carried me to England: and that the principal one, the treaty with
Portugal, has been accomplished. Though we were unable to procure any
special advantages in that, yet we thought it of consequence to insure
our trade against those particular checks and discouragements, which it
has heretofore met with there. The information as to the Barbary States,
which we obtained from Abdrahaman the Tripoline ambassador, was also
given to Mr. Jay. If it be right, and the scale of proportion between
those nations, which we had settled, be also right, eight times the sum
required by Tripoli will be necessary to accomplish a peace with the
whole; that is to say, about two hundred and forty thousand guineas.
The continuance of this peace will depend on their idea of our power to
enforce it, and on the life of the particular Dey, or other head of the
government, with whom it is contracted. Congress will, no doubt,
weigh these circumstances against the expense and probable success of
compelling a peace by arms. Count d’Estaing having communicated to me
verbally some information as to an experiment formerly made by this
country, I shall get him to put it into writing, and I will forward it
to Congress, as it may aid them in their choice of measures. However,
which plan is most eligible can only be known to yourselves, who are on
the spot, and have under your view all the difficulties of both. There
is a third measure, that of abandoning the Mediterranean carriage to
other nations.
With respect to England, no arrangements can be taken. The merchants
were certainly disposed to have consented to accommodation, as to the
article of debts. I was not certain, when I left England, that they
would relinquish the interest during the war. A letter received since,
from the first character among the American merchants in Scotland,
satisfies me they would have relinquished it, to insure the capital and
residue of interest. Would to heaven, all the States, therefore, would
settle a uniform plan. To open the courts to them, so that they might
obtain judgments; to divide the executions into so many equal annual
instalments, as that the last might be paid in the year 1790; to have
the payments in actual money; and to include the capital, and interest
preceding and subsequent to the war, would give satisfaction to the
world, and to the merchants in general. Since it is left for each nation
to pursue their own measures, in the execution of the late treaty, may
not Congress, with propriety, recommend a mode of executing that article
respecting the debts, and send it to each State to be passed into law?
Whether England gives up the posts or not, these debts must be paid,
or our character stained with infamy among all nations, and through all
time. As to the satisfaction for slaves carried off, it is a bagatelle,
which, if not made good before the last instalment becomes due, may be
secured out of that.
I formerly communicated the overtures for a treaty, which had been made
by the imperial ambassador. The instructions from Congress being
in their favor, and Mr. Adams’s opinion also, I encouraged them. He
expected his full powers when I went to England. Yet I did not think,
nor did Mr. Adams, that this was of importance enough to weigh against
the objects of that journey. He received them soon after my departure,
and communicated it to me on my return, asking a copy of our
propositions. I gave him one, but observed, our commission had then but
a few days to run. He desired I should propose to Congress the giving
new powers to go on with this, and said, that, in the mean time, he
would arrange with us the plan. In a commercial view, no great good is
to be gained by this. But in a political one, it may be expedient. As
the treaty would, of course, be in the terms of those of Prussia and
Portugal, it will give us but little additional embarrassment, in any
commercial regulations we may wish to establish. The exceptions from
these, which the other treaties will require, may take in the treaty
with the Emperor. I should be glad to communicate some answer, as soon
as Congress shall have made up their minds on it. My information to
Congress, on the subject of our commercial articles with this country,
has only come down to January the 27th. Whether I shall say any thing on
it, in my letter to Mr. Jay by this conveyance, depends on its not
being too early for an appointment I expect hourly from the Count de
Vergennes, to meet him on this and other subjects. My last information
was, that the lease was too far advanced to withdraw from it the article
of tobacco, but that a clause is inserted in it, empowering the King
to discontinue it at any time. A discontinuance is, therefore, the
only remaining object, and as even this cannot be effected till the
expiration of the old lease, which is about the end of the present year,
I have wished only to stir the subject, from time to time, so as to keep
it alive. This idea led me into a measure proposed by the Marquis de
la Fayette, whose return from Berlin found the matter at that point, to
which my former report to Congress had conducted it. I communicated to
him what I had been engaged on, what were my prospects, and my purpose
of keeping the subject just open. He offered his services with that zeal
which commands them on every occasion respecting America. He suggested
to me the meeting two or three gentlemen, well acquainted with this
business. We met. They urged me to propose to the Count de Vergennes,
the appointing a committee to take the matter into consideration. I
told them, that decency would not permit me to point out to the Count de
Vergennes the mode by which he should conduct a negotiation, but that
I would press again the necessity of an arrangement, if, whilst that
should be operating on his mind, they would suggest the appointment of
a committee. The Marquis offered his services for this purpose. The
consequence was the appointment of a committee, and the Marquis as a
member of it. I communicated to him my papers. He collected other lights
wherever he could, and particularly from the gentlemen with whom we had
before concerted, and who had a good acquaintance with the subject. The
Marquis became our champion in the committee, and two of its members,
who were of the corps of Farmers General, entered the lists on the other
side. Each gave in memorials. The lease, indeed, was signed while I was
gone to England, but the discussions were, and still are continued in
the committee: from which we derive two advantages; 1. that of showing,
that the object is not to be relinquished; and 2. that of enlightening
government, as to its true interest. The Count de Vergennes is
absolutely for it; but it is not in his department. Calonne is his
friend, and in this instance his principle seems to be, _Amica
veritas, sed magis amicus Plato_. An additional hope is founded in the
expectation of a change of the minister of finance. The present one is
under the absolute control of the Farmers General. The committee’s views
have been somewhat different from mine. They despair of a suppression of
the Farm, and therefore wish to obtain palliatives, which would coincide
with the particular good of this country. I think, that so long as the
monopoly in the sale is kept up, it is of no consequence to us, how they
modify the pill for their own internal relief: but, on the contrary, the
worse it remains, the more necessary it will render a reformation. Any
palliative would take from us all those arguments and friends, that
would be satisfied with accommodation. The Marquis, though differing in
opinion from me on this point, has, however, adhered to my principle
of absolute liberty or nothing. In this condition is the matter at this
moment. Whether I say any thing on the subject to Mr. Jay, will depend
on my interview with the Count de Vergennes. I doubt whether that will
furnish any thing worth communicating, and whether it will be in time.
I therefore state thus much to you, that you may see the matter is not
laid aside.
I must beg leave to recommend Colonel Humphreys to your acquaintance and
good offices. He is an excellent man, an able one, and in need of some
provision. Besides former applications to me in favor of Dumas, the
Rhingrave of Salm (the effective minister of the government of Holland,
while their two ambassadors here are ostensible), who is conducting
secret arrangements for them with this court, presses his interests on
us. It is evident the two governments make a point of it. You ask, why
they do not provide for him themselves. I am not able to answer the
question, but by a conjecture, that Dumas’s particular ambition prefers
an appointment from us. I know all the difficulty of this application,
which Congress has to encounter. I see the reasons against giving
him the primary appointment at that court, and the difficulty of his
accommodating himself to a subordinate one. Yet I think something must
be done in it, to gratify this court, of which we must be always asking
favors. In these countries, personal favors weigh more than public
interest. The minister who has asked a gratification for Dumas, has
embarked his own feelings and reputation in that demand. I do not
think it was discreet, by any means. But this reflection might perhaps
aggravate a disappointment. I know not really what you can do: but yet
hope something will be done. Adieu, my Dear Sir, and believe me to be
yours affectionately,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER XVI.--TO JOHN ADAMS, May 11, 1786
TO JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, May 11, 1786.
Dear Sir,
I do myself the honor of enclosing to you, letters which came to hand
last night, from Mr. Lambe, Mr. Carmichael, and Mr. Barclay. By these
you will perceive, that our peace is not to be purchased at Algiers but
at a price far beyond our powers. What that would be, indeed, Mr. Lambe
does not say, nor probably does he know. But as he knew our ultimatum,
we are to suppose from his letter, that it would be a price infinitely
beyond that. A reference to Congress hereon seems to be necessary. Till
that can be obtained, Mr. Lambe must be idle at Algiers, Carthagena, or
elsewhere. Would he not be better employed in going to Congress?
They would be able to draw from him and Mr. Randall, the information
necessary to determine what they will do. And if they determine to
negotiate, they can re-appoint the same, or appoint a new negotiator,
according to the opinion they shall form on their examination. I suggest
this to you as my first thoughts; an ultimate opinion should not be
formed till we see Mr. Randall, who may be shortly expected. In the mean
time, should an opportunity occur, favor me with your ideas hereon that
we may be maturing our opinions. I shall send copies of these three
letters to Mr. Jay, by the packet which sails from L’Orient the first of
the next month.
*****
I have the honor to be, with great esteem, Dear Sir, your most obedient
and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson
LETTER XVII.--TO LISTER ASQUITH, May 22, 1786
TO LISTER ASQUITH.
Paris, May 22, 1786.
Sir,
When I left this place for England, I had no suspicion that any thing
more would be necessary on my part for your liberation. Being but lately
returned, I could not sooner acknowledge the receipt of your letters of
April the 21st and May the 1st. I this day write to M. Desbordes, to pay
the charges necessary for your enlargement, to furnish you with a guinea
apiece, and to take your draft on Mr. Grand for those sums, and the
others which he has furnished you at my request. This being a new
case, I am unable to say whether you will be held to repay this money.
Congress will decide on that, to whom I shall send a report of the case,
and to whom you should apply on your return to America, to know whether
you are to repay it or not. During the whole of this long transaction,
I have never ceased soliciting your discharge. The evidence furnished by
the Farmers to the ministers, impressed them with a belief that you were
guilty. However, they obtained a remission of all which the King could
remit, which was your condemnation to the galleys, and imprisonment,
and the sum in which you were fined. The confiscation belonged to the
Farmers, and the expenses of subsistence and of prosecution were theirs
also, and so could not be remitted by the King. I wish you to be assured
of my sensibility for your sufferings, and of my wishes to have obtained
an earlier relief, had it been possible. I shall be glad if you can have
an immediate and safe return to your own country, and there find your
families well, and make those who may be authorized to decide on your
case sensible, that these misfortunes have not been brought on you by
any desire of yours, to infringe the laws of the country in which you
have suffered. I enclose herewith your log-book and the other papers
desired by you, and am, Sir,
your most obedient, humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER XVIII.--TO JOHN JAY, May 23, 1786
TO JOHN JAY.
Sir,
Paris, May 23, 1786.
Letters received both from Madrid and Algiers, while I was in London,
having suggested that treaties with the States of Barbary would be much
facilitated by a previous one with the Ottoman Porte, it was agreed
between Mr. Adams and myself, that on my return, I should consult
on this subject the Count de Vergennes, whose long residence at
Constantinople rendered him the best judge of its expediency. Various
circumstances have put it out of my power to consult him, till to-day.
I stated to him the difficulties we were likely to meet with at
Algiers; and asked his opinion, what would be the probable expense of a
diplomatic mission to Constantinople, and what its effect at Algiers.
He said that the expense would be very great, for that presents must be
made at that court, and every one would be gaping after them: and that
it would not procure us a peace at Algiers one penny the cheaper. He
observed, that the Barbary States acknowledged a sort of vassalage to
the Porte, and availed themselves of that relation, when any thing was
to be gained by it; but that whenever it subjected them to a demand from
the Porte, they totally disregarded it: that money was the sole agent
at Algiers, except so far as fear could be induced also. He cited the
present example of Spain, which, though having a treaty with the Porte
would probably be obliged to buy a peace at Algiers, at the expense of
upwards of six millions of livres. I told him, we had calculated from
the demands and information of the Tripoline ambassador, at London, that
to make peace with the four Barbary States would cost us between two and
three hundred thousand guineas, if bought with money. The sum did not
seem to exceed his expectations. I mentioned to him, that considering
the uncertainty of a peace, when bought, perhaps Congress might think
it more eligible to establish a cruise of frigates in the Mediterranean,
and even to blockade Algiers. He supposed it would require ten vessels,
great and small. I observed to him that Monsieur de Massiac had formerly
done it with five: he said it was true, but that vessels of relief would
be necessary. I hinted to him that I thought the English capable of
administering aid to the Algerines. He seemed to think it impossible,
on account of the scandal it would bring on. I asked him what had
occasioned the blockade by Monsieur de Massiac: he said, an infraction
of their treaty by the Algerines.
I had a good deal of conversation with him, also, on the situation of
affairs between England and the United States: and particularly, on
their refusal to deliver up our posts. I observed to him, that the
obstructions thrown in the way of the recovery of their debts, were
the effect, and not the cause, as they pretended, of their refusal to
deliver up the posts; that the merchants interested in these debts,
showed a great disposition to make arrangements with us; that the
article of time we could certainly have settled, and probably that
of the interest during the war: but that, the minister showing no
disposition to have these matters arranged, I thought it a sufficient
proof that this was not the true cause of their retaining the posts. He
concurred as to the justice of our requiring time for the payment of
our debts; said nothing which showed a difference of opinion as to the
article of interest, and seemed to believe fully, that their object was
to divert the channel of the fur-trade, before they delivered up the
posts, and expressed a strong sense of the importance of that commerce
to us. I told him I really could not foresee what would be the event of
this detention; that the situation of the British funds, and the desire
of their minister to begin to reduce the national debt, seemed to
indicate that they could not wish a war. He thought so, but that neither
were we in a condition to go to war. I told him, I was yet uninformed
what Congress proposed to do on this subject, but that we should
certainly always count on the good offices of France, and I was sure
that the offer of them would suffice to induce Great Britain to do us
justice. He said that surely we might always count on the friendship
of France. I added, that by the treaty of alliance, she was bound to
guaranty our limits to us, as they should be established at the moment
of peace. He said they were so, ‘_mais qu’il nous etoit nécessaire de
les constater_.’ I told him there was no question what our boundaries
were; that the English themselves admitted they were clear beyond
all question. I feared, however, to press this any further, lest a
reciprocal question should be put to me, and therefore diverted the
conversation to another object. This is a sketch only of a conference
which was long. I have endeavored to give the substance, and sometimes
the expressions, where they were material. I supposed it would be
agreeable to Congress to have it communicated to them, in the present
undecided state in which these subjects are. I should add, that
an explanation of the transaction of Monsieur de Massiac with the
Algerines, before hinted at, will be found in the enclosed letter from
the Count d’Estaing to me, wherein he gives also his own opinion. The
whole is submitted to Congress, as I conceive it my duty to furnish them
with whatever information I can gather, which may throw any light on the
subjects depending before them. I have the honor to be, with the most
perfect esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient and most humble
servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER XIX.--TO MR. CARMICHAEL, June 20, 1786
TO MR. CARMICHAEL.
Paris, June 20, 1786.
Dear Sir,
My last to you was of the 5th of May, by Baron Waltersdorff. Since that
I have been honored with yours of April the 13th, and May the 16th and
18th. The present covers letters to Mr. Lambe and Mr. Randall, informing
them that the demands of Algiers for the ransom of our prisoners and
also for peace, are so infinitely beyond our instructions, that we must
refer the matter back to Congress, and therefore praying them to come on
immediately. I will beg the favor of you to forward these letters. The
whole of this business, therefore, is suspended till we receive further
orders, except as to Mr. Barclay’s mission. Your bills have been
received and honored. The first naming expressly a letter of advice, and
none coming, it was refused till the receipt of your letter to me, in
which you mentioned that you had drawn two bills. I immediately informed
Mr. Grand, who thereupon honored the bill.
I have received no public letters of late date. Through other channels,
I have collected some articles of information, which may be acceptable
to you.
*****
In a letter of March the 20th, from Dr. Franklin to me, is this passage.
‘As to public affairs, the Congress has not been able to assemble more
than seven or eight States during the whole winter, so the treaty with
Prussia remains still unratified, though there is no doubt of its being
done soon, as a full Congress is expected next month. The disposition to
furnish Congress with ample powers augments daily, as people become more
enlightened. And I do not remember ever to have seen, during my long
life, more signs of public felicity than appear at present, throughout
these States; the cultivators of the earth, who make the bulk of our
nation, have made good crops, which are paid for at high prices, with
ready money; the artisans, too, receive high wages; and the value of all
real estates is augmented greatly. Merchants and shopkeepers, indeed,
complain that there is not business enough. But this is evidently not
owing to the fewness of buyers, but to the too great number of sellers;
for the consumption of goods was never greater, as appears by the dress,
furniture, and manner of living, of all ranks of the people.’ His health
is good, except as to the stone, which does not grow worse. I thank
you for your attention to my request about the books, which Mr. Barclay
writes me he has forwarded from Cadiz.
I have the honor to be with great respect, Dear Sir, your most obedient,
humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER XX.--TO MR. LAMBE, June 20,1786
TO MR. LAMBE.
Sir,
Paris, June 20,1786.
Having communicated to Mr. Adams the information received, at different
times, from yourself, from Mr. Randall, and Mr. Carmichael, we find
that the sum likely to be demanded by Algiers for the ransom of our
prisoners, as well as for peace, is so infinitely beyond our powers, and
the expectations of Congress, that it has become our duty to refer the
whole matter back to them. Whether they will choose to buy a peace, to
force one, or to do nothing, will rest in their pleasure. But that
they may have all the information possible to guide them in their
deliberations, we think it important that you should return to them.
No time will be lost by this, and perhaps time maybe gained. It is,
therefore, our joint desire, that you repair immediately to New York,
for the purpose of giving to Congress all the information on this
subject, which your journey has enabled you to acquire. You will
consider this request as coming from Mr. Adams as well as myself, as
it is by express authority from him, that I join him in it. I am of
opinion, it will be better for you to come to Marseilles and by Paris:
because there is a possibility that fresh orders to us, from Congress,
might render it useful that we, also, should have received from you all
possible information on this subject. And perhaps no time may be lost by
this, as it might be long before you would set a passage from Alicant to
America.
I am, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER XXI.--TO MONSIEUR DE REYNEVAL, June 25, 1786
TO MONSIEUR DE REYNEVAL.
Paris, June 25, 1786.
Sir,
I have received letters from two citizens of the United States, of the
names of Geary and Arnold, informing me, that having for some time past
exercised commerce in London, and having failed, they were obliged to
leave that country; that they came over to Dunkirk, and from thence to
Brest, where, one of them having changed his name, the more effectually
to elude the search of his creditors, they were both imprisoned by order
of the commandant; whether at the suit of their creditors, or because
one of them changed his name, they are uninformed. But they are told,
that the commandant has sent information of his proceedings to your
office. I have some reason to suppose, their creditors are endeavoring
to obtain leave to remove them to England, where their imprisonment
would be perpetual. Unable to procure information elsewhere, I take the
liberty of asking you, whether you know the cause of their imprisonment,
and of soliciting your attention to them, so far as that nothing may
take place against them by surprise, and out of the ordinary course of
the law.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and
respect, Sir, your most obedient and most humble; servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER XXII.--TO THE PREVOT DES MARCHANDS, September 27, 1786
TO THE PREVOT DES MARCHANDS ET ECHEVINS DE PARIS.
Paris, September 27, 1786.
Gentlemen,