multiplying the connections with us, is at present an object. It meets
with opposition in the ministry; but I am in hopes it will prevail.
If natural causes operate, uninfluenced by accidental circumstances,
Bordeaux and Honfleur, or Havre, must ultimately take the greatest part
of our commerce. The former, by the Garonne and canal of Languedoc,
opens the southern provinces to us; the latter, the northern ones and
Paris. Honfleur will be peculiarly advantageous for our rice and whale
oil, of which the principal consumption is at Paris. Being free, they
can be re-exported when the market here shall happen to be overstocked.
The labors of the ensuing summer will close the eastern half of the
harbor of Cherbourg, which will contain and protect forty sail of the
line. It has from fifty to thirty-five feet of water next to the
cones, shallowing gradually to the shore. Between this and Dunkirk, the
navigation of the channel will be rendered much safer in the event of a
war with England, and invasions on that country become more practicable.
The gazettes of France and Leyden, to the present date, accompany this.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect respect,
Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER XL.--TO JOHN ADAMS, January 11, 1787
TO JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, January 11, 1787.
Dear Sir,
Mr. Jay, in his last letter to me, observes they hear nothing further of
the treaty with Portugal. I have taken the liberty of telling him that
I will write to you on the subject, and that he may expect to hear from
you on it, by the present conveyance. The Chevalier del Pinto being at
London, I presume he has, or can inform you why it is delayed on their
part. I will thank you also for the information he shall give you.
There is here an order of priests called the Mathurins, the object
of whose institution is, the begging of alms for the redemption of
captives. About eighteen months ago, they redeemed three hundred,
which cost them about fifteen hundred livres a piece. They have agents
residing in the Barbary States, who are constantly employed in searching
and contracting for the captives of their nation, and they redeem at
a lower price than any other people can. It occurred to me, that
their agency might be engaged for our prisoners at Algiers. I have had
interviews with them, and the last night a long one with the General
of the order. They offer their services with all the benignity and
cordiality possible. The General told me, he could not expect to redeem
our prisoners as cheap as their own, but that he would use all the means
in his power to do it on the best terms possible, which will be the
better, as there shall be the less suspicion that he acts for our
public. I told him I would write to you on the subject, and speak to him
again. What do you think of employing them, limiting them to a certain
price, as three hundred dollars, for instance, or any other sum you
think proper? He will write immediately to his instruments there, and
in two or three months we can know the event. He will deliver them
at Marseilles, Cadiz, or where we please, at our expense. The money
remaining of the fund destined to the Barbary business, may, I suppose,
be drawn on for this object. Write me your opinion, if you please, on
this subject, finally, fully, and immediately, that, if you approve the
proposition, I may enter into arrangements with the General before my
departure to the waters of Aix, which will be about the beginning of
February,
I have the honor to be, with very sincere esteem and respect, Dear Sir,
your most obedient and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER XLI.--TO MONSIEUR LE DUC D’HARCOURT, January 14, 1787
TO MONSIEUR LE DUC D’HARCOURT, GOUVERNEUR DU DAUPHIN.
Paris, January 14, 1787.
Sir,
In the conversation with which you were pleased to honor me a few days
ago, on the enfranchisement of the port of Honfleur, I took the liberty
of observing, that I was not instructed by my constituents to make
any proposition on that subject. That it would be agreeable to them,
however, I must suppose, because it will offer the following advantages.
1. It is a convenient _entrepôt_ for furnishing us with the manufactures
of the northern parts of France, and particularly of Paris, and for
receiving and distributing the productions of our country in exchange.
2. Cowes, on the opposite side of the channel, has heretofore been the
deposite for a considerable part of our productions, landed in Great
Britain in the first instance, but intended for re-exportation. From
thence our rice, particularly, has been distributed to France and other
parts of Europe. I am not certain, whether our tobaccos were deposited
there, or carried to London to be sorted for the different markets.
To draw this business from Cowes, no place is so favorably situated as
Honfleur.
3. It would be a convenient deposite for our whale-oil, of which, after
the supply of Paris, there will be a surplus for re-exportation.
4. Should our fur-trade be recovered out of the hands of the English, it
will naturally come to Honfleur, as the out-port of Paris.
5. Salt is an important article in all our return cargoes; because,
being carried as ballast, its freight costs nothing. But on account
of some regulations, with which I am not well acquainted, it cannot at
present be shipped to advantage from any port on the Seine.
6. Our vessels being built sharp, for swift sailing, suffer extremely
in most of the western ports of France, in which they are left on dry
ground at every ebb of the tide. But at Honfleur, I am told, they can
ride in bold water, on a good bottom, and near the shore, at all times.
These facts may, perhaps, throw some light on the question in which, for
the good of both countries, you are pleased to interest yourself. I take
the liberty, therefore, of barely mentioning them, and with the more
pleasure, as it furnishes me an occasion of assuring you of those
sentiments of respect and esteem, with which I have the honor to be your
most obedient, humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER XLII.--TO MONSIEUR DE CREVE-COEUR, January 15,1787
TO MONSIEUR DE CREVE-COEUR.
Paris, January 15,1787.
Dear Sir,
I see by the Journal of this morning, that they are robbing us of
another of our inventions, to give it to the English. The writer,
indeed, only admits them to have revived what he thinks was known to the
Greeks, that is, the making the circumference of a wheel of one single
piece. The farmers in New Jersey were the first who practised it, and
they practised it commonly. Dr. Franklin, in one of his trips to London,
mentioned this practice to the man now in London, who has the patent for
making those wheels. The idea struck him. The Doctor promised to go to
his shop, and assist him in trying to make the wheel of one piece. The
Jersey farmers do it by cutting a young sapling, and bending it, while
green and juicy, into a circle; and leaving it so until it becomes
perfectly seasoned. But in London there are no saplings. The difficulty
was, then, to give to old wood the pliancy of young. The Doctor and the
workman labored together some weeks, and succeeded; and the man obtained
a patent for it, which has made his fortune. I was in his shop in
London; he told me the whole story himself, and acknowledged not only
the origin of the idea, but how much the assistance of Dr. Franklin had
contributed to perform the operation on dry wood. He spoke of him
with love and gratitude. I think I have had a similar account from
Dr. Franklin, but cannot be quite certain. I know, that being in
Philadelphia when the first set of patent wheels arrived from London,
and were spoken of, by the gentleman (an Englishman) who brought them,
as a wonderful discovery, the idea of its being a new discovery was
laughed at by the Philadelphians, who, in their Sunday parties across
the Delaware, had seen every farmer’s cart mounted on such wheels.
The writer in the paper supposes the English workman got his idea from
Homer. But it is more likely the Jersey farmer got his idea from thence,
because ours are the only farmers who can read Homer; because, too, the
Jersey practice is precisely that stated by Homer: the English practice
very different. Homer’s words are (comparing a young hero killed by Ajax
to a poplar felled by a workman) literally thus: ‘He fell on the ground,
like a poplar, which has grown smooth, in the west part of a
great meadow; with its branches shooting from its summit. But the
chariot-maker, with his sharp axe, has felled it, that he may bend
a wheel for a beautiful chariot. It lies drying on the banks of the
river.’ Observe the circumstances, which coincide with the Jersey
practice. 1. It is a tree growing in a moist place, full of juices,
and easily bent. 2. It is cut while green. 3. It is bent into the
circumference of a wheel. 4. It is left to dry in that form. You, who
write French well and readily, should write a line for the Journal, to
reclaim the honor of our farmers. Adieu. Yours affectionately,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER XLIII.--TO COLONEL EDWARD CARRINGTON, January 16, 1787
TO COLONEL EDWARD CARRINGTON.
Paris, January 16, 1787.
Dear Sir,
Uncertain whether you might be at New York at the moment of Colonel
Franks’ arrival, I have enclosed my private letters for Virginia, under
cover to our delegation in general, which, otherwise, I would have taken
the liberty to enclose particularly to you, as best acquainted with the
situation of the persons to whom they are addressed. Should this find
you at New York, I will still ask your attention to them.
In my letter to Mr. Jay, I have mentioned the meeting of the Notables,
appointed for the 29th instant. It is now put off to the 7th or 8th
of next month. This event, which will hardly excite any attention in
America, is deemed here the most important one, which has taken place in
their civil line during the present century. Some promise their country
great things from it, some nothing. Our friend De la Fayette was placed
on the list originally. Afterwards his name disappeared; but finally was
reinstated. This shows, that his character here is not considered as
an indifferent one; and that it excites agitation. His education in
our school has drawn on him a very jealous eye, from a court whose
principles are the most absolute despotism. But I hope he has nearly
passed his crisis. The King, who is a good man, is favorably disposed
towards him; and he is supported by powerful family connections, and
by the public good will. He is the youngest man of the Notables, except
one, whose office placed him on the list.
The Count de Vergennes has, within these ten days, had a very severe
attack of what is deemed an unfixed gout. He has been well enough,
however, to do business to-day. But anxieties for him are not yet
quieted. He is a great and good minister, and an accident to him might
endanger the peace of Europe.
The tumults in America I expected would have produced in Europe an
unfavorable opinion of our political state. But it has not. On the
contrary, the small effect of these tumults seems to have given more
confidence in the firmness of our governments. The interposition of the
people themselves on the side of government, has had a great effect
on the opinion here. I am persuaded myself, that the good sense of the
people will always be found to be the best army. They may be led astray
for a moment, but will soon correct themselves. The people are the only
censors of their governors; and even their errors will tend to keep
these to the true principles of their institution. To punish these
errors too severely, would be to suppress the only safeguard of the
public liberty. The way to prevent these irregular interpositions of the
people, is to give them full information of their affairs through the
channel of the public papers, and to contrive that those papers should
penetrate the whole mass of the people. The basis of our governments
being the opinion of the people, the very first object should be to keep
that right; and were it left to me to decide, whether we should have
a government without newspapers, or newspapers without a government, I
should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter. But I should mean,
that every man should receive those papers, and be capable of reading
them. I am convinced that those societies (as the Indians), which live
without government, enjoy in their general mass an infinitely greater
degree of happiness, than those who live under the European governments.
Among the former, public opinion is in the place of law, and restrains
morals as powerfully as laws ever did any where. Among the latter, under
pretence of governing, they have divided their nations into two classes,
wolves and sheep. I do not exaggerate. This is a true picture of Europe.
Cherish, therefore, the spirit of our people, and keep alive their
attention. Do not be too severe upon their errors, but reclaim them
by enlightening them. If once they become inattentive to the public
affairs, you, and I, and Congress, and Assemblies, Judges and Governors,
shall all become wolves. It seems to be the law of our general nature,
in spite of individual exceptions: and experience declares, that man is
the only animal which devours his own kind; for I can apply no milder
term to the governments of Europe, and to the general prey of the rich
on the poor. The want of news has led me into disquisition instead of
narration, forgetting you have every day enough of that. I shall be
happy to hear from you sometimes, only observing, that whatever passes
through the post is read, and that when you write what should be read
by myself only, you must be so good as to confide your letter to some
passenger, or officer of the packet. I will ask your permission to write
to you sometimes, and to assure you of the esteem and respect with which
I have the honor to be,
Dear Sir, your most obedient
and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER XLIV--TO JAMES MADISON, January 30, 1787 *
TO JAMES MADISON.
Paris, January 30, 1787.
[* The latter part of this letter is in cipher; but appended
to the copy preserved, are explanatory notes, which have
enabled us to publish it entire, except a few words, to
which they afford no key. These are either marked thus * * *,
or the words, which the context seemed to require, inserted
in italics.]
Dear Sir,
My last to you was of the 16th of December; since which I have received
yours of November the 25th and December the 4th, which afforded me,
as your letters always do, a treat on matters public, individual and
economical. I am impatient to learn your sentiments on the late troubles
in the Eastern States. So far as I have yet seen, they do not appear
to threaten serious consequences. Those States have suffered by the
stoppage of the channels of their commerce, which have not yet found
other issues. This must render money scarce, and make the people uneasy.
This uneasiness has produced acts absolutely unjustifiable: but I hope
they will provoke no severities from their governments. A consciousness
of those in power, that their administration of the public affairs has
been honest, may, perhaps, produce too great a degree of indignation:
and those characters wherein fear predominates over hope, may apprehend
too much from these instances of irregularity. They may conclude
too hastily, that nature has formed man insusceptible of any other
government than that of force, a conclusion not founded in truth
nor experience. Societies exist under three forms, sufficiently
distinguishable. 1. Without government, as among our Indians. 2. Under
governments, wherein the will of every one has a just influence; as is
the case in England, in a slight degree, and in our States, in a
great one. 3. Under governments of force; as is the case in all other
monarchies, and in most of the other republics. To have an idea of
the curse of existence under these last, they must be seen. It is a
government of wolves over sheep. It is a problem, not clear in my
mind, that the first condition is not the best. But I believe it to be
inconsistent with any great degree of population. The second state has
a great deal of good in it. The mass of mankind under that enjoys a
precious degree of liberty and happiness. It has its evils too: the
principal of which is the turbulence to which it is subject. But weigh
this against the oppressions of monarchy, and it becomes nothing. _Malo
periculosam libertatem quam quietam servitutem_. Even this evil is
productive of good. It prevents the degeneracy of government, and
nourishes a general attention to the public affairs. I hold it, that a
little rebellion now and then is a good thing, and as necessary in the
political world, as storms in the physical. Unsuccessful rebellions,
indeed, generally establish the encroachments on the rights of the
people, which have produced them. An observation of this truth should
render honest republican governors so mild in their punishment of
rebellions, as not to discourage them too much. It is a medicine
necessary for the sound health of government.
If these transactions give me no uneasiness, I feel very differently
at another piece of intelligence, to wit, the possibility that the
navigation of the Mississippi may be abandoned to Spain. I never had any
interest westward of the Allegany; and I never will have any. But I
have had great opportunities of knowing the character of the people
who inhabit that country; and I will venture to say, that the act which
abandons the navigation of the Mississippi, is an act of separation
between the eastern and western country. It is a relinquishment of five
parts out of eight of the territory of the United States; an abandonment
of the fairest subject for the payment of our public debts, and the
chaining those debts on our own necks, _in perpetuum_. I have the utmost
confidence in the honest intentions of those who concur in this measure;
but I lament their want of acquaintance with the character and physical
advantages of the people, who, right or wrong, will suppose their
interests sacrificed on this occasion to the contrary interests of that
part of the confederacy in possession of present power. If they declare
themselves a separate people, we are incapable of a single effort to
retain them. Our citizens can never be induced, either as militia or as
soldiers, to go there to cut the throats of their own brothers and sons,
or rather, to be themselves the subjects, instead of the perpetrators,
of the parricide. Nor would that country quit the cost of being retained
against the will of its inhabitants, could it be done. But it cannot be
done. They are able already to rescue the navigation of the Mississippi
out of the hands of Spain, and to add New Orleans to their own,
territory. They will be joined by the inhabitants of Louisiana. This
will bring on a war between them and Spain; and that will produce the
question with us, whether it will not be worth our while to become
parties with them in the war, in order to re-unite them with us, and
thus correct our error. And were I to permit my forebodings to go one
step further, I should predict, that the inhabitants of the United
States would force their rulers to take the affirmative of that
question. I wish I may be mistaken in all these opinions.
We have for some time expected, that the Chevalier de la Luzerne would
obtain a promotion in the diplomatic line, by being appointed to some
of the courts where this country keeps an ambassador. But none of the
vacancies taking place, which had been counted on, I think the present
disposition is to require his return to his station in America. He told
me himself, lately, that he should return in the spring. I have never
pressed this matter on the court, though I knew it to be desirable and
desired on our part; because if the compulsion on him to return had been
the work of Congress, he would have returned in such ill temper with
them, as to disappoint them in the good they expected from it. He would
for ever have laid at their door his failure of promotion. I did not
press it for another reason, which is, that I have great reason to
believe, that the character of the Count de Moutier, who would go, were
the Chevalier to be otherwise provided for, would give the most perfect
satisfaction in America.
As you have now returned into Congress, it will become of importance,
that you should form a just estimate of certain public characters; on
which, therefore, I will give you such notes as my knowledge of them
has furnished me with. You will compare them with the materials you are
otherwise possessed of, and decide on a view of the whole.
You know the opinion I formerly entertained of my friend, Mr. Adams. *
* * and the Governor were the first who shook that opinion. I afterwards
saw proofs, which convicted him of a degree of vanity, and of a
blindness to it, of which no germ appeared in Congress. A seven months’
intimacy with him here and as many weeks in London, have given me
opportunities of studying him closely. He is vain, irritable, and a bad
calculator of the force and probable effect of the motives which govern
men. This is all the ill which can possibly be said of him. He is as
disinterested as the Being who made him: he is profound in his views;
and accurate in his judgment, except where knowledge of the world is
necessary to form a judgment. He is so amiable, that I pronounce you
will love him, if ever you become acquainted with him. He would be, as
he was, a great man in Congress.
Mr. Carmichael is, I think, very little known in America. I never saw
him, and while I was in Congress I formed rather a disadvantageous idea
of him. His letters received then showed him vain, and more attentive to
ceremony and etiquette, than we suppose men of sense should be. I
have now a constant correspondence with him, and find him a little
hypochondriac and discontented. He possesses a very good understanding,
though not of the first order. I have had great opportunities of
searching into his character, and have availed myself of them. Many
persons of different nations, coming from Madrid to Paris, all speak of
him as in high esteem, and I think it certain that he has more of the
Count de Florida Blanca’s friendship, than any diplomatic character at
that court. As long as this minister is in office, Carmichael can do
more than any other person who could be sent there.
You will see Franks, and doubtless he will be asking some appointment. I
wish there may be any one for which he is fit. He is light, indiscreet,
active, honest, affectionate. Though Bingham is not in diplomatic
office, yet as he wishes to be so, I will mention such circumstances of
him, as you might otherwise be deceived in. He will make you believe he
was on the most intimate footing with the first characters in Europe,
and versed in the secrets of every cabinet. Not a word of this is true.
He had a rage for being presented to great men, and had no * * * in the
methods by which he could effect it. * * * * *
The Marquis de la Fayette is a most valuable auxiliary to me. His zeal
is unbounded, and his weight with those in power, great. His education
having been merely military, commerce was an unknown field to him.
But his good sense enabling him to comprehend perfectly whatever is
explained to him, his agency has been very efficacious. He has a great
deal of sound genius, is well remarked by the King, and rising in
popularity. He has nothing against him, but the suspicion of republican
principles. I think he will one day be of the ministry. His foible is
a canine appetite for popularity and fame; but he will get above this.
_The Count de Vergennes is ill_. The possibility of his _recovery_
renders it dangerous for us to express a doubt of it; but he is in
danger. He is a great minister in European affairs, but has very
imperfect ideas of our institutions, and no confidence in them. His
devotion to the principles of pure despotism, renders him unaffectionate
to our governments. But his fear of England makes him value us as a
make-weight. He is cool, reserved in political conversations, but free
and familiar on other subjects, and a very attentive, agreeable person
to do business with. It is impossible to have a, clearer, better
organized head; but age has chilled his heart,