_Ceremonies of the Court--Deference paid to superior
Rank--Regalia--Processions--Pomp--Rank and
Titles--Ambassadors--Ceremonies attending Births, Marriages,
and Funerals--Account of the People called Kálang,
and of the Inhabitants of the Téng'ger Mountains--The
Bedui--Festivals--Amusements--The Drama--Wáyangs--The
Dance--Tournaments--The Chase--Tiger Fights--Combat of Criminals
with Tigers--Bull Fights, &c.--Games of Skill and Chance--Other
Customs and Usages._
Having, in the preceding Chapter, endeavoured to pourtray the natural
and moral character of the people of Java, and to convey to the reader
a general idea of the nature and principles of the government to which
they have been subjected, I shall now proceed to detail some of the
usages and customs which prevail among them.
Of these the ceremonies of the court are the most obvious, and a
stranger cannot fail to be struck with the extreme deference and
respect towards their superiors, by which the Javans are characterized.
Respect for rank, for experience, for parents and old age, have been
already noticed among the features of their character; but the excess
to which deference to rank is carried by the political institutions of
the country, deserves more particular remark, whether we consider it as
illustrative of the nature of the government and the quiet and orderly
disposition of the people, or endeavour to trace, in the early periods
of their history, the causes which may have contributed to the existing
constitution of society among them.
The respect shewn to superior rank on Java is such, that no individual,
whatever his condition, can stand in the presence of a superior;
neither can he address him in the same language in which he is spoken
to. Not even the heir apparent, or the members of the royal family,
can stand in the presence of the sovereign; and the same restriction
applies to the family of each subordinate chief. Were this mark of
respect confined to the royal family alone, it might perhaps find a
parallel in other eastern countries, where it is usual for the subject
to prostrate himself before the sovereign, but in Java the nature of
the government is such, that each delegated authority exacts the same
marks of obeisance; so that, from the common labourer upward, no one
dares to stand in the presence of a superior. Thus when a native chief
moves abroad, it is usual for all the people of inferior rank among
whom he passes, to lower their bodies to the ground till they actually
sit on their heels, and to remain in this posture until he is gone by.
The same rule is observed within doors; and instead of an assembly
rising on the entrance of a great man, as in Europe, it sinks to the
ground, and remains so during his presence.
This humiliating posture is called _dódok_, and may be rendered into
English by the term _squatting_. The practice is submitted to with
the utmost cheerfulness by the people: it is considered an ancient
custom, and respected accordingly. It was, however, in a great measure
discontinued in the European provinces during the administration of the
British government, who endeavoured to raise the lower orders, as much
as was prudent, from the state of degradation to which their chiefs,
aided by the Dutch authority, had subjected them; but it continued in
force in the native provinces, in _Madúra_, and to a certain extent
in most of the districts at a distance from the seats of European
government.
In travelling myself through some of the native provinces, and
particularly in _Madúra_, where the forms of the native government
are particularly observed, I have often seen some hundreds drop on
my approach, the cultivator quitting his plough, and the porter his
load, on the sight of the _Túan besár's_ carriage. At the court of
_Súra-kérta_, I recollect that once, when holding a private conference
with the _Susúnan_ at the residency, it became necessary for the _Ráden
adipáti_ to be dispatched to the palace for the royal seat: the poor
old man was as usual squatting, and as the _Susúnan_ happened to be
seated with his face towards the door, it was full ten minutes before
his minister, after repeated ineffectual attempts, could obtain an
opportunity of rising sufficiently to reach the latch without being
seen by his royal master. The mission on which he was dispatched was
urgent, and the _Susúnan_ himself inconvenienced by the delay; but
these inconveniences were insignificant, compared with the indecorum
of being seen out of the _dódok_ posture. When it is necessary for an
inferior to move, he must still retain that position, and walk with his
hams upon his heels until he is out of his superior's sight.
Besides this deference in the posture of the body, a deference, equally
striking and still more defined, is shewn in the language used to a
superior. The vernacular language of the country is never allowed to be
used on such occasions, but only an arbitrary language, distinguished
by the term _bása_, the language, or _bása kráma_, the polite language,
or language of honour. The common people are thus not permitted to
use the same language as the great, or in other words, are by the
political institutions of the country, in a great degree, deprived
of the use of their mother tongue. This subject will however be more
particularly treated of in another chapter. That a set of people who
have received some mental culture will necessarily discover it in their
language, and that a line of distinction will be thus drawn between
the well informed and the ignorant, is natural; and of the employment
of a different number of persons in the verbs and pronouns, according
as supremacy, respect, or familiarity is to be expressed, the modern
European languages afford abundant example: but that one class of words
should be exacted from the lower orders as a homage to the powerful,
and another class given in exchange, serving to remind them of their
inferiority, is a refinement in arbitrary power, which it would be
difficult to parallel.
Having thus seen the nature and extent of the general deference paid
to a superior on Java, the reader will be prepared, in some degree,
for the still further humiliations which are expected from a subject
on public occasions. No one approaches his sovereign or immediate
chief, no child approaches his father, without _súmbah_, (to that is,
obeisance) closing his hands and raising them to his forehead, in token
of respect. On public or festival days, it is usual for the inferior
chiefs, not as in Europe, to kiss the hand, but to kiss the knee, the
instep, or the sole of the foot, according to the relative distance of
rank between the parties.
The royal seat is a large stool or bench of gold or silver with a
velvet cushion: it is called _dámpar_, and attends the sovereign
wherever he may go.
Among the regalia (_upachára_), which are always carried in procession
when the sovereign moves abroad, and are arranged behind him while
seated on the _dámpar_, are the following golden figures:--the _hásti_
or _gája_, that of an elephant; the _hárda walíka_ or _nanágan_, that
of a serpent; the _jajáwen sánting_, that of a bull; the _sángsam_,
that of a deer; and the _sáwung gáling_, that of a cock fowl; each of
a size to be borne in the hand. These, with the _kútuk_ and _chapúri_
for tobacco and _síri_, the _pakachohán_ or golden spitting-pot, and a
variety of golden salvers, bowls, &c. distinguished by the respective
names applicable to their different purposes, have descended as
_pusákas_, or heir-looms, in the royal family, and are esteemed with
the highest degree of veneration.
When the sovereign moves abroad, he is attended by numerous spearmen
(_wáhos_), the duty of eight of whom is to attend the figures of the
sacred elephant and bull, near which are also led four horses richly
caparisoned. The royal _páyung_, or state umbrella, is carried in front
of the procession on these occasions, in which are also invariably
carried four trunks or boxes (_brókoh_), each borne by two men, and
containing the clothes of the sovereign, caparison for his horses,
his personal arms, implements, provisions, and in short every thing
required for an establishment: this rule is observed whenever the
sovereign moves out of the palace. His mat (_lánté_) is likewise
borne in procession, together with two saddle horses for his use when
necessary.
The ceremonies and state of the native courts have lost much of their
genuine character, from the admission of European customs, introduced
by the Dutch after the last Javan war. Salutes are regulated after the
European order, and the Javans have availed themselves of many of the
customs of Europeans, to render the ceremonies of state more striking.
Thus both the _Susúnan_ and _Súltan_ are furnished with large gilt
carriages, after the fashion of those used by the Lord Mayor of London.
When the former drinks wine with the governor, the rest of the company
are offered white wine, while they alone drink red, and a flourish of
trumpets sounds as the glass approaches their lips.
It may be observed, that few people are more attached to state and show
than the Javans; that, in general, the decorations employed and the
forms observed are chaste, and at the same time imposing, calculated to
impress a stranger with a high idea of their taste, their correctness
and yet love of splendour. The ornaments of state, or regalia, are
well wrought in gold; the royal shield is richly inlaid with precious
stones, and the royal _krís_ is hung in a belt, which, with its
sheath, is one blaze of diamonds. In processions, when the European
authority is to be received, each side of the road, for miles, is lined
with spearmen in different dresses, and standing in various warlike
attitudes; streamers flying, and the music of the _gámelán_ striking up
on every side. _Páyungs_, or umbrellas of three tiers, of silk richly
fringed and ornamented with gold, are placed at intervals, and nothing
is omitted which can add to the appearance of state and pomp. Among the
ensigns displayed on these occasions are the _Monkey_ flag of _Arjúna_,
and a variety of other devices taken from the poems of antiquity, as
well as the double-bladed sword, and a variety of inscriptions from the
Arabs.
The chiefs of provinces, and the petty chiefs in their gradation below
them, keep up as much of the form and ceremony of the chief court as
is consistent with their relative rank and means; and, in their turn,
exact from their vassals the same degree of respect which the sovereign
exacts from them.
On occasions when the Regents are anxious to shew particular respect to
Europeans, as on the entrance of the Governor, or other high officer
travelling, it is the custom, particularly in the _Súnda_ districts,
to erect triumphal arches of _bámbu_ at the entrance of the principal
villages; and the taste and variety displayed on these occasions have
been often noticed, as evincing a refinement beyond what the general
results of their present state of civilization might justify.
In a former place I noticed, that the gradations of rank among the
Javans were, in some instances, marked by the dress they wore, and
by the manner of putting on the _krís_; but a more defined line is
drawn by the _páyung_, or umbrella, which is subject to the following
regulation from immemorial custom:
1. The Sovereign alone is entitled to the golden _páyung_[97].
2. The _Rátu_, or Queen, and the members of the royal family, to the
yellow _páyung_.
3. The family of the _Rátu_, and the family of the Sovereign by his
concubines, to the white _páyung_.
4. The _Bopátis_ and _Tumúng'gungs_ to the green _páyung_, edged and
mounted with gold.
5. The _Ang'ebáis_, _Ráng'gas_, _Mántris_, &c. to the red _páyung_.
6. The heads of villages, and other petty officers, to the dark
_páyung_.
In order to convey an idea of the different titles and the gradations
of rank among the Javans, it becomes necessary, in consequence of the
confusion which has arisen among them of late years, to revert to what
they were supposed to be in the days of _Májapáhit_ and previously,
when the Hindu faith and institutions exclusively prevailed.
The usual term for the sovereign was then _Rátu_, and in the literary
compositions which have descended to us, he was either distinguished
by such epithets as _Nára-náta_, _Nára-dípa_, _Nára-páti_, _Naríndra_,
_Narária_, _Aji_, _Prábu_, _Kátong_, _Ajung_, or _Máharája_. The queen
was called _Pramiswári_. The children of the sovereign were called,
the princes _Ráden_, and the princesses _Déwi_, which titles were
hereditary in their families. The brothers of the sovereign had the
title of _Ráden aria_.
When a sovereign was advanced in age, and quitted his government to
become a devotee, he was called _Begáwan_.
The minister who administered the country in the name of the sovereign,
and issued his orders to the governors of provinces, &c. was always
termed _Páteh_; and the chiefs employed in administering the government
of the provinces, or otherwise in the government of the country, were
entitled either _Pratíiwa_, _Pung'gáwa_, _Niáka_, or _Bopáti_. The
chiefs below these, and subject to their orders, such as _Ráng'ga_,
_Ange'bái_, _Demáng_, _Praméa_, _Ménak_, _Klíwon_, and others were
included in the class of _Mantris_.
The heads of villages were called either _Umbul_, _Patíng'gi_,
_Babákal_, _Babáhu_, _Lúra_, or _Kúwu_.
The commanders-in-chief in war had the title of _Senapáti_. The general
term for soldiers was _prajúrit_; and those employed in guarding the
country from the approach of an enemy were called either _Pechát
tánda_, _Támping_, or _Ulu-bálang_.
In judicial affairs the _Jáksa_ was the chief. His assistant or deputy
was _Paliwára_, and the officers of his court _Kérta_.
_Wadána gédong_ was the title given to the officer entrusted with
the charge of the sovereign's purse and personal property, and with
the collection of his revenues: the secretary or writer was called
_Chárik_. _Tánda_ and _Sabándar_ was the title of the officers who
collected the duties in the markets and along the high roads.
When it was necessary for the sovereign to move from one part of
the country to another, there was always a class of _Mántris_ in
attendance, to whom the title of _Pang'alasan_ or _Kajíneman_ was given.
On the establishment of the Mahomedan religion, in the Javan year 1400,
a new gradation of rank and order of titles was introduced by the
sultan of _Demák_, as follows.
The sovereign, instead of being called _Rátu_, took the name of
_Susuhúnan_[98], or _Sultan_, and the queen was called _Rátu_. The
title of _Panámbahán_ was conferred as the highest in rank next to the
sovereign, and above the princes of the blood, who were now termed
_Pang'éran_ or _Pang'éran ária_; the princesses born of the queen were
termed _Rátu_, and the daughters by concubines _Ráden áyu_. The sons of
the princes were called _Ráden mas_, until they were married, when they
were termed _Ráden_ only; their daughters before marriage were called
_Ráden ajéng_, and after marriage _Ráden áyu_. The _Susuhúnan's_ great
grandchildren by his wife were allowed to assume the title of _Ráden_,
and those by his concubines bore the title of _Mas_, the latter title
continuing to descend in the family to the offspring by a wife, those
by a concubine taking the title of _Bágus_, which is considered as the
lowest title appertaining to royalty. It would be tedious, in this
place, to detail the minor titles common in the _Súnda_ districts; they
will be more particularly noticed in the statistical accounts of those
districts.
When a _Bopáti_, or governor of a province, is appointed, he is
furnished with a _piágam_ or _nawála_, or letter patent, fixing his
rank, and the extent of assignment of lands conferred upon him[99];
also with a _báwat_, or stick, similar to that of the _páyung_, or
umbrella, measuring about eight feet long, with which it is his duty to
measure the _sáwah_ or rice fields.
When a chief of the rank of _Mántri_ is appointed, he is furnished with
a _krís_ handle and with a mat, which is carried behind him when he
moves about, as well for use as to shew his rank.
The Javans include in the general term of _Priáyi_ all persons above
the rank of common people, a term which in its general application on
Java is not very unlike that of gentlemen, or latterly of esquires, in
England.
Among the forms of an eastern court, few are more particularly observed
than those relating to ambassadors. The Javans have long ceased to
send or receive ambassadors, but the following extracts from the _Níti
Prája_, will shew what they conceive ought to be the qualifications and
conduct of such an officer.
"A person entrusted with a message from his prince, must never abuse
the trust placed in him, but always keep in sight that on such
occasions he is the representative of the prince. And chiefly, if he is
sent with a letter from the prince to a foreign country, in this case
he must be less submissive than before his own prince. According to
circumstances he must conduct himself with dissimulation, and before
he enters any foreign country, by some secret means or other, occasion
his own name, and that of the prince his master, to be spread over the
country, at the same time that he obtains every possible information
regarding the state of the country and people. On entering the country,
he must assume a dignified appearance, and not speak or look about
him more than is necessary. Such conduct will inspire the people with
respect for him.
"The letter must be carried on the shoulder, and in his gait and speech
he must conduct himself with propriety. In delivering the letter he
must present himself with dignity, approach first, and then retire
from the person to whom the letter is directed, speak with him at a
distance, and not too familiarly.
"In all cases he must be careful not to go beyond his orders. His
deportment must be unassuming yet dignified; and having received an
answer for his prince, it is his duty to depart immediately, and to
proceed with it direct to the prince, without even going to his own
house first. If the letter is from some person lower in rank than
his master, he must not immediately shew it, but conceal it for a
time; but if it is from a prince of equal rank, then must he carry
the letter before him. When a letter is from a prince to one of his
subjects, it must be carried high. Coming in the presence of his
prince, he must carefully watch his eye, that he may deliver the letter
on the first intimation given by the prince that he is ready to receive
it.
"Whoever dictates a letter must be careful that a letter to a superior
is not couched in the same terms as a letter to an inferior."
The three most remarkable events in the history of the individual are
his birth, his marriage, and his death; to these accordingly have the
greatest number of forms and ceremonies been attached.
As soon as it is observed that a Javan woman is in the third month of
pregnancy, the event is communicated to all the nearest relations, to
whom, at the same time, presents are made, consisting of yellow rice,
sweet-scented oils, and wax candles. People of condition add some
cloths, gold, silver, or brass cups, as also needles, either of those
metals or of iron.
After seven months' pregnancy, a festival is given to the relations
and friends, at which yellow rice forms invariably a part of the
entertainment.
The pregnant woman must afterwards wash her body with the milk of a
green cocoa-nut, on the shell of which has been previously carved
two handsome figures, one of each sex, by which the parents intend
to represent a standard of beauty for their expected offspring, and
to engrave on the imagination of the mother, impressions which may
extend to the lineaments of her infant. The nut must be opened by the
husband. She is next to bathe in water, into which many sweet-scented
flowers have been thrown, and to dress herself with a new cloth, making
a present of the old one, together with money, raw rice, _sírí_, and
cocoa-nuts, to the midwife, who assists in her lustrations. On the
night of these ceremonies there must be a _wáyang_ or scenic shadow
performed, the object of which is to represent the life and adventures
of a certain prince in the line of _Déwa Batára Bráma_.
If the woman is delivered of a son, the after-birth is immediately cut
off with a very sharp knife of _bámbu_, wrapped in a piece of paper
on which is written the Javan alphabet, then laid in a new pot, and
buried in the ground, at which place a lamp, covered with a basket of
_bámbu_, and adorned with leaves of the _pandánri_, is put, and kept
burning till the umbilical cord of the child falls off. When this takes
place, the child is watched the whole night, by persons who read the
history of the _Déwas_, or of famous princes, or amuse themselves with
a _wáyang_.
As soon as the child is nine months old, the parents entertain their
relatives and friends with a _wáyang_ and festival.
Marriages are invariably contracted, not by the parties themselves,
but by their parents or relations on their behalf. Such interference
(which was common among the Greeks, without the same apology) is
rendered necessary by the early age at which the matrimonial union is
formed, and the incompetence of either of the intended couple to form a
discreet and prudent choice. During the period that intervenes between
the application of the friends of the boy to the parents or guardians
of the girl for their concurrence in the match, and the obtainment of
it, her condition is distinguished by the term _tétákon_ (enquired
for): when the consent of her parents is obtained, it is termed _lámar_
(solicited). According to ancient custom, after matters proceeded
thus far, a present of different valuables, termed _paníng'sat_ is
sent by the intended bridegroom to the bride, and her acceptance of
it, implying that she concurs in the previous steps taken towards her
settlement, renders the contract binding. The general prevalence of
similar customs cannot fail to strike those who are acquainted with
the nature of the _sponsalia dona_ of the Romans, and the marriage
ceremonies detailed in various passages of Scripture (Genesis, ch. xv.
2; xxiv. 5, &c.) A present of this kind is described as being sent by
_Pánji Kérta Páti_ to the Princess _Chándra Kirána of Dahá_[100], and
we are told that it thence became a custom among the Javans.
By any reluctance to complete his engagement, the bridegroom forfeits
to his betrothed these earnest gifts (as they may be called); while,
on the other hand, if the obstacles to the completion of the marriage
originate with her, she is bound to return them. This present is also
called _patiba sámpir_.
This custom, however, is now not so common as formerly: it is in a
great measure discontinued or confounded with the next ceremony, termed
_sárahan_ (delivered up.) This consists in making various presents to
the bride a short time before the day fixed for the marriage, after the
delivery of which, the bride and bridegroom are confined to the house,
until the ceremony takes place. The period varies; but with people of
distinction there generally elapses an interval of forty days between
the _sárahan_ and the marriage.
On the day of the marriage (for which one that is considered
fortunate[101] is previously selected) the father of the bride proceeds
to the mosque, accompanied by the bridegroom, and informing the
_Panghúlu_ that the lad whom he presents has agreed to give the _sri
káwin_ (generally about two dollars), requests him to marry him to his
daughter: on which the _Panghúlu_ inquires of the bridegroom whether he
has paid the amount, or is willing to do so? and upon the affirmative
being declared, he sanctifies the marriage by words to the following
effect:
"I join you, _ráden mas_ (bridegroom), in wedlock with _sátia_ (the
bride), with a pledge of two reals weight in gold or silver[102]. You
take (_sátia_) to be your wife for this world. You are obliged to pay
the pledge of your marriage (_sri káwin_), or to remain debtor for the
same. You are responsible for your wife in all and every thing. If
you should happen to be absent from her for the space of seven months
on shore, or one year at sea, without giving her any subsistence, and
are remiss in the performance of the duties which you owe to your
sovereign, your marriage shall be dissolved, if your wife requires it,
without any further form or process; and you will be, besides, subject
to the punishment which the Mahomedan law dictates."
Should any circumstance occur to prevent the bridegroom from attending
at the mosque on the day selected for the marriage, he follows the
singular custom of sending his _krís_[103] to the ceremony, which is
deemed sufficient by the _Panghúlu_; and afterwards he may appoint a
proxy to represent him in the processions which follow. But this is
seldom done when a man marries for the first time.
After the ceremony, the bridegroom pays the priest the marriage fees
(_saláwat_), which ought, according to strict Mahomedans, not to
exceed fifteen stivers. In most instances, the fees are raised to five
times that sum in money, besides in many places a fowl, a hank of
cotton-yarn, four _kátis_ of rice, two cocoa-nuts, _síri_, and fruit.
On the wedding day, or sometimes the day following, the bridegroom
dressed in his best clothes, mounted on horseback, accompanied by all
his friends, and attended with music in the front and rear, proceeds at
noon to the dwelling of the bride, who, on his approach, comes out to
meet him at the door. In some districts, before their nearer approach,
the bride and bridegroom throw simultaneously a bundle of _síri_ at
each other with considerable force, with the intention, it is said,
of learning, from the dexterity with which the parties, respectively
perform this singular feat, and the success that attends it, which
of them will be able best to maintain their privileges, or gain an
ascendancy during the continuance of their union. They prognosticate
that, if the bundle of the bridegroom touch the head of the bride, it
is an infallible sign that he must rule; otherwise, the reverse.
The bride, after this, receives the bridegroom with a low obeisance, in
testimony of her regard for him, extending similar marks of respect to
his parents, who attend him. The married couple are then placed in a
situation elevated above the rest of the company; and in token of their
afterwards living together, and sharing the same sustenance, commence
eating _síri_ from the same _síri_-box.
In some districts, after leaving the mosque, the bridegroom and
his father proceed to the house of the bride's parents, where they
obtain her company in a procession through the village or town. On
these occasions, the bride is carried on a litter, which is generally
fashioned in the form of a _garúda_, and the bridegroom is mounted
on horseback. All the relations and friends of the parties attend,
carrying flowers and refreshments, together with the presents made to
the bridegroom on his marriage. The procession moves on to the sound
of the national music, and the occasional firing of cannon. A feast is
given in the evening at the house of the bride's parents, at which the
new married couple remain for the night. The term given to the bride
and bridegroom is _peng'ánten_, and the marriage ceremony is called
_láki rábi_.
On the next day in some districts, and on the fifth in others, the
bridegroom (or _peng'ánten lánang_), and bride (_peng'anten wádon_),
together with the whole train of relations and friends, visit in
like manner the house of the bridegroom's father. This ceremony is
called _únduh mántu_ (accepting the daughter-in-law.) There they both
again sit down to eat _síri_ in some place of distinction; similar
entertainments are repeated, and on the following day they return with
the same pomp and form to the bride's dwelling, the ceremony being now
completed.
With the exception of the delivery of the _sri káwin_, and the
procession to the mosque, there is very little in these ceremonies
conformable to the Mahomedan precepts.
Marriages are frequently contracted between children, and then
termed _gántung káwin_ (hanging-on marriages); but in this case the
parties are kept separate, and the principal ceremonies are reserved
till they attain the age of puberty. Such contracts proceed from a
laudable solicitude, on the part of parents, to provide a suitable
and advantageous match for their children as early as possible; and
to the same cause, as much, perhaps, as from the influence of climate
and intemperance of manners, may be attributed the early age, at which
matrimonial engagements are sometimes consummated.
Whatever may be the reasons for such early marriages, one of the most
serious consequences is the facility with which they are dissolved. The
multiplication of divorces is mentioned by the poets, the moralists,
and the historians of the Roman empire, as one of the greatest causes
and symptoms of the corruption and degeneracy of the period in which
they lived; and certainly it had proceeded to great lengths, when
Seneca could say that a woman computed her age, not by the annual
succession of consuls, but of husbands[104]. The Javans, though
a simple people, are in this respect too like the profligate and
dissolute Romans.
In no part of the world are divorces more frequent than on Java;
for besides the facilities afforded by the Mahomedan ordinances, a
woman may at any time, when dissatisfied with her husband, demand a
dissolution of the marriage contract, by paying him a sum established
by custom, according to the rank of the parties: about twenty dollars
for a person of the lower orders, and fifty dollars for those of the
degree of _Demáng_ or _Mántri_. The husband is not bound to accept
it; but he is generally induced to do so, from a consideration,
that the opinions and custom of the country require it; that his
domestic happiness would be sacrificed in a contest with his reluctant
companion; and that, by continuing his attachment, he would incur the
shame of supporting one who treated him with aversion or contempt.
This kind of divorce is termed _mánchal_. The husband may at any time
divorce his wife, on making a settlement upon her sufficient to support
her according to her condition in life.
A widow may marry again at the expiration of three months and ten days
after her husband's death.
When a person of rank or property dies, all his relations, male and
female, meet at the house of the deceased, to testify their grief at
the death and their respect for the memory of the departed. On that
occasion, what is termed _selámat_ money is distributed among all
according to circumstances. The priests, who are to perform the service
at the place of interment, receive a Spanish dollar, a piece of cloth,
and a small mat each.
When the corpse is washed[105] and wrapped in a white cloth, it is
carried out of the house on a bier covered with coloured chintz, on
which garlands of flowers are hung as drapery. On this occasion, no
means of costly pomp or impressive solemnity are neglected in the use
of umbrellas (_páyung_), pikes, and other insignia of honour. All the
relations and friends accompany the corpse to the grave, where the
priest addresses a prayer to heaven and delivers an exhortation to the
soul of the deceased; of which the substance commonly is, "that it
should be conscious of being the work of the Creator of the universe,
and after leaving its earthly dwelling, should speed its way to the
source whence it issued." After this ceremony the corpse is interred,
and the other priests continue their prayers and benedictions.
For seven successive nights, the same priests meet and pray at the
house of the deceased, in the presence of his relations.
On the third, seventh, fourteenth, hundredth, and thousandth day or
night after the death of a person, are observed particular festivals
or solemn feasts in his commemoration, on which occasions prayers are
offered up for the happiness of his soul.
The body is interred after the usual manner of the Mahomedans, and a
_sambója_ tree is usually planted by its side. It is the universal
practice of the relatives of the deceased to strew the graves several
times in the year with the sweet-scented flowers of the _sulási_ (the
_tulsi_ of Bengal), which are raised exclusively for this purpose. The
burial-grounds are, in general, well chosen. In _Kedú_, where the most
beautiful eminences have been selected for this purpose, and where
the _cambôja_ tree grows with the greatest luxuriance, they form very
interesting objects in the landscape. The burial-places of the royal
family and of the nobles of the country are usually called _astána_;
they are surrounded by one or more high walls, and in general by
stately _waríng'en_ trees. The tombs are sometimes ornamented with
sculptural devices and well-executed inscriptions, either in the Javan
or Arabic character. They are kept clean and repaired by contributions
from all parts of the country, under the superintendence of priests
appointed to that particular duty, and are respected and guarded with
religious veneration and zeal. The burial-place of the family now on
the throne is at _Megíri_, in the province of _Matárem_, a few miles
distant from the modern capital of _Yúgya-kérta_.
As the Javans are still devotedly attached to their ancient customs
and ceremonies (few of which they have sacrificed to their new faith),
I shall, in order to give a better idea of those still observed on
the most remarkable occasions, present a short account of their state
anterior to the introduction of Mahomedanism, as far as it can be
ascertained. Though, as Mahomedans, they are averse to an open avowal
of Pagan practices, they still preserve them more or less, according
as the parties happen to be less or more under the influence of Arab
priests.
When a woman was pregnant with her first child, at the expiration of
four months a feast was given, at which yellow rice was served up. This
entertainment was insignificant compared with that which was observed
at the expiration of seven months, when the guests were presented
with cloth, gold, silver, and steel, according to the means of the
parties, a piece of steel never failing to be one of the gifts, though
it did not exceed the size of a needle. On this occasion a new bath
was prepared in the evening, and watched during the night by the light
of a lamp. At the side of the bath were laid two stalks of the dark
coloured sugar cane, as an offering to _Batára Kála_, a painted cloth
of the pattern _túwuh wátu_, and a young cocoa-nut (_chénkir gáding_),
on which was engraved the resemblance of _Pánji Kérta Páti_ and his
wife _Chándra Kirána_ of _Dáha_. In the morning the wife, after putting
on the cloth, entered the bath, when the water from the young cocoa-nut
was poured over her: during the day it was also incumbent on her to
change her dress seven times. At the feast given on this occasion,
fish, flesh, and fowl were invariably served up, and performances of
the _wáyang_ were exhibited.
Immediately on the birth of the child it was placed in a kind of
basket made of _bámbu_ (in form similar to the sieve or farming basket
used for separating the chaff from the rice), the relations were
assembled, and the remains of the umbilical cord were carefully cut
off by means of a piece of sharpened _bámbu_. The part abstracted by
this operation was deposited in the interior of a cocoa-nut, with a
lump of turmerick placed under it. This cocoa-nut was ornamented on
the outside with the twenty letters of the Javan alphabet. It was
afterwards put into an earthen pot, and either buried under ground or
thrown into the sea. A stone rolling-pin, dressed up like a baby, was
placed in the basket in its stead. The female relations relieved each
other through the day and night, in constantly supporting the child in
their arms, till the navel was healed; the male relations all the while
reading and reciting the history of _Ráma_, and other mythological and
historical romances. As soon as the child was recovered, a grand feast
was observed, with performances of the _wáyang_. Near the _Dálang_
(director of the _wáyang_) was placed a bowl of pure water, into which
fresh and sweet-scented flowers were cast, two black sugar-canes,
a cloth of the _túwuh wátu_ pattern, and a piece of white cloth,
together with a bundle of _pári_ and different kinds of eatables. On
this occasion was exhibited the drama of _Batára Dúrga_ and _Sang Yang
Jágat Náta_ (one of the designations of _Gúru_), at that passage where,
during the first two quarters of the moon, the former appeared in her
amiable character of _Uma_[106], and where, in the city of _Kúru Sétra
Gándamáyu_, she is delivered of a son, _Batára Kála_, having the form
of a _Rasáksa_, "greedy to destroy and devour mankind." At that part of
the performance when _Sang Yang Jágat Náta_ takes the child on his lap,
the _Dálang_ did the same with the infant, repeating the invocation,
_"hong! ila-heng!"_ several times, and afterwards returning it into the
hands of the father. On this occasion the _wáyang_ was performed from
seven o'clock in the evening till eight o'clock in the morning.
When the child was forty days old, its head was shaved, as directed
by the parent, and the ceremony took place of giving it whatever name
should be determined on by the father and the elders.
The _Dúkun_ (midwife) who attended at the delivery, was entitled
to receive for her trouble fourteen _wang_ (about a rupee) if it
was an ordinary birth, but in difficult cases her allowance was
proportionately increased. Her attendance continued for the mornings
and evening of forty days, at the expiration of which she was further
entitled to receive a present of two pieces of cloth, one small and
one large, four _kátis_ of rice, two cocoa-nuts, and some _síri_. If
required to attend beyond that period, she was paid accordingly. A
_Dúkun_ once employed, could not be exchanged on any account during
the forty days. Women invariably acted as midwives; in other cases the
medical art was practised exclusively by the men.
On the child's attaining its seventh month, a feast was given, when
it was for the first time placed with its feet on the ground. At this
entertainment rice cakes and sweetmeats of different colours and kinds
were served up; and if it happened that the child had come into the
world either as the sun was just rising or setting, a bundle of grass
or rubbish was thrown into the basket, upon the top of which it was
placed for a few minutes; after which one of the elders taking the
child into his arms repeated the following words: "_Hong! 'amilam
mastúna masidam! súming'gáha yéwang Kala'ing w'ru ajal amúla-níra
ana-níra, Sang-yang Sába lan Batári Dúrga_:" which after an invocation
to the Deity would express, "Begone, oh God _Kála_, for I am not
ignorant of thy nature, nor of thy being descended from _Sang Yang Sába
(Gúru)_ and _Batára Dúrga_[107]."
When the child attained the age of one year, another feast was given in
commemoration of its nativity, and this universally among all classes
of people; those who possessed the means kept the anniversary of their
birth-day until their death.
Marriages were invariably contracted by the relations of the parties,
by the paternal grandfather or grandmother if living, if not by the
parents, and in case of their demise, by the natural guardian. Thus the
brother, on the death of his parents, was permitted to dispose of the
hand of his sister; and a deviation from this course was deprecated, as
laying a foundation for quarrels and dissensions.
The consent of the relations being obtained, the bridegroom was bound
to serve the parents of the bride for a year[108].
For forty days previous to the celebration of the marriage, the parties
were not allowed to go to a distance from their homes, or to be
employed in any severe labour.
At sunset on the wedding day, the bridegroom went in procession to
visit the parents of the bride, after which she was visited by his
parents, who on these occasions gave the married couple their blessing,
wishing them happiness as lasting as that enjoyed by the god _Kámajáya_
with his consort _Kámaráti_.
One of the elders, or an _Ajar_, then repeated the following
benediction:
_"Hong! Gáng'ga-trigáng'ga? pináyung hana kala chákra kinásih hána
pra-dewáta hipáta'ing sapudénda tulúsa amándan waríng'en."_ "Hail! holy
water, thrice holy water! be it as a covering to shield you from harm:
may the gods be merciful unto you: henceforth be nourishing as the
_pándan_ and _waríng'en_ trees."
In these processions the bridegroom was obliged to prepare whatever
ornaments, trinkets, or gifts, the mother of the bride had fixed
her fancy upon, either at the birth of her daughter or on any other
occasion, whether they consisted in the representation of a white
elephant, a white tiger, or the like.
Five days after the consecration of the marriage, the parents of the
bride, with whom she staid for that period, prepared a feast, at
which was invariably served up among other things yellow rice. This
entertainment was given to mark the period of the consummation: and
after celebrating such an event, it was thought proper that the bride
should be on a visit to the parents of her husband, remain under their
roof, share their protection, and subsist at their expense for forty
days without going abroad, at the expiration of which the new married
couple were at liberty to go to their own house and pursue their
own plans of life, becoming liable to contribute their share to the
revenues and demands of the state.
The dresses worn on the nuptial day are thus described in the romance
of _Pánji_.
"It being arranged that at the same time when _Rádin Pánji_ was to
receive the princess _Déwi Chándra Kirána_ in marriage, _Rétna Jinóli_,
his sister, should also be married to _Gúnung Sári_, son of the Prince
of _Dáha_, the Prince of _Dáha_ departed with a joyful heart, and
gave the necessary directions to prepare the clothing and ornaments
necessary for the two brides.
"_Klána Jáyang Sári_[109], accompanied by his sister, _Rétna Jinóli_,
and his numerous followers then entered the _dálam_ of the prince.
_Klána Jáyang Sâri_ wore on the occasion a _dódot_ of silk stamped with
flowers of gold; his _chelána_ were of the green _chindi_ ornamented
with golden lace round the bottom, and studded with _kúnang-kúnang_
(golden ornaments made to represent the fire-fly); his _sumping_
(ornaments at the back of the ear) were of golden flowers studded with
diamonds. On the third finger of each hand he wore two diamond rings.
His waistband or belt was a painted cloth, of the pattern _gríngsing
sang'u-páti_; his _krís_ of the _kaprábon_; his _jámang_, or head
ornament, of gold set with diamonds, and scented with all kinds of
sweet-scented oils. He appeared more beautiful than a deity descended
from heaven, all looking upon him with delight and astonishment.
"His sister, _Rétna Jinóli_, was dressed nearly after the same fashion
as the Princess _Ang'réni_.
"The dress of _Déwi Ang'réni_, when married, was as follows: her
_dódot_ was of a pink colour stamped with flowers; her _kéndit_ (zone,
of which the ends hang in front) was _mandála gíri_ (yellow with red at
each end); her _jámang_ of golden flowers; her golden ear-rings of the
_bápang_ fashion, with a diamond in the centre; her hair according to
the _glung málang_ (a particular kind of knot), in which were placed
beautiful and sweet-scented flowers; the fine hair round her forehead
fashioned into small curls, with a sprinkling of powder; her eyebrows
shaped like the _ímba_ leaf. She wore golden armlets of the _kálung_
pattern, ornamented with drops. Her _kálung_, or necklace, was of the
_méng'gah_ fashion. She wore two rings on the little and third finger
of each hand, like unto a _widadári_."
There were three modes of disposing of the body of a deceased person:
by fire, termed _óbóng_; by water, termed _lárung_; or by exposing it
upright against a tree in a forest, where it was left to decay, termed
_sétra_. When the body of a chief or person of consequence was burnt,
it was usual to preserve the ashes, and to deposit them in a _chándi_
or tomb.
It was the custom with all classes of people on Java to give
an entertainment or feast on the decease of their friends and
relations[110]. The first feast was given on the day of the death, a
second on the third day after, a third on the seventh day, a fourth
on the fortieth day, a fifth on the hundredth day, and a sixth on the
thousandth day after the decease of the party; after which an annual
feast was observed, with more or less pomp, according to the respect in
which the deceased was held, or the circumstances of the friends and
relatives who celebrated his memory.
Besides these regular feasts and ceremonies, others prescribed by the
_wúku_[111] were religiously observed. When the day _ang'gâra_ fell on
the _páncha klíwon_, it was considered a propitious time for preferring
petitions to the gods. On the seventh day of the _wúku galingán_,
sacred to _Batára Kámajáya_, they relaxed from all worldly pursuits,
and offered praises and prayers to the gods collectively, it being
supposed that they were assembled on that day. On the _wúku gúmreg_,
sacred to _Batára Sákra_, every villager joined in a feast sacred to
the earth (_púja búmi_); and this _wúku_ was particularly observed by
the people termed _Kálang_, who, during the seven days performed no
work, but employed themselves in visiting the tombs of their deceased
friends and relations, or in feasting with their living relatives.
During the whole of that period they kept in their houses a lighted
lamp, which they carefully preserved from extinction.
It may not be inappropriate to introduce in this place a short
digression, containing an account of some of the customs peculiar to
the people termed _Kálang_, and to the inhabitants of the _Teng'ger_
mountains. The former are said to have been at one time numerous in
various parts of Java, leading a wandering life, practising religious
rites different from those of the great body of the people, and
avoiding intercourse with them; but most of them are now reduced to
subjection, are become stationary in their residence, and have embraced
the Mahomedan faith. A few villages in which their particular customs
are still preserved, occur in the provinces of _Kendál_, _Káliwúng'u_,
and _Démak_, and although the tradition of the country regarding their
descent from an unnatural connection between a princess of _Mendang
Kamúlan_ and a chief, who had been transformed into a dog, would
mark them out as a strange race, they have claims to be considered as
the actual descendants of the aborigines of the Island[112]. They are
represented as having a high veneration for a _red dog_, one of which
is generally kept by each family, and which they will, on no account,
allow to be struck or ill-used by any one. When a young man asks a girl
in marriage, he must prove his descent from their peculiar stock. A
present of rice and cotton-yarn, among other articles, must be offered
by him, and carried to the intended bride, by an elderly man or woman
of his own race, which offering must, in like manner, be received by an
elderly relation of the girl: from this moment until the marriage is
duly solemnized, nothing whatever is allowed to be taken out of either
hut. On the marriage day, a buffalo's head, covered with white, red,
or black rice-powder, is placed on the ground near the place intended
for the bride to sleep upon, and the elderly people and relations being
assembled, they dance by pairs, at the end of each dance presenting
the bride to the bridegroom, and making such offerings as they think
proper. The bridegroom is, on this occasion, accompanied to the house
of the bride's father by as many friends as he can procure, and is
bound to bring with him not less than a pair of buffaloes, a plough,
harrow, hoe (_pachul_), and whip, with a bundle of _pári_. Those who
are in good circumstances are further bound to add a cart (_pedáti_)
to the above-mentioned stock. Prior to the equipment of the bride and
bridegroom for the entertainment, it is essential that their bodies
be rubbed over with the ashes of a _red dog's_ bones. At sunset they
both eat rice together off the same leaf. On the following night they
jointly partake of the buffalo's head, which is previously laid by the
side of the place where they sleep. On the third day they proceed to
the house of the bridegroom's father, making as much show as possible,
and go round the extent of the village confines, preceded by people
carrying a bed, cooking utensils, a spinning-wheel and loom. On the
death of a _Kálang_, the body is carried in procession to the dwellings
of the relations, who join in the ceremony, and proceed with it to
the place of interment: they then pass round the corpse three times
before it is lowered into the grave, the women crying aloud. A young
cocoa-nut is then split in two, and the water from it poured into the
grave, one-half of the shell being placed at the head, the other at the
feet of the deceased. On their return home, the feasts and ceremonies
are the same as those noticed in the practice of the other inhabitants
of Java. Whenever the _Kálangs_ move from one place to another, they
are conveyed in carts, having two solid wheels with a revolving
axle, and drawn by two or more pairs of buffaloes, according to the
circumstances of the party. In these they place the materials of which
their huts are constructed, their implements of husbandry, and other
articles of necessity or value. In this manner, until of late years,
since they have been subjected to the regulations of the Javan chiefs,
they were continually moving from one part of the island to another.
They have still their separate chiefs, and preserve many of their
peculiar customs. Those who are Mahomedans employ in their religious
functions priests who differ from others in being less scrupulous. They
have always been treated with so much contempt by the Javans, that
_Kálang_ is an epithet of reproach and disgrace.
To the eastward of _Surabáya_, and on the range of hills connected with
_Gúnung Dásar_, and lying partly in the district of _Pasúruan_ and
partly in that of _Probolingo_, known by the name of the _Teng'ger_
mountains, we find the remnant of a people still following the Hindu
worship, who merit attention, not only on account of their being, (if
we except the _Bédui_ of Bantam, who will be hereafter noticed) the
sole depositaries of the rites and doctrines of that religion existing
at this day on Java, but as exhibiting an interesting singularity and
simplicity of character.
These people occupy about forty villages, scattered along this range
of hills in the neighbourhood of what is termed the sandy sea. The
site of their villages, as well as the construction of their houses,
are peculiar, and differ entirely from what is elsewhere observed
on Java. They are not shaded by trees, but built on spacious open
terraces, rising one above the other, each house occupying a terrace,
and being in length from thirty to seventy, and even eighty feet. The
door is invariably in one corner, at the end of the building, opposite
to that in which the fire-place is built. The building appears to be
constructed with the ordinary roof, having along the front an enclosed
veranda or gallery, about eight feet broad. The fire-place is built of
brick, and is so highly venerated, that it is considered a sacrilege
for any stranger to touch it. Across the upper part of the building
rafters are run, so as to form a kind of attic story, in which are
deposited the most valuable property and implements of husbandry.
The head of the village takes the title of _Péting'gi_, as in the
low-lands, and is generally assisted by a _Kabáyan_, both elected by
the people from their own village. There are four priests, who are
here termed _Dúkuns_ (a term elsewhere only applied to doctors and
midwives), having charge of the state records and the sacred books.
These _Dúkuns_, who are in general intelligent men, can give no account
of the era when they were first established on these hills; they can
produce no traditional history of their origin, whence they came, or
who entrusted them with the sacred books, to the faith contained in
which they still adhere. These, they concur in stating, were handed
down to them by their fathers, to whose hereditary office of preserving
them they have succeeded. The sole duty required of them is again to
hand them down in safety to their children, and to perform the _púja_
(praise-giving) according to the directions they contain. These records
consist of three compositions, written on the _lóntar_-leaf, detailing
the origin of the world, disclosing the attributes of the deity, and
prescribing the forms of worship to be observed on different occasions.
When a woman is delivered of her first child, the _Dúkun_ takes a leaf
of the _álang álang_ grass, and scraping the skin of the hands of
the mother and her infant, as well as the ground, pronounces a short
benediction.
When a marriage is agreed upon, the bride and bridegroom being brought
before the _Dúkun_ within the house, in the first place bow with
respect towards the south, then to the fire-place, then to the earth,
and lastly, on looking up to the upper story of the house, where the
implements of husbandry are placed. The parties then submissively
bowing to the _Dúkun_, he repeats a prayer, commencing with the words,
_"Hong! Kendága Bráma ang'-gas síwang'ga ána ma siwáha sangyang
g'ni sira kang_[113]", &c.; while the bride washes the feet of the
bridegroom. At the conclusion of this ceremony, the friends and family
of the parties make presents to each of kríses, buffaloes, implements
of husbandry, &c.; in return for which the bride and bridegroom
respectfully present them with betel-leaf.
At the marriage feast which ensues, the _Dúkun_ repeats two _púja_.
The marriage is not, however, consummated till the fifth day after
the above ceremony. This interval between the solemnities and the
consummation of marriage is termed by them _úndang mántu_, and is in
some cases still observed by the Javans in other parts of the island,
under the name _únduh mántu_.
At the interment of an inhabitant of _Teng'ger_, the corpse is lowered
into the grave with the head placed towards the south (contrary to
the direction observed by the Mahomedans), and is guarded from the
immediate contact of the earth by a covering of _bámbus_ and planks.
When the grave is closed, two posts are planted over the body; one
erected perpendicularly on the breast, the other on the lower part of
the belly; and between them is placed a hollowed _bámbu_ in an inverted
position, into which, during seven successive days, they daily pour a
vessel of pure water, laying beside the _bámbu_ two dishes, also daily
replenished with eatables. At the expiration of the seventh day, the
feast of the dead is announced, and the relations and friends of the
deceased assemble to be present at the ceremony, and to partake of
entertainments conducted in the following manner.
A figure of about half a cubit high, representing the human form,
made of leaves and ornamented with variegated flowers, is prepared
and placed in a conspicuous situation, supported round the body by
the clothes of the deceased. The _Dúkun_ then places in front of the
garland an incense-pot with burning ashes, together with a vessel
containing water, and repeats the two _púja_ to fire and water; the
former commencing with "_Hong! Kendága Bráma gangsi wang'ga ya nama
síwáha_," &c.; the latter with "_Hong! hong gang'ga máha tirta ráta
mejil sáking háti_," &c.; burning _dúpa_ or incense at stated periods
during the former, and occasionally sprinkling the water over the feast
during the repetition of the latter.
The clothes of the deceased are then divided among the relatives
and friends; the garland is burned; another _púja_, commencing with
"_Hong! áwigna mastúna ma sidam, hong! aráning_," &c. is repeated,
while the remains of the sacred water are sprinkled over the feast.
The parties now sit down to the enjoyment of it, invoking a blessing
from the Almighty on themselves, their houses, and their lands. No more
solemnities are observed till the expiration of a thousand days, when,
if the memory of the deceased is beloved and cherished, the ceremony
and feast are repeated; if otherwise, no further notice is taken of
him: and having thus obtained what the Romans would call his _justa_,
he is allowed to be forgotten.
Being questioned regarding the tenets of their religion, they replied
that they believed in a _déwa_, who was all-powerful; that the name
by which the _déwa_ was designated was _Búmi Trúka Sáng'yáng Dewáta
Bâtur_, and that the particulars of their worship were contained in a
book called _Pángláwu_, which they presented to me.
On being questioned regarding the _ádat_ against adultery, theft, and
other crimes, their reply was unanimous and ready, that crimes of
this kind were unknown to them, and that consequently no punishment
was fixed, either by law or custom; that if a man did wrong, the head
of the village chid him for it, the reproach of which was always
sufficient punishment for a man of _Teng'ger_. This account of their
moral character is fully confirmed by the Regents of the districts
under whose authority they are placed, and also by the Residents.
They, in fact, seem to be almost without crime, and are universally
peaceable, orderly, honest, industrious, and happy. They are
unacquainted with the vice of gambling and the use of opium.
The aggregate population is about twelve hundred souls; and they
occupy, without exception, the most beautifully rich and romantic spots
on Java; a region, in which the thermometer is frequently as low as
forty-two. The summits and slopes of the hills are covered with Alpine
firs, and plants common to an European climate flourish in luxuriance.
Their language does not differ much from the Javan of the present day,
though more gutturally pronounced. Upon a comparison of about a hundred
words with the vernacular Javan, two only were found to differ. They
do not marry or intermix with the people of the low-lands, priding
themselves on their independence and purity in this respect[114].
The _Bédui_ are in numbers inconsiderable, and found in the interior
of Bantam: they are the descendants of those who escaped into the
woods after the fall of the western capital of _Pajajáran_[115] in
the fifteenth century, and would not change their religion, remaining
firmly attached to that of _Prábu Séda_. There is a tomb of one of
them which they hold sacred, and will not allow any one but themselves
to approach even to this day. When the _Bédui_ subsequently submitted
to the Sultan of Bantam, and shewed no disposition to oppose the
Mahomedans, they were not compelled to become converts; but it was
agreed, at the same time they admitted, that the number of the
_Rowá-ian_ (the name given to their little societies) should be limited
to three or four.
The _Bédui_ attend to all orders they receive through the medium of
the village chief. They subsist by cultivating rice: all they raise
beyond what is required for their own consumption they sell to the
hill people, who are in the habit of going to them for it once a year,
on account of the superior quality of the rice, or rather superior
estimation in which it is held. It is an established rule among them to
allot but one day for each of the different successive operations of
husbandry: one day for cutting down the trees and underwood, one day
for clearing what has been so cut down, one day for sowing the grain,
one for weeding the field, and one for reaping, one for binding up
the grain and one for carrying it home. If any part of what has been
reaped cannot be carried home in one day, it is left and neglected.
The _Gírang póhon_ (which is the title of the chief) is the first who
commences the work of the field, and many of the hill people follow him
in regard to the period for sowing their _pári_.
Their dress consists of white and black cloths. They wear rings and
silver scabbards to their _krises_, but gold and _swasa_ they dislike.
Spanish dollars are the only coin they prize.
The festivals or feasts of the Javans are of three kinds: the _grébeg_,
or religious festivals; the _bancháki_ or _nealamáti_, so called
from the Arabic _salámat_ (a blessing), held on the celebration of
marriages, births, and circumcision; and the _sedékah_, appointed in
honour of the dead, and for the celebration of their memory.
The principal and most important of these are the national
entertainments corresponding with the Mahomedan festivals of _múlut_,
_pása_, and _bésar_; the two first answering to the half-yearly
festivals of the Arabs of _moháram_ and _ramázan_, and the latter with
that of _kháji_, in the month of dulkhija. On these occasions the
sovereign appears in public, and the _álun álun_ is crowded with an
assemblage of people from all quarters, every one being dressed in his
most splendid attire, and accompanied by all his armed followers. The
same is observed in the more distant provinces of the country, where
the petty chiefs, in like manner, assemble in the _álun álun_ of the
Regent. Presents of fruit, poultry, and other kinds of provisions,
are brought from every part of the country: offerings are made by the
chiefs to the mosques, and a public festival is given by the chief
authorities. The men only partake of these public feasts; but the
female part of the family of the chiefs assemble together, and enjoy
corresponding entertainments within their chambers. The festival seldom
lasts above one day.
Of the _bancháki_ and _nealamáti_ it may be only necessary to observe,
that those given during the ceremonies consequent upon the birth of the
first child are most important.