them; being with much respect and esteem, Sir, your most obedient and

most humble servant,

Th: Jefferson.

LETTER CII.--TO JOHN JAY, October 8, 1787

TO JOHN JAY.

Paris, October 8, 1787.

Sir,

I had the honor of writing you on the 19th of September, twice on the

22nd, and again on the 24th. The two first went by the packet, the

third by a vessel bound to Philadelphia. I have not yet learned by what

occasion the last went. In these several letters, I communicated to

you the occurrences of Europe, as far as they were then known.

Notwithstanding the advantage which the Emperor seemed to have gained

over his subjects of Brabant, by the military arrangements he had been

permitted to make under false pretexts, he has not obtained his ends. He

certainly wished to enforce his new regulations; but he wished more to

be cleared of all domestic difficulties, that he might be free to act

in the great scenes which are preparing for the theatre of Europe.

He seems, therefore, to have instructed his Governor General of the

Netherlands to insist on compliance as far as could be insisted, without

producing resistance by arms; but at the same time, to have furnished

him with a sufficiently complete recantation, to prevent the effects of

insurrection. The Governor pressed; the people were firm; a small act of

force was then attempted, which produced a decided resistance, in which

the people killed several of the military: the last resource was

then used, which was the act of recantation; this produced immediate

tranquillity, and every thing there is now finally settled, by the

Emperor’s relinquishment of his plans.

My letter of the evening of September the 22nd informed you that the

Prussian troops had entered Holland, and that of the 24th, that England

had announced to this court that she was arming generally. These two

events being simultaneous, proved that the two sovereigns acted in

concert. Immediately after, the court of London announced to the other

courts of Europe, that if France entered Holland with armed force, she

would consider it as an act of hostility, and declare war against her;

sending Mr. Grenville here, at the same time, to make what she called a

conciliatory proposition. This proposition was received as a new insult,

Mr. Grenville very coolly treated, and he has now gone back. It is said,

he has carried the ultimatum of France. What it is, particularly, has

not transpired; it is only supposed, in general, to be very firm. You

will see, in one of the Leyden gazettes, one of the letters written by

the ministers of England to the courts of their respective residence,

communicating the declaration before mentioned. In the mean time,

Holland has been sooner reduced by the Prussian troops, than could have

been expected. The abandonment of Utrecht by the Rhingrave of Salm,

seems to have thrown the people under a general panic, during which

every place submitted, except Amsterdam. That had opened conferences

with the Duke of Brunswick; but as late as the 2nd instant, no

capitulation was yet concluded. The King of Prussia, on his first move,

demanded categorically of the King of Poland, what part he intended to

act in the event of war. The latter answered, he should act as events

should dictate; and is, in consequence of this species of menace from

Prussia, arming himself. He can bring into the field about seventy

thousand good cavalry. In the mean time, though nothing transpires

publicly of the confederation between France and the two empires,

mentioned in my letter of September the 19th, it is not the less sure

that it is on the carpet, and will take place. To the circumstances

before mentioned, may be added, as further indications of war, the

naming as Generalissimo of their marine on the Atlantic, Monsieur de

Suffrein, on the Mediterranean, Monsieur Albert de Rioms, the recalling

Monsieur de St. Priest, their ambassador, from Antwerp, before he had

reached the Hague, and the activity of their armies by sea. On the other

hand, the little movement by land would make one suppose they expected

to put the King of Prussia into other hands. They too, like the

Emperor, are arranging matters at home. The rigorous levy of the _deux

vingtiemes_ is enregistered, the stamp act and _impot territorial_ are

revoked, the parliament recalled, the nation soothed by these acts, and

inspired by the insults of the British court. The part of the Council

still leaning towards peace are become unpopular, and perhaps may feel

the effects of it. No change in the administration has taken place since

my last, unless we may consider as such, Monsieur Cabarrus’s refusal

to stand in the lines. Thinking he should be forced to follow, too

seriously, plans formed by others, he has declined serving.

Should this war take place, as is quite probable, and should it be as

general as it threatens to be, our neutrality must be attended with

great advantages. Whether of a nature to improve our morals or our

happiness, is another question. But is it sure that Great Britain, by

her searches, her seizures, and other measures for harassing us, will

permit us to preserve our neutrality? I know it may be argued, that the

land-war, which she would superadd to her sea-war, by provoking us to

join her enemies, should rationally hold her to her good behavior with

us. But since the accession of the present monarch, has it not been

passion, and not reason, which, nine times out of ten, has dictated her

measures? Has there been a better rule of prognosticating what he

would do, than to examine what he ought not to do? When I review

his dispositions and review his conduct, I have little hope of his

permitting our neutrality. He will find subjects of provocation in

various articles of our treaty with France, which will now come into

view, in all their consequences, and in consequences very advantageous

to the one, and injurious to the other country. I suggest these doubts,

on a supposition that our magazines are not prepared for war, and in the

opinion that provisions for that event should be thought of.

The enclosed letter from Mr. Dumas came to me open, though directed

to you. I immediately waited on the ambassadors, ordinary and

extraordinary, of Holland, and the envoy of Prussia, and prayed them

to interest themselves to have his person, his family, and his

goods protected. They promised me readily to do it, and have written

accordingly; I trust it will be with effect. I could not avoid enclosing

you the letter from Monsieur Bouebe, though I have satisfied him he is

to expect nothing from Congress for his inventions. These are better

certified than most of those things are; but if time stamps their worth,

time will give them to us. He expects no further answer. The gazettes of

Leyden and France to this date accompany this, which will be delivered

you by the Count de Moustier, Minister Plenipotentiary from this

country.

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and

respect, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant,

Th: Jefferson.

LETTER CIII.--TO JAMES MADISON, October 8, 1787

TO JAMES MADISON.

Paris, October 8, 1787.

Dear Sir,

The bearer hereof, the Count de Moustier, successor to Monsieur de la

Luzerne, would, from his office, need no letter of introduction to you

or to any body. Yet I take the liberty of recommending him to you, to

shorten those formal approaches, which the same office would otherwise

expose him to, in making your acquaintance. He is a great enemy to

formality, etiquette, ostentation, and luxury. He goes with the best

dispositions to cultivate society, without poisoning it by ill example.

He is sensible, disposed to view things favorably, and being well

acquainted with the constitution of England, her manners, and language,

is the better prepared for his station with us. But I should have

performed only the lesser, and least pleasing half of my task, were

I not to add my recommendations of Madame de Brehan. She is goodness

itself. You must be well acquainted with her. You will find her well

disposed to meet your acquaintance, and well worthy of it. The way to

please her, is to receive her as an acquaintance of a thousand years’

standing. She speaks little English. You must teach her more, and learn

French from her. She hopes, by accompanying Monsieur de Moustier, to

improve her health, which is very feeble, and still more, to improve

her son in his education, and to remove him to a distance from the

seductions of this country. You will wonder to be told, that there are

no schools in this country to be compared to ours in the sciences. The

husband of Madame de Brehan is an officer, and obliged by the times to

remain with the army. Monsieur de Moustier brings your watch. I have

worn it two months, and really find it a most incomparable one. It will

not want the little re-dressing, which new watches generally do, after

going about a year. It costs six hundred livres. To open it in all its

parts, press the little pin on the edge with the point of your nail;

that opens the crystal; then open the dial-plate in the usual way; then

press the stem, at the end within the loop, and it opens the back for

winding up or regulating.

De Moustier is remarkably communicative. With adroitness he may

be pumped of any thing. His openness is from character, not from

affectation. An intimacy with him may, on this account, be politically

valuable.

I am, Dear Sir, your affectionate friend and servant,

Th: Jefferson.

LETTER CIV.--TO JOHN JAY, October 8, 1787

TO JOHN JAY.

(Private.) Paris, October 8, 1787.

Dear Sir,

The Count de Moustier, Minister Plenipotentiary from the court of

Versailles to the United States, will have the honor of delivering you

this. The connection of your offices will necessarily connect you in

acquaintance; but I beg leave to present him to you, on account of

his personal as well as his public character. You will find him open,

communicative, candid, simple in his manners, and a declared enemy to

ostentation and luxury. He goes with a resolution to add no aliment

to it by his example, unless he finds that the dispositions of our

countrymen require it indispensably. Permit me, at the same time, to

solicit your friendly notice, and through you, that also of Mrs. Jay, to

Madame la Marquise de Brehan, sister-in-law to Monsieur de Moustier. She

accompanies him, in hopes that a change of climate may assist her feeble

health, and also, that she may procure a more valuable education for

her son, and safer from seduction, in America than in France. I think

it impossible to find a better woman, more amiable, more modest, more

simple in her manners, dress, and way of thinking. She will deserve the

friendship of Mrs. Jay, and the way to obtain hers, is to receive her

and treat her without the shadow of etiquette.

The Count d’Aranda leaves us in a day or two. He desired me to recall

him to your recollection, and to assure you of his friendship. In a

letter which I mean as a private one, I may venture details too minute

for a public one, yet not unamusing, or unsatisfactory. I may venture

names too, without the danger of their getting into a newspaper. There

has long been a division in the Council here, on the question of war

and peace. Monsieur de Montmorin and Monsieur de Breteuil have been

constantly for war. They are supported in this by the Queen. The King

goes for nothing. He hunts one half the day, is drunk the other, and

signs whatever he is bid. The Archbishop of Toulouse desires peace.

Though brought in by the Queen, he is opposed to her in this capital

object, which would produce an alliance with her brother. Whether the

Archbishop will yield or not, I know not. But an intrigue is already

begun for ousting him from his place, and it is rather probable it will

succeed. He is a good and patriotic minister for peace, and very capable

in the department of finance. At least he is so in theory. I have heard

his talents for execution censured.

Can I be useful here to Mrs. Jay or yourself, in executing any

commissions, great or small? I offer you my services with great

cordiality. You know whether any of the wines of this country may

attract your wishes. In my tour, last spring, I visited the best

vineyards of Burgundy, Cote-rotie, Hermitage, Lunelle, Frontignan, and

white and red Bordeaux, got acquainted with the proprietors, and can

procure for you the best crops from the vigneron himself. Mrs. Jay knows

if there is any thing else here, in which I could be useful to her.

Command me without ceremony, as it will give me real pleasure to serve

you; and be assured of the sincere attachment and friendship, with which

I am, Dear Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant,

Th: Jefferson.

LETTER CV.--TO MONSIEUR LE COMTE DE MOUSTIER, October 9,1787

TO MONSIEUR LE COMTE DE MOUSTIER.

Paris, October 9,1787.

Mr. Jefferson has the honor of presenting his respects to Monsieur le

Comte de Moustier, and of taking leave of him by letter, which he is

prevented doing in person, by an unexpected visit to Versailles to-day.

He will hope to have the pleasure of sometimes hearing from him, and

will take the liberty occasionally, of troubling him with a letter.

He considers the Count de Moustier as forming with himself the two end

links of that chain which holds the two nations together, and is happy

to have observed in him dispositions to strengthen rather than to

weaken it. It is a station of importance, as on the cherishing good

dispositions and quieting bad ones, will depend in some degree the

happiness and prosperity of the two countries. The Count de Moustier

will find the affections of the Americans with France, but their habits

with England. Chained to that country by circumstances, embracing what

they loathe, they realize the fable of the living and the dead bound

together. Mr. Jefferson troubles the Count de Moustier with two letters,

to gentlemen whom he wishes to recommend to his particular acquaintance,

and to that of Madame de Brehan. He bids Monsieur de Moustier a most

friendly adieu, and wishes him every thing which may render agreeable

his passage across the water, and his residence beyond it.

LETTER CVI.--TO MADAME DE BREHAN, October 9, 1787

TO MADAME DE BREHAN.

Paris, October 9, 1787.

Persuaded, Madam, that visits at this moment must be troublesome I beg

you to accept my adieus, in this form. Be assured, that no one mingles

with them more regret at separating from you. I will ask your permission

to inquire of you by letter sometimes, how our country agrees with your

health and your expectations, and will hope to hear it from yourself.

The imitation of European manners, which you will find in our towns,

will, I fear, be little pleasing. I beseech you to practise still your

own, which will furnish them a model of what is perfect. Should you be

singular, it will be by excellence, and after a while you will see the

effect of your example.

Heaven bless you, Madam, and guard you under all circumstances; give you

smooth waters, gentle breezes, and clear skies, hushing all its elements

into peace, and leading with its own hand the favored bark, till it

shall have safely landed its precious charge on the shores of our new

world.

Th: Jefferson.

LETTER CVII.--TO MR. DUMAS, October 14, 1787

TO MR. DUMAS.

Paris, October 14, 1787.

Sir,

I have duly received your favors of October the 23rd and 26th. With

respect to the mission you suggest, in the former, no powers are lodged

in the hands of Mr. Adams and myself. Congress commissioned Mr. Adams,

Doctor Franklin, and myself, to treat with the Emperor on the subjects

of amity and commerce: at the same time, they gave us the commission to

Prussia, with which you are acquainted. We proposed treating through the

Imperial ambassador here. It was declined on their part, and our powers

expired, having been given but for two years. Afterwards, the same

ambassador here was instructed to offer to treat with us. I informed

him our powers were expired, but that I would write to Congress on the

subject. I did so, but have never yet received an answer. Whether this

proceeds from a change of opinion in them, or from the multiplicity

of their occupations, I am unable to say: but this state of facts will

enable you to see that we have no powers, in this instance, to take the

measures you had thought of. I sincerely sympathize with you in your

sufferings. Though forbidden by my character to meddle in the internal

affairs of an allied State, it is the wish of my heart that their

troubles may have such an issue, as will secure the greatest degree

of happiness to the body of the people: for it is with the mass of the

nation we are allied, and not merely with their governors. To inform

the minds of the people, and to follow their will, is the chief duty of

those placed at their head. What party in your late struggles was most

likely to do this, you are more competent to judge than I am. Under

every event, that you maybe safe and happy, is the sincere wish of him,

who has the honor to be, with sentiments of great esteem, Sir, your most

obedient and most humble servant,

Th: Jefferson.

LETTER CVIII.--TO MADAME DE CORNY, October 18, 1787

TO MADAME DE CORNY.

Paris, October 18, 1787.

I now have the honor, Madam, to send you the Memoire of M. de Calonne.

Do not injure yourself by hurrying its perusal. Only, when you shall

have read it at your ease, be so good as to send it back, that it may be

returned to the Duke of Dorset. You will read it with pleasure. It has

carried comfort to my heart, because it must do the same to the King and

the nation. Though it does not prove M. de Calonne to be more innocent

than his predecessors, it shows him not to have been that exaggerated

scoundrel, which the calculations and the clamors of the public

have supposed. It shows that the public treasures have not been so

inconceivably squandered, as the parliaments of Grenoble, Toulouse, &c.

had affirmed. In fine, it shows him less wicked, and France less badly

governed, than I had feared. In examining my little collection of books,

to see what it could furnish you on the subject of Poland, I find a

small piece which may serve as a supplement to the history I had sent

you. It contains a mixture of history and politics, which I think you

will like--How do you do this morning? I have feared you exerted and

exposed yourself too much yesterday. I ask you the question, though I

shall not await its answer. The sky is clearing, and I shall away to my

hermitage. God bless you, my Dear Madam, now and always. Adieu.

Th: Jefferson.

LETTER CIX.--TO THE COUNT DE MONTMORIN, October 23, 1787

TO THE COUNT DE MONTMORIN.

Paris, October 23, 1787.

Sir,

Memoir, Correspondence, and Miscellanies, From the Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Volume 2 · 第 25 / 50 段