The cottages, which I have already described, are never found detached

or solitary: they always unite to form villages of greater or less

extent, according to the fertility of the neighbouring plain, abundance

of a stream, or other accidental circumstances. In some provinces,

the usual number of inhabitants in a village is about two hundred, in

others less than fifty. In the first establishment or formation of

a village on new ground, the intended settlers take care to provide

themselves with sufficient garden ground round their huts for their

stock, and to supply the ordinary wants of their families. The

produce of this plantation is the exclusive property of the peasant,

and exempted from contribution or burden; and such is their number

and extent in some regencies (as in _Kedú_ for instance), that they

constitute perhaps a tenth part of the area of the whole district. The

spot surrounding his simple habitation, the cottager considers his

peculiar patrimony, and cultivates with peculiar care. He labours to

plant and to rear in it those vegetables that may be most useful to his

family, and those shrubs and trees which may at once yield him their

fruit and their shade: nor does he waste his efforts on a thankless

soil. The cottages, or the assemblage of huts, that compose the

village, become thus completely screened from the rays of a scorching

sun, and are so buried amid the foliage of a luxuriant vegetation,

that at a small distance no appearance of a human dwelling can be

discovered, and the residence of a numerous society appears only a

verdant grove or a clump of ever-greens. Nothing can exceed the beauty

or the interest, which such detached masses of verdure, scattered over

the face of the country, and indicating each the abode of a collection

of happy peasantry, add to scenery otherwise rich, whether viewed on

the sides of the mountains, in the narrow vales, or on the extensive

plains. In the last case, before the grain is planted, and during the

season of irrigation, when the rice fields are inundated, they appear

like so many small Islands, rising out of the water. As the young plant

advances, their deep rich foliage contrasts pleasingly with its lighter

tints; and when the full-eared grain, with a luxuriance that exceeds

an European harvest, invests the earth with its richest yellow, they

give a variety to the prospect, and afford a most refreshing relief to

the eye. The clumps of trees, with which art attempts to diversify and

adorn the most skilfully arranged park, can bear no comparison with

them in rural beauty or picturesque effect.

As the population increases, the extent of individual appropriations is

sometimes contracted; but when there is sufficient untenanted ground in

the neighbourhood, a new village is thrown out at some distance, which

during its infancy remains under the charge, and on the responsibility

of the parent village. In time, however, it obtains a constitution of

its own, and in its turn becomes the parent of others. These dependent

villages are in the eastern districts termed _dúku_, and in the western

or _Súnda_ districts _chántilan_.

Every village forms a community within itself, having each its

village officers and priest, whose habitations are as superior to

those of others as their functions are more exalted. To complete the

establishment in most large villages, a temple is appropriated for

religious worship. Here is found that simple form of patriarchal

administration, which so forcibly strikes the imagination of the

civilized inhabitants of this quarter of the world, and which has so

long been the theme of interest and curiosity of those who have visited

the Indian continent.

In the larger villages, or chief towns of the subdivisions, in which

the _Kápala chútag_, or division-officer, resides, a square place,

corresponding with the _álun álun_ of the capital, is reserved;

and, in like manner, the mosque is found to occupy one side, and

the dwelling of the chief another. The villages, whether large or

small, are fenced in by strong hedges of _bámbu_, and other quick

growing plants. All the large towns and capitals are formed on the

same principle, each hut and dwelling being surrounded by a garden

exclusively attached to it. In this respect, they are but large

villages, although usually divided into separate jurisdictions. A

newly-formed village contains but a few families, while in the capitals

the population often amounts to several thousand souls. _Súra-kérta_,

the capital of the chief native government, though its population is

estimated to exceed one hundred thousand, may be termed an assemblage

or group of numerous villages, rather than what in European countries

would be called a town or city.

In the larger towns, however, and in the capitals, considerable

attention is paid to the due preservation of broad streets or roads

crossing in different directions. The inland capitals in the _Súnda_

districts are distinguished by an extreme neatness and regularity in

this respect; and although both these, and the greater native capitals

at _Sólo_ and _Yúgy'a-kérta_, may have been laid out principally at the

suggestion of Europeans, it may be observed, that the same conveniences

are also to be found in the extensive capital of _Banyúmas_, the

planning of which must be ascribed entirely to the natives.

The dwelling or palace of the prince is distinguished by the terms

_kadáton_ or _kráton_, being contractions, the former probably from

_ka-datu-nan_, and the latter from _ka-ratu-nan_, the place of the

_Dátu_ or _Rátu_ (prince). Those of the Regents or _Bopátis_ (nobles

entrusted with the government of provinces), are styled _dálam_; a

term which is applied to the inmost hall or chamber of both buildings;

and by which also, particularly in the _Súnda_ districts, the chiefs

themselves are often distinguished.

The _kráton_, or palace of the prince, is an extensive square,

surrounded by a high wall, without which there is generally a moat

or ditch. In the front, and also sometimes in the rear, an extensive

open square is reserved, surrounded by a railing, which is termed the

_álun álun_. On the wall of the _kráton_, which may be considered as

the rampart of a citadel, are usually planted cannon; and within it,

the space is divided by various smaller walls, which intersect each

other, and form squares and compartments, each having a particular

designation, and answering a specific purpose; separate quarters being

assigned within the walls to all the families who may be considered

as attached to the person of the sovereign, or that of the princes.

The circumference of the wall of the _kráton_ of _Yúgy'a-kérta_ is

not less than three miles; and it was estimated that, at the period

of the assault in 1812, it did not contain fewer than from ten to

fifteen thousand people. That of _Súra-kérta_ is neither so extensive,

nor so well built. After crossing the _álun álun_, or square in front

of the _kráton_, the principal entrance is by a flight of steps, at

the top of which it is usual for the new sovereign to be invested

with his authority, and on which he is seated on those occasions in

which he shews himself in public. This is termed the _setingel_, from

_seti-ingel_, the high ground. On these occasions, the _Pang'érans_ and

nobles are ranged below. Proceeding into the interior of the building,

and after descending a flight of steps, we find the next principal

gateway or entrance is called the _brójo nólo_. After passing another

court, the next gateway is termed _kámandúngan_; and beyond this

again is the last passage, distinguished by the term _s'rimenánti_.

Still farther on, in the centre of a square, is the hall, _mendópo_

or _bángsal_, of the prince. On one side of the square are two small

_mendópos_, or open sheds, called _bángsal peng'ápit_, where the

_Pang'érans_ assemble to wait the appearance of the sovereign in the

principal _mendópo_; and on the opposite side is the dwelling, or

_úmah tumpang_, of the prince, termed _próbo yókso_. The _bángsal_, or

_mendópo_, is a large open hall, supported by a double row of pillars,

and covered with shingles, the interior being richly decorated with

paint and gilding. The ceiling of the _mendópo_ of _Yúgy'a-kérta_ is

remarkable for its splendour and richness, being composed according

to that peculiar style of architecture frequently observed throughout

Java, in which several squares, of gradually decreasing sizes, are

arranged one above and within the other; a style which is general among

the Hindus, and strongly marks the architecture of the Burmans and

Siamese.

In the centre of the _álun álun_, and in front of the _setingel_, are

two _wáringen_ trees (the Indian fig or _banyan_), called _wáring'en

kúrung_, which have been considered as the sign or mark of the royal

residence from the earliest date of Javan history.

In the dwellings of the nobles and governors of provinces, the same

form and order, with some slight modifications, are observed. These

have likewise the _álun álun_ front. The outer entrance corresponding

with the _setíngel_ of the _kráton_ is however with them denominated

the _láwang sekéting_, the second _pasádong_, and the third _régol_,

within which is the _mendópo_, or _dálam_. The mosque forms one side of

the _álun álun_.

The furniture of the houses or huts of the lower orders is very simple,

and consists of but few articles. Their bed, as with the Sumatrans, is

a fine mat with a number of pillows, having some party-coloured cloths

generally extended over the head, in the form of a canopy or valance.

They neither use tables nor chairs, but their meals are brought on

large brass or wooden waiters, with smaller vessels of brass or

china-ware for the different articles served up. They sit cross-legged,

and, in common with other Mahomedans, only use the right hand at their

meals. They usually take up their food between the finger and thumb,

and throw it into their month. Spoons are used only for liquids, and

knives and forks very rarely, if at all.

In the dwellings of the higher classes, the articles of furniture are

more numerous and expensive. Raised beds, with many pillows piled one

above the other, and mats and carpets, are common in all; but, in the

European provinces, many of the rooms of the chiefs are furnished

with looking-glasses, chairs, tables, &c. Most of these were at first

introduced for the accommodation of European visitors, but are now

gradually becoming luxuries, in which the chiefs take delight.

They are partial to illuminations, and, on days of festivity, ornament

the grounds adjacent to their dwellings with much taste and design, by

working the young shoots of the cocoa-nut, the _bámbu_, and various

flowers, in festoons and other contrivances. The canopy or valance over

the table, bed, or other place selected for any particular purpose, is

universal. This canopy is generally of chintz, from Western India.

In all the provinces under the European government, the chiefs have

several rooms fitted up in the European style, for the accommodation of

the officers of government, and none of them hesitate to sit down at

table with their visitors, and join in the entertainment.

The natives of Java are in general better clothed than those of Western

India. In many provinces of the interior, and in the elevated parts

of the island, warm clothing is indispensable. They are for the most

part clothed from the produce of their own soil and labour; but there

are parts of their dress which they willingly derive from foreign

countries. Blue cloths and chintzes, in particular, have always

formed an extensive article of importation from Western India; and

the chiefs consume considerable quantities of broadcloths, velvet,

and other fabrics, in the jackets, pantaloons, and other articles of

dress, in imitation of Europeans. Persons of condition are particular

in being what they conceive well-dressed. A sloven is an object of

ridicule; and, in point of expensive attire, they may be considered as

restricted only by their means. Although the general character of the

native costume is preserved, they seemed inclined to adopt many of the

more convenient parts of the European dress; and, in proof of their

having but few prejudices on this score, it may be observed, that,

on occasions when the population of the country has been called out

in the Native Provinces, the assemblage of the provincials presented

themselves habited, many of them in cocked hats and stockings of

Europeans, forming a most grotesque appearance. By the institutions of

the country, a particular kind of dress is assigned to each different

rank; and there are some patterns of cloth, the use of which is

prohibited, except to the royal family: but these sumptuary laws are

for the most part obsolete in the European provinces, and gradually

becoming so in those of the native princes, particularly since those

princes have engaged by treaty to discontinue their enforcement. There

are also distinctions of rank expressed by the different modes of

wearing the krîs, which will be treated of hereafter.

It is part of the domestic economy, that the women of the family should

provide the men with the cloths necessary for their apparel, and from

the first consort of the sovereign to the wife of the lowest peasant,

the same rule is observed. In every cottage there is a spinning-wheel

and loom, and in all ranks a man is accustomed to pride himself on the

beauty of a cloth woven either by his wife, mistress, or daughter.

The principal article of dress, common to all classes in the

Archipelago, is the cloth or _sárong_, which has been described by Mr.

Marsden to be "not unlike a Scots highlander's plaid in appearance,

being a piece of party-coloured cloth, about six or eight feet long

and three or four feet wide, sewed together at the ends, forming, as

some writers have described it, a wide sack without a bottom." With

the _Maláyus_, the _sárong_ is either worn slung over the shoulders

as a sash, or tucked round the waist and descending to the ankles, so

as to enclose the legs like a petticoat. The patterns in use among

the _Maláyus_ or _Búgis_ are universally Tartan; but besides these,

the Javans pride themselves in a great variety of others, the common

people only wearing the Tartan pattern, while others prefer the Javan

_bátek_ or painted cloths. On occasions of state they wear, in lieu of

the _sárong_ or _járit_[43] (the ordinary cloth of the country, which

differs from the _sárong_ in not being united at the ends), a cloth

termed _dódot_, which is made either of cotton or silk and much larger.

This is worn in the same way; but from its size, and the manner of its

being tucked up, it falls in a kind of drapery, which is peculiar to

Java.

The men of the lowest class generally wear a pair of coarse short

drawers, reaching towards the knee, with the _járit_ or cloth folded

round the waist, and descending below the knees like a short petticoat.

This cloth is always tucked up close round the waist, while the

labourer is at work or moving abroad, but loosened, and allowed to

descend to its full length, when in the presence of a superior. It

is fastened round the waist by a narrow waistband or belt (_sábuk_).

In general, the Javans are also provided with a jacket (_kalámbi_),

having short sleeves reaching to the elbows. This is either white,

or more frequently of light and dark blue stripes. A handkerchief

or the (_íkat_) is always folded round the head. With the _Maláyus_

this handkerchief is generally of the Tartan pattern, but among the

Javans it is of the _bátek_ cloth, and put on more in the manner of

a turban than the handkerchief of a _Maláyu_ is: the crown of the

head is covered with it, and the ends are tucked in. While abroad,

they generally wear over it a large hat of leaves or of the split and

plaited bambu, which shelters them like an umbrella from the sun and

rain. A coarse handkerchief is usually tucked into the waistband, or

a small bag is suspended from it, containing tobacco, _síri_, &c. The

_kris_ or dagger, which is universally worn by all classes, completes

the dress. To that of the labourer, according to the work he may be

employed upon, is superadded a large knife or hatchet for cutting wood,

brushwood, or grass.

The women, in like manner, wear the cloth tucked round their loins,

and descending in the form of a petticoat as low as the ankles. It is

folded somewhat differently from the cloth worn by the men, and never

tucked up as with them. The waistband or girdle by which they fasten

it, is termed _údat_. Round the body, passed above the bosom and close

under the arms, descending to the waistband, is rolled a body cloth

called _kémban_. They also commonly wear a loose gown reaching to the

knees, with long sleeves buttoning at the wrists. This gown is almost

invariably blue, never being of any variegated pattern, and as well as

the jacket of the men is usually termed _kalámbi_. The women do not

wear any handkerchief on their head, which is ornamented by their hair

fastened up in a _glung_ or knot, and by an appendage of large studs,

either of buffalo horn or brass, which they use for ear-rings. Both

men and women, even of the lowest class, wear rings on their fingers.

Those worn by the men are either of iron, brass, or copper; those of

the women of brass or copper only. The value of a man's dress, as above

described, may be estimated at about five rupees, twelve and sixpence;

and that of the women at about six rupees, or fifteen shillings.

The children of the lower orders go naked, from the age of fifteen or

eighteen months to six or seven years; but the children of persons of

condition always wear the _járit_ round their loins, together with a

jacket.

The higher orders wear a _járit_, of about seven or eight cubits long

and about three cubits wide, which with the men is folded once round

the loins, and allowed to descend to the ankles in the form of a

petticoat, but so as to admit of the leg being occasionally exposed

when set forward in the act of walking. The part which is folded in

front commonly hangs somewhat lower than the rest of the garment. The

_sábuk_ or waistband is generally of silk of the _chíndi_ or _patólé_

pattern. When at leisure within-doors, the men usually wear a loose

cotton gown descending as low as the knees; but when abroad, or in

attendance on public service, they for the most part wear a jacket of

broad cloth, silk, or velvet if procurable, frequently edged with lace

and ornamented with filagree buttons. This jacket is called _síkapan_

(from _sikap_ ready) as it intimates, when worn, that the party is

ready for duty. The jacket used by the Regents or chiefs of provinces,

and other officers of distinction, closely resembles the old Friesland

jacket, as worn about two centuries ago, and is probably modified,

if not entirely taken from it. Under the jacket the men always wear

a vest, usually of fine white cloth, with a single row of filagree

buttons, buttoning close to the body and at the neck like a shirt. If

the party is upon a journey or without doors in the sun, the _túdang_

or shade, which is usually of broad cloth or velvet, is fixed over

the face, having much the appearance of a large jockey cap. The petty

chiefs, particularly in the western districts, instead of this shade

wear a large hat, in the form of a wash-hand bason reversed, made of

split bambu of various colours, and highly varnished to throw off the

rain. This is fastened by a string under the chin, in the same manner

as the hat of the common people.

The dress of the women of the higher classes does not in fashion differ

essentially from that of the lower orders, but the articles are of

finer texture and better quality, and gold studs and rings, ornamented

with coloured and precious stones, are substituted for those of copper

and brass. Both men and women of condition wear sandals, shoes, or

slippers in the house; and in the European districts, the Regent and

other chiefs, when in attendance on the public officers, on journeys or

otherwise, usually superadd to the native dress tight cloth or nankeen

pantaloons, with boots and spurs, according to the European fashion.

It is difficult to estimate with precision the value of the dress of

the higher orders. That of an ordinary petty chief and his wife costs

about fifty Spanish dollars, or between twelve and thirteen pounds

sterling, including the _siri_ box, which is a necessary appendage. The

_siri_ box of the man is termed _epok_, that of the woman _chepúri_.

Neither men nor women cut their hair, but allow it to grow to its

natural length: in this they differ from the _Maláyus_ and _Búgis_,

who always wear it short. The men, except on particular occasions,

gather it up on the crown of the head, twist it round, and fasten it

by means of a semicircular tortoise-shell comb fixed in front; but

among the higher classes, it is considered a mark of the greatest

respect to let it flow in curls in the presence of a superior. The

princes and chiefs at the native courts usually confine it on the

neck, and allow it to descend down the back in large curls; but in

_Chéribon_ and the _Súnda_ districts, the chiefs, on occasions of

ceremony, let their locks flow in curls and ringlets loose over their

shoulders. The women confine their hair by gathering and twisting it

into one large _glúng_ or knot at the back of the head, in the manner

of performing which there are several modes, distinguished by as many

names. The short down encircling the forehead is sometimes cut or

shaved, to give the brow a better defined appearance, when the hair

is combed back, and on particular occasions the fine hair in the same

place, which is too short to be combed back and gathered in the knot,

is turned in small curls like a fringe. All classes, both of men and

women, apply oils to their hair. The women frequently use scents in

dressing it, and on state days ornament it with a great variety of

flowers, diamond-headed pins, and other jewellery. Both sexes perfume

their persons with different species of fragrant oils, as the _láng'a

chandána_ (sandal-wood oil), _láng'a kanáng'a_, _láng'a gáru_, _láng'a

gandapúra_, and _láng'a jerú_, and adorn the skin with a variety of

powders called _bóré_; as the _bóré kúning_ (yellow powder), _bóré

érang_ (black), _boré sárí_, and _boré k'lambak_. To these may be added

the general use of musk, termed by them _dédes_. In the houses of the

higher orders, _dúpa_ or incense of benjamin, and other odoriferous

gums, is generally burnt.

The priests generally dress in white, and imitate the turbans of the

Arabs.

Such is the ordinary costume of the bulk of the population, as it is

usually seen in all that part of the island peculiarly called Java.

In the western or _Súnda_ districts, the common people are by no means

so well supplied with articles of dress as in the eastern. They are

often seen with little or no covering, beyond a piece of very coarse

cloth tied round the waist. The Regents or chiefs of provinces in these

districts generally wear, when on public duty with the officers of the

European government, a velvet cap ornamented with gold lace, differing

in fashion in each province, but usually calculated to shade the face

from the direct rays of the sun. In the eastern districts the chiefs,

on similar occasions, wear the cap called _kúluk_, which will be more

particularly mentioned as part of the court dress.

Besides what may be thus termed the ordinary dress, two grand

distinctions are noticed in the costume of the Javans: these are the

war dress and the court dress. The former consists of _chelána_ or

pantaloons, buttoned from the hip down to the ankles; the _kátok_,

short kilt or petticoat of coloured silk or fine cotton, descending

just below the knee; and the _ámben_ or girth, rolled tightly round

the body seven or eight times, like a military sash, and securing the

whole body from below the arms to the hips: this is made either of silk

or very fine cotton. Over this is drawn a tight vest without buttons,

termed _sángsang_, and over this again the ordinary vest or _kótan_

with buttons, buttoning close round the body and neck, the _síkapan_

or jacket being worn over the whole. The _túdung_, or shade for the

face, is usually worn on this occasion, as well as shoes or sandals.

The _ang'ger_ or sword belt, which goes round the waist, also forms

an essential part of the war dress, in which the _pedáng_ or sword is

suspended on the left side. Three _kríses_ are usually worn in the

waist on these occasions, one on each side and the other behind. These

consist of the _krís_ which the wearer particularly calls his own, the

_krís_ which has descended to him from his ancestors, and the _krís_

which he may have received on his marriage from his wife's father. The

latter is often placed on the left side for immediate use. This dress

is worn in going into the field of battle, on which occasion it is the

custom to appear in the richest attire their means admit, and to wear

the rings and the other valuable jewels or trinkets which they possess.

In the court or full dress, the shoulders, arms, and body, down to

the waist, are entirely bare; the drapery descending from the loins

downwards, _chelána_, and what may be worn on the head, being the only

covering. When a subject, whatever be his rank or family, approaches

his prince, he must wear _chelána_ or pantaloons of coloured silk or of

fine cotton, without buttons; and instead of the _járit_ or ordinary

cloth, he must wear the _dódot_, a cloth which is of nearly double the

dimensions. This is put on, however, nearly in the same manner as the

_járit_, but so as not to descend on the right side further than just

below the knee, while on the left it falls in a rich drapery, until it

touches the ground in a point. The _sábuk_ or waistband must be of gold

lace, the fringed ends of which usually hang down a few inches, and the

party must only wear one _krís_, which is tucked in the waistband on

the right side behind, while on the left he wears a weapon, or rather

implement, called a _wédung_, in the shape of a chopper, together with

a small knife, indicative of his readiness to cut down trees and grass

at the order of his sovereign. On his head he must wear a peculiar kind

of cap (_kuluk_), said to have been introduced by the Sultan _Pájang_

in imitation of the scull-cap of the Arabs; it is made of cloth,

and either white or light blue, stiffened with rich starch: on more

ordinary occasions, and generally, except in full dress, the chiefs

prefer a cap of the same form made of black velvet, ornamented with

gold, and sometimes a diamond on the crown. The part of the body which

is left uncovered is generally rubbed over with white or yellow powder.

The sovereign himself is usually habited in the same manner on state

occasions, his body and arms being covered with a bright yellow powder.

When women approach the sovereign, besides having their hair ornamented

with diamonds and flowers, they must wear a _sémbong_ or sash round

the waist, which generally is of yellow silk with red at the two ends.

It is brought once round the body from behind, and the long ends are

allowed to descend towards the ground, one over each hip.

Since the loss of the _makóta_, or golden crown of _Majapáhit_,

which disappeared on the banishment of _Susúnan Mangkúrat_, both the

_Susúnan_ and _Sultan_, on public occasions, when they have to meet the

European authorities, wear a velvet hat or cap of a particular fashion,

somewhat different at each court; that of the _Susúnan_ resembling

what is distinguished by the term of the Madúra hat in consequence

of its being still worn by the Madúra family, and that of the Sultan

having a golden _garúda_ affixed at the back, and two wings of gold

extending from behind the ears. They both wear breeches, stockings, and

buckles, after the European fashion.

The _jámang_ or golden plate, which was worn over the forehead, as well

as a variety of golden ornaments round the neck and arms, and which

formerly formed the most splendid part of the costume, are now disused;

except at marriages, or in dramatic or other entertainments, when

the ancient costume of the country is exhibited in all its rich and

gorgeous variety.

The following picture of a Javan beauty, taken from one of the most

popular poems of the country, will serve better than any description

of mine, to place before the reader the standard of female elegance

and perfection in the island, and to convey an accurate idea of the

personal decorations on nuptial occasions, in dances and dramatic

exhibitions; it will at the same time afford a representation of

what may be considered to have formed the full dress of a female of

distinction, before the innovations of Mahometanism and the partial

introduction of the European fashions. The extravagant genius of

eastern poetry may perhaps be best employed in portraying such

fantastic images, or celebrating such extraordinary tastes.

"Her face was fair and bright as the moon, and it expressed all that

was lovely. The beauty of _Ráden Pútri_ far excelled even that of the

_widadári Déwi Ráti_: she shone bright even in the dark, and she was

without defect or blemish.

"So clear and striking was her brightness, that it flashed to the sky

as she was gazed at: the lustre of the sun was even dimmed in her

presence, for she seemed to have stolen from him his refulgence. So

much did she excel in beauty, that it is impossible to describe it.

"Her shape and form were nothing wanting, and her hair when loosened

hung down to her feet, waving in dark curls: the short front hairs

were turned with regularity as a fringe, her forehead resembling the

_chendána_ stone. Her eyebrows were like two leaves of the _ímbo_ tree;

the outer angle of the eye acute and slightly extended; the ball of the

eye full, and the upper eyelash slightly curling upwards.

"Tears seemed floating in her eye, but started not. Her nose was sharp

and pointed; her teeth black as the _kómbang_; her lips the colour

of the newly cut _mangústin_ shell. Her teeth regular and brilliant;

her cheeks in shape like the fruit of the _dúren_; the lower part of

the cheek slightly protruding. Her ears in beauty like the _giánti_

flowers, and her neck like unto the young and graceful _gádung_ leaf.

"Her shoulders even, like the balance of golden scales; her chest open

and full; her breasts like ivory, perfectly round and inclining to each

other. Her arms ductile as a bow; her fingers long and pliant, and

tapering like thorns of the forest. Her nails like pearls; her skin

bright yellow; her waist formed like the _pátram_ when drawn from its

sheath; her hips as the reversed _límas_ leaf.

"Like unto the _púdak_ flower when hanging down its head, was the shape

of her leg; her foot flat with the ground; her gait gentle and majestic

like that of the elephant. Thus beautiful in person, she was clothed

with a _chíndi patóla_ of a green colour, fastened round the waist

with a golden _lúlut_ or cestus: her outer garment being of the _méga

mendúng (dark clouded)_ pattern. Her _kémban (upper garment)_ was of

the pattern _jing'gomosi_, edged with lace of gold; on her finger she

wore a ring, the production of the sea, and her ear-rings were of the

pattern _nóto bróngto_.

"On the front of the ear-studs were displayed the beauties of the

_segára múnchar_ pattern (_emeralds encircled by rubies and diamonds_),

and she bound up her hair in the first fashion, fastening it with the

_glúng (knot) bobokóran_, and decorating it with the green _chámpaca_

flower, and also with the _gámbir, meláti_, and _mínor_ flowers; and in

the centre of it she fixed a golden pin, with a red jewel on the top,

and a golden flower ornamented with emeralds. Her necklace was composed

of seven kinds of precious stones, and most brilliant to behold; and

she was highly perfumed, without it being possible to discover from

whence the scent was produced.

"Her _jámang (tiara or head ornament)_ was of the fashion _sódo sáler_

and richly chased; her bracelets were of the pattern _glang-kána_, and

suited the _jámang_. Thus was the beauty of her person heightened and

adorned by the splendour of her dress."

* * * * *

To this we may add, from one of the popular versions of the work called

_Jáya Langkárá_ the notions which the Javans have of the virtues,

beauties, and dress, that should adorn a young man of family.

"In a youth of noble birth there are seven points which should strike

the observer, and these are indispensable. In the first place,

he should be of good descent; in the second, he should possess

understanding; in the third, he should know how to conduct himself.

In the fourth place, he recollects what he learns in the _sástras_;

in the fifth, his views must be enlarged; in the sixth, he must

be religious; in the seventh, he must exert the qualifications he

possesses unhesitatingly. These are the seven points which must strike

the immediate attention of the observer.

"In his heart and mind he must be quiet and tranquil. He should be able

to repress his inclinations, and to be silent when necessary: never

should he on any account tell a falsehood. He should not think long

concerning property, neither should he fear death: in his devotions he

should be free from pride, and he should relieve the distressed.

"It should be observed by all, that whatever he undertakes is quickly

executed. He should quietly penetrate other men's thoughts and

intentions; his inquiries should be discreet, intelligent, and active.

Whenever he meets with an able man, he should attach himself to him

as a friend, and never leave him till he has drawn all his knowledge

from him; and in whatever he does, his actions should be rather what is

generally approved, than the result of his mere will.

"As long as he lives he must continue to thirst after more knowledge;

and he must constantly guard his own conduct, that men may not say it

is bad. His recollection should be clear and distinct, his speech mild

and gentle; so that people's hearts may be softened, and possessing

these qualifications his dependants may praise him.

"His appearance and stature should not be deficient. The light of his

countenance should be sweet, like that of _Batára Asmára (the god of

love)_ when he descends to the earth. When men look upon him, they

should be struck with the idea, 'how great would he not be in war!'

In the form of his body no part should be ill shaped. His skin should

be like unto virgin gold before it has undergone the process of fire;

his head rather large; his hair straight and long. His eyes watery and

ready to overflow; his brows like the _ímbo_ leaf; his eyelash like the

_tánjung_ flower; his nose sharp and prominent, with but little hair

above the upper lip; his lips like the newly cut _mangústin_ shell; his

teeth as if painted, shining and black like the _kómbang_; his breast

and shoulders wide.

"A bright circle should irradiate his face and breast, and he should

stand unrivalled. Whatever he says should make an impression on all who

hear him, and his speech should be playful and agreeable.

"He should wear the _chelána chíndi_, with a dark green _dódot_ of the

pattern _gádong-eng'úkup_; his sash of golden lace. His _krís_ should

have the sheath of the _sátrían_ fashion, and the handle should be that

of _túng'gáksmi_. The _súmping (an imitation of flowers or leaves which

hang over the ear)_ should be of gold, and of the fashion _súreng páti

(brave to death)_; and on his right thumb (_palgúna_) he should at the

same time wear a golden ring."

* * * * *

In common with the Sumatrans, and other inhabitants of the Archipelago

and southern part of the peninsula, both sexes of all ranks have

the custom of filing and blackening the teeth, it being considered

as disgraceful to allow them to remain "white like a dog's." The

operation is performed when the children are about eight or nine years

of age, and is a very painful one. The object is to make the front

teeth concave, and by filing away the enamel, to render them better

adapted for receiving the black dye. This extraordinary and barbarous

custom tends to destroy the teeth at an early age, and with the use

of tobacco, _síri_, and lime, which are continually chewed, generally

greatly disfigures the mouth. The Javans, however, do not file away

the teeth so much as is usual with some of the other islanders; nor do

they set them in gold, as is the case with the Sumatrans. Neither do

they distend the lobe of the ear, to that enormous extent practised

on _Báli_ and elsewhere, and which is observed in the representations

of _Búdh_. This has been discontinued since the introduction of

Mahomedanism.

Compared with the western Asiatics, the Javans have but few prejudices

regarding food. They are Mahomedans, and consequently abstain rigidly

from swine's flesh, and commonly from inebriating liquors; and some

few families, from the remains of a superstition which has descended

to them from their Hindu ancestors, will not eat of the flesh of the

bull or cow; but with these exceptions, there are few articles which

come amiss to them. They live principally upon vegetable food, and

rice is on Java, what it is throughout Asia, the chief article of

subsistence; but fish, flesh, and fowl are likewise daily served up at

their meals, according to the circumstances of the parties. With fish

they are abundantly supplied; and what cannot be consumed while fresh,

is salted, or dried, and conveyed into the inland provinces. They do

not eat of the turtle or other amphibious animals, but none of the fish

known to Europeans are objected to by them. The flesh of the buffalo,

the ox, the deer, the goat, and various kinds of poultry, are daily

exposed for sale in their markets, and are of very general consumption.

The flesh of the horse is also highly esteemed by the common people;

but the killing of horses for food is generally prohibited, except when

maimed or diseased. The hide of the buffalo is cut into slices, soaked,

and fried as a favourite dish. The flesh of the deer, dried and smoked,

is well known throughout the Malayan Archipelago, under the term

_dinding_, and is an article in high request on Java.

The dairy forms no part of domestic economy of Java, neither milk

itself, nor any preparation from it, being prized or used by the

natives: a circumstance very remarkable, considering that they were

undoubtedly Hindus at one period of their history; and that, if so

essential an article of food had once been introduced, it is probable

it would always have been cherished. No good reason seems to be

assigned for their indifference to milk; except perhaps the essential

one, that the cows of Java afford but a very scanty supply of that

secretion. The udder of a Javan cow is sometimes not larger than

that of a sheep, and seems to afford but a bare subsistence for the

calf; yet the buffalo gives a larger quantity, and butter or _ghee_

might equally be prepared from it. The cows of the Indian breed are

distinguished by a hump between the shoulders and a larger udder; and

it has been found that the secretion of milk can be increased, as it

is observed that where particular care has been taken by Europeans

even of the Javan cows, they have in a short time afforded double the

usual quantity. It has been conjectured, that on the introduction of

the Indian breed by the Hindu colonists, the use of milk was forbidden,

in order that the number of cattle might more rapidly increase; but

the Javans have no tradition to this effect. It is however remarkable,

that an absolute aversion to this aliment exists on that part of the

continent of Asia, in which many popular usages are found similar

to those of the east insular nations. In a recent publication it is

stated of the people between Siam and China, who are not, by the bye,

very nice in what they eat, "qu'ils ne se permettent pas le lait des

animaux, et qu'ils ont pour cette boisson la répugnance que peut

inspirer la boisson du sang. Cette répugnance va même jusqu'à exclure

du nombre de ses alimens le beurre et le fromage[44]."

Salt is obtained in abundance throughout every part of the island,

but being manufactured on the coast, is proportionally higher in

price in the inland districts. The sugar used by the natives is not

prepared from the sugar-cane, but from the áren and other palms. It

is manufactured by the simple process of boiling down the _tári_, or

liquor which exudes from these trees, which are tapped for the purpose.

None of the palms of Java furnish the worms which are employed for food

in other eastern countries, but similar worms are found in various

kinds of _rótan_, _sólak_, &c. which are considered as dainties, not

only by the natives, but by the Chinese and by some Europeans: they are

called _géndon_. Worms of various species, but all equally esteemed as

articles of food, are found in the teak and other trees. White ants, in

their different states, are one of the most common articles of food in

particular districts: they are collected in different ways, and sold

generally in the public markets. Their extensive nests are opened to

take out the chrysalis; or they are watched, and swarms of the perfect

insect are conducted into basins or trays containing a little water,

where they soon perish: they are called _láron_.

The cooking utensils are, as might be supposed, of the most simple

kind, and either of coarse pottery or copper. Rice, after several

poundings in a trough or mortar, is generally dressed by steam, though

not unfrequently boiled in a small quantity of water. In the former

case, it is remarkable for its whiteness and consistency when dressed;

and in this state it is publicly exposed for sale in the markets and

along the high roads. Indian corn is usually roasted in the ear, and

offered for sale in the same manner. Other aliments are for the most

part prepared in the manner of curry, termed by the _Maláyus gulai_:

of these they have almost an endless variety, distinguished according

to the principal ingredients. Besides what may be considered as the

principal dishes, they excel in a variety of preparations of pastry and

sweetmeats (particularly of the _kétan_), of which many are by no means

unpleasant to an European palate. They are fond of colouring their

pastry, as well as other articles of their food. They occasionally make

their rice yellow and brown, and even turn their boiled eggs red for

variety.

Black pepper, as among the _Maláyus_, is scarcely ever used, on account

of its supposed heating quality. The most common seasoning employed

to give a relish to their insipid food, is the _lombok_; triturated

with salt, it is called _sámbel_, both by the _Maláyus_ and Javans,

and this condiment is indispensable and universal. It is of different

kinds, according to the substances added to increase or diversify its

strength or pungency; the most common addition is _trási_, denominated

by the _Maláyus, bláchang_. The name _lálab_ is given to various leaves

and kernels, mostly eaten raw with rice and _sámbel_: many of these

substances possess a pungency and odour intolerable to Europeans.

If several vegetables are mixed together, and prepared by boiling,

they constitute what is called _jang'an_, or greens for the table,

of which there are several distinctions. The various legumes are of

great importance in the diet of the natives. _Padomóro_, _pin'dang_,

and _semúr_, are dishes to which the flesh of the buffalo or fowls

is added, and which resemble the Indian curry. _Rújak_ is prepared

from unripe mangos and other fruits, which, being grated, receive the

addition of capsicum and other spices, and thus constitutes a favourite

dish with the natives, though very disagreeable to Europeans.

The Chinese prepare from the _gédelé_ a species of soy, somewhat

inferior to that brought from Japan. The _káchang-iju_ is highly useful

as a general article of diet, and is a good substitute for various

legumes, which form the common nourishment of the continental Indians:

it contains much farinaceous matter. _Trási_ or _bláchang_ is prepared

in many situations along the northern coast, but is mostly required for

the consumption of the interior. It is prepared from prawns or shrimps,

and extensive fisheries for the purpose are established in many parts

of the coast. The shrimps being taken, are strewed with salt, and

exposed to the sun till dry; they are then pounded in wooden mortars,

dressed, and formed into masses resembling large cheeses: in this state

they constitute an article of trade, and are distributed through the

country. The putrescent fluid remaining after the expression strongly

impregnated with the odour of the shrimps, is evaporated to the

consistence of a jelly, and affords a favourite sauce called _pétis_.

An inferior kind of _trási_ is prepared from small fish, and, when made

into the form of small balls, is called _blények. Trási blúro_ is of a

reddish colour, and much esteemed at the native capitals. Another kind

of _pétis_ is prepared from the flesh of the buffalo, chiefly in the

interior districts.

Salted eggs are also an important article in the diet of the Javans.

The eggs of ducks being most abundant, are chiefly preserved in this

way. The eggs are enveloped in a thick covering made of a mixture of

salt and ashes in equal parts, or salt and pounded bricks, and being

wrapped each in a large leaf, they are placed on one another in a tub,

or large earthen vessel. In ten days they are fit for use; but they are

generally kept longer in the mixture, and, being thoroughly impregnated

with salt, can be kept many months. In some districts, the eggs of the

Muscovy duck are particularly employed for the purpose.

In preparing their food, the Javans may be considered to observe the

same degree of cleanliness which is usual with Asiatics in general; and

in point of indulgence of appetite, they may be, perhaps, placed about

midway between the abstemious Hindu and the unscrupulous Chinese. In

a country where vegetation is luxuriant, and cultivation is already

considerably advanced, it follows that there must be an abundant supply

for a people who subsist principally on vegetable productions; and

it may be asserted, that, except where the manifest oppressions of

government, or the effects of civil discord, for the moment deprive

the labourer of his just reward, there are few countries where the

mass of the population are so well fed as on Java. There are few of

the natives who cannot obtain their _káti_, or pound and a quarter of

rice a day, with fish, greens, and salt, if not other articles, to

season their meal. Where rice is less abundant, its place is supplied

by maize or Indian corn, or the variety of beans which are cultivated;

and even should a family be driven into the woods, they would still be

able to obtain a bare subsistence from the numerous nutritious roots,

shoots, and leaves, with which the forests abound. Famine is unknown;

and although partial failures of the crop may occur, they are seldom

so extensive as to be generally felt by the whole community. Thus

abundantly supplied, the Javans seem by no means inclined to reject the

bounties of Providence: they are always willing to partake of a hearty

meal, and seldom have occasion to make a scanty one. Yet among them

a glutton is a term of reproach, and to be notoriously fond of good

living is sufficient to attach this epithet to any one.

The Javans, except where respect to Europeans dictates a different

practice, eat their meals off the ground. A mat kept for the purpose

is laid on the floor, which, when the meal is over, is again carefully

rolled up, with the same regularity as the table-cloth in Europe; and

a plate of rice being served up to each person present, the whole

family or party sit down to partake of the meal in a social manner. A

principal dish, containing the _sámbel_, _jángan_, or other more highly

seasoned preparation, is then handed round, or placed in the centre of

the company, from which each person adds what he thinks proper to the

allowance of rice before him.

Water is the principal and almost exclusive beverage, and, among

people of condition, it is invariably boiled first, and generally drunk

warm. Some are in the habit of flavouring the water with cinnamon and

other spices; but tea, when it can be procured, is drunk by all classes

at intervals during the day.

On occasions of festivals and parties, when many of the chiefs

are assembled, the dishes are extremely numerous and crowded; and

hospitality being a virtue which the Javans carry almost to an

excess, due care is taken that the dependants and retainers are

also duly provided for. These, particularly in the highlands of the

_Súnda_ districts, where the people are furthest removed from foreign

intercourse, and the native manners are consequently better preserved,

are arranged in rows at intervals, according to their respective ranks;

the first in order sitting at the bottom of the hall, and the lowest

at some distance without, where each is carefully supplied with a

bountiful proportion of the feast: thus exhibiting, in the mountainous

districts of Java, an example of rude hospitality, and union of the

different gradations of society in the same company, similar to that

which prevailed in the Highlands of Scotland some centuries ago,

where, it is said, "those of inferior description were, nevertheless,

considered as guests, and had their share, both of the entertainment

and of the good cheer of the day."

It is at these parties that the chiefs sometimes indulge in

intoxicating liquors, but the practice is not general; and the use of

wine, which has been introduced among them by the Dutch, is in most

instances rather resorted to from respect to Europeans, than from any

attachment to the bottle.

The Javans have universally two meals in the day; one just before noon,

and one between seven and eight o'clock in the evening: the former,

which is the principal meal, corresponding with the European dinner,

and distinguished by the term _mángán-áwan_, or the day meal; the

latter, termed _mángán wéngé_, or evening meal. They have no regular

meal corresponding with the European breakfast; but those who go abroad

early in the morning, usually partake of a basin of coffee and some

rice cakes before they quit their homes, or purchase something of the

kind at one of the numerous _wárongs_, or stalls, which line the public

roads, and are to the common people as so many coffee or eating-houses

would be to the European; rice, coffee, cakes, boiled rice, soups,

ready dressed meats and vegetables, being at all times exposed in them.

What is thus taken by the Javans in the morning to break the fast, is

considered as a whet, and termed sarap.

By the custom of the country, good food and lodging are ordered to be

provided for all strangers and travellers arriving at a village; and

in no country are the rights of hospitality more strictly enjoined

by institutions, or more conscientiously and religiously observed

by custom and practice. "It is not sufficient," say the Javan

institutions, "that a man should place good food before his guest;

he is bound to do more: he should render the meal palatable by kind

words and treatment, to soothe him after his journey, and to make his

heart glad while he partakes of the refreshment." This is called _bójo

krómo_, or real hospitality.

The chewing of betel-leaf (_síri_), and the areka-nut (_pínang_), as

well as of tobacco (_tambáko_), and _gámbir_, is common to all classes.

The _síri_ and _pínang_ are used much in the same manner as by the

natives of India in general. These stimulants are considered nearly as

essential to their comfort, as salt is among Europeans. The commonest

labourer contrives to procure at least tobacco, and generally _síri_;

and if he cannot afford a _síri_ box, a small supply will be usually

found in the corner of his handkerchief. Cardamums and cloves compose

part of the articles in the síri box of a person of condition.

The inhabitants of Java, as a nation, must be accounted sober; although

Europeans, in order to serve their own purposes, by inducing some

of the chiefs to drink wine to excess, have succeeded, to a certain

extent, in corrupting the habits of some individuals in this respect.

Two kinds of fermented liquor are however prepared by the Javans,

called _bádek_ and _bróm_: the former from rice; the latter almost

exclusively from _kétan_ or glutinous rice. In making _bádek_, the rice

previously boiled is stewed with a ferment called _rági_, consisting

of onions, black pepper, and capsicum, and mixed up into small cakes,

which are daily sold in the markets. After frequent stirring, the

mixture is rolled into balls, which are piled upon each other in a

high earthen vessel, and when fermentation has commenced the _bádek_

exudes and is collected at the bottom. The remaining rice, strongly

impregnated with the odour of fermentation, has a sweetish taste, and

is daily offered for sale in the markets as a dainty, under the name

of _tapé_. _Bádek_ is, in comparison with _bróm_, a simple liquor,

producing only slight intoxication: it is often administered to

children to dislodge worms from the intestines. In making _bróm_, the

_kétan_ is boiled in large quantities, and being stewed with _rági_,

remains exposed in open tubs till fermentation takes place, when the

liquor is poured off into close earthen vessels. It is generally buried

in the earth for several months, by which the process of fermentation

is checked and the strength of the liquor increased: sometimes it is

concentrated by boiling. The colour is brown, red, or yellow, according

to the kind of _kétan_ employed. _Bróm_, which has been preserved for

several years, is highly esteemed among the natives, constituting a

powerful spirit, which causes violent intoxication followed by severe

head-ache in persons not accustomed to its use. The substance that

remains after separation is a deadly poison to fowls, dogs, and various

other animals. Arrack is prepared by distillation: an inferior kind,

made in a more simple and economical manner, is called _chiu_. Both

are prepared by the Chinese, and a particular account of the method

employed will be found under another head[45]. A kind of small beer

is made at _Súra-kérta_ in a mode similar to the European process of

brewing, by exciting fermentation in a solution of Javan sugar, with

several spices and the leaves of the _pári_ instead of hops. When

fresh, the liquor is sprightly, and not unpleasant to the taste; but it

cannot be preserved longer than four or five days.

The use of opium, it must be confessed and lamented, has struck deep

into the habits, and extended its malignant influence to the morals

of the people, and is likely to perpetuate its power in degrading

their character and enervating their energies, as long as the European

government, overlooking every consideration of policy and humanity,

shall allow a paltry addition to their finances to outweigh all regard

to the ultimate happiness and prosperity of the country. It is either

eaten in its crude state as _mánta_, or smoked as _mádat_ or _chándu_.

In the preparation of _mádat_, the crude opium is boiled down with

the leaves of tobacco, _síri_, or the like, and used in a sticky or

somewhat liquid state. In _chándu_, the opium is merely boiled down

without any admixture, to a still thicker consistency, and rolled into

small balls or pills, in which state, when dry, they are inserted

into _bámbus_, and thus smoked. The crude opium is eaten principally

by the people in the interior of the country, in the provinces of

the native princes: the opium prepared for smoking is used along the

coast, and generally in the other islands of the Archipelago; it is

prepared by the Chinese. The use of opium, however, though carried

to a considerable extent, is still reckoned disgraceful, and persons

addicted to it are looked upon as abandoned characters, and despised

accordingly. The effects of this poison on the human frame are so

well described by the Dutch commissioners who sat at the Hague in

1803, and who much to their honour declared, "that no consideration

of pecuniary advantage ought to weigh with the European government in

allowing its use," that together with the opinion of Mr. Hogendorp,

who concurred with them, I shall insert their statement here. The wish

to do justice to authorities, whose views were so creditable to their

country and their own character, and the importance of their opinion to

an extensive population, will plead an apology for the length of the

extract which I now present.

"The opium trade," observe the Commissioners, "requires likewise

attention. The English in Bengal have assumed an exclusive right to

collect the same, and they dispose of a considerable number of chests

containing that article annually at Calcutta by public auction. It

is much in demand on the Malay coast, at Sumatra, Java, and all

the islands towards the east and north, and particularly in China,

although the use thereof is confined to the lower classes. The effect

which it produces on the constitution is different, and depends on

the quantity that is taken, or on other circumstances. If used with

moderation, it causes a pleasant, yet always somewhat intoxicating

sensation, which absorbs all care and anxiety. If a large quantity

is taken, it produces a kind of madness, of which the effects are

dreadful, especially when the mind is troubled by jealousy, or inflamed

with a desire of vengeance or other violent passions. At all times it

leaves a slow poison, which undermines the faculty of the soul and

the constitution of the body, and renders a person unfit for all kind

of labour and an image of the brute creation. The use of opium is so

much more dangerous, because a person who is once addicted to it can

never leave it off. To satisfy that inclination, he will sacrifice

every thing, his own welfare, the subsistence of his wife and children,

and neglect his work. Poverty is the natural consequence, and then it

becomes indifferent to him by what means he may content his insatiable

desire after opium; so that, at last, he no longer respects either the

property or life of his fellow-creature.

"If here we were to follow the dictates of our own heart only, and what

moral doctrine and humanity prescribe, no law, however severe, could

be contrived, which we would not propose, to prevent at least that in

future, no subjects of this Republic, or of the Asiatic possessions of

the state, should be disgraced by trading in that abominable poison.

Yet we consider this as absolutely impracticable at present with

respect to those places not subject to the state. Opium is one of the

most profitable articles of eastern commerce: as such it is considered

by our merchants; and if the navigation to those parts is opened to

them (which the interest of the state forcibly urges), it is impossible

to oppose trading in the same. In this situation of affairs, therefore,

we are rather to advise, that general leave be given to import opium at

Malacca, and to allow the exportation from thence to Borneo and all the

eastern parts _not_ in the possession of the state."

"Opium," says Mr. Hogendorp, "is a slow though certain poison, which

the Company, in order to gain money, sells to the poor Javans. Any one

who is once enslaved to it, cannot, it is true, give it up without

great difficulty; and if its use were entirely prohibited, some few

persons would probably die for want of it, who would otherwise languish

on a little longer: but how many would by that means be saved for

the future. Most of the crimes, particularly murders, that are now

committed, may be imputed to opium as the original cause.

"Large sums of money are every year carried out of the country in

exchange for it, and enrich our competitors, the English. Much of

it is smuggled into the interior, which adds to the evil. In short,

the trade in opium is one of the most injurious and most shameful

things which disgrace the present government of India. It is therefore

necessary at once, and entirely, to abolish the trade and importation

of opium, and to prohibit the same, under the severest penalties that

the law permits, since it is a poison. The smuggling of it will then

become almost impracticable, and the health, and even the lives of

thousands, will be preserved. The money alone which will remain in the

country in lieu of it, is more valuable as being in circulation, than

the profit which the Company now derives from the sale of it.

"This measure will excite no discontent among the Javans, for the

princes and regents, with very few exceptions, do not consume any

opium, but, as well as the most respectable of their subjects, look

upon it as disgraceful. The use of opium is even adduced as an

accusation of bad conduct, and considered as sufficient cause for the

removal or banishment of a petty chief."

FOOTNOTES:

[34] Asiatic Researches, vol. v. page 219, octavo edition.

[35] See Marsden's Sumatra.

[36] The Javan mode of taking account of population is by the number

of chácha, or "families," as it is usually rendered, though the word

strictly means "enumeration." When the sovereign assigns lands, it is

not usual for him to express the extent of land, but the number of

chácha attached to it. But as the population of the land so granted

varies, the original expression becomes inaccurate. In the native

provinces, the number of cháchas reckoned is almost invariably less

than the number actually existing, a clear proof, if the original

census was correct, that in those provinces population has increased.

An account of the number of cháchas was taken some few years back by

the Sultan of Yúgya-kérta, with a view to a new distribution of the

lands; but the measure was very unpopular, and no accurate results

were obtained. The Dutch relied entirely upon this loose system of

enumeration.

[37] This includes the Population of _Pachítan_, under the European

government, amounting to about 22,000.

[38] This does not include the dependent islands, on which a

considerable portion of the population is scattered.

[39] Colquhoun's Statistical Account of Great Britain.

[40] Valentyn.

[41] The grandfather of the present Prince _Prang Wedóno_.

[42] It is remarked in the text, that the condition of the slaves

on Java is very different from that of the same class in the West

Indies. The former are employed rather as administering to the luxuries

than the necessities of their proprietors; and, with few exceptions,

exclusively for domestic purposes. There are some who having taught

their slaves when young to embroider, or exercise some useful

handicraft or trade, obtain a livelihood by means of their services,

and some few employ their slaves on their estates, or let them out

to hire; but the general condition of the slaves is that of domestic

servants.

The regulations and colonial statutes respecting slavery seem to

have been framed on the principles of humanity, and with attention

to the genius of the Christian religion; yet, in consequence of

the supplementary force of the Roman law in the Dutch system of

legislature, there appeared to be one capital defect in the code,

_viz._ that a slave was considered as a real property, incapable of

personal rights, from which consideration the ill-treatment of a

master towards his slave was not so much estimated on the principle

of personal injury, as that of a proprietor abusing his own property;

and although a slave, under such a system, might obtain a portion of

property for himself with the consent of his master, his possession was

always precarious, and depended on the discretion of his proprietor (in

the same manner as a _peculium adventitium_ with the Romans), becoming

only the unlimited property of the slave, if the master allowed him to

keep it after his emancipation.

It was conceived, that considering the civil law only as a supplement

to the positive law, continued in force on Java under the proclamation

of the Earl of Minto of 11th September 1811, the code respecting

slavery might, together with the other parts of legislation, be amended

and established, on principles more consistent with humanity and good

sense, by a declaration, that slaves in future should not be considered

as objects of real property, but as objects possessing personal rights,

and bound only to unlimited service; and that, in consequence thereof,

slaves should never be transferred from one master to another, without

their own consent given before witnesses or a notary. That a master

should possess no other power over his slave, than to exact service in

an equitable manner; that he should inflict no corporal chastisement on

him after he had attained a certain age, nor beyond such a degree as

would be given to his children or common apprentices; that all personal

wrongs done to a slave, either by his master or by others, should be

estimated by the common rules of personal injuries, and not by the

principle of a proprietor abusing his own property; that the punishment

for murder committed by a master on his slave, should be the same as

that of murder committed on a free person; that every slave should

have a right to acquire property of his own, by his private industry

or labour, or by the bounty of others; that this property should never

be removeable at the discretion of the master; that by this property

the slave should always have a right to redeem his liberty, after

having continued with his master for the term of seven years, and on

paying the sum which, on estimation, subject to the approval of the

magistrate, should at the time be thought an adequate equivalent for

his personal services.

These fundamental alterations in the code were submitted by the local

government to a higher authority, at a period when the principal

proprietors evinced a concurrence in the measure; but the provisional

tenure of the government, and the expectation of the early transfer of

the island to the crown, induced a delay, until the re-establishment of

Holland as a kingdom precluded the adoption of so essential a change.

The excuse offered by the colonists for the origin and continuance of

slavery on Java is, that on the first establishment of the Dutch in the

Eastern Islands, there did not exist, as in Western India, a class of

people calculated for domestic service; that they had, in consequence,

to create a class of domestic servants, in doing which they adopted the

plan of rearing children in their families from other countries, in

preference to those in their immediate neighbourhood, who, from their

connexions and the habits of their relatives, could never be depended

upon. Whether necessity dictated this system in the earlier periods

of the Dutch establishment, or not, is at least doubtful; but it is

certain that this necessity no longer exists, nor is there the shadow

of an excuse for continuing on Java this odious traffic and condition.

The Javans, during the residence of the British on Java, have been

found perfectly trustworthy, faithful, and industrious; and the demand

was alone wanting in this, as in most cases, to create a sufficient

supply of competent domestics. The continuance of the traffic for one

day longer serves but to lower the European in the eyes of the native,

who, gratified with the measures adopted by the British government in

its suppression, stands himself pure of the foul sin. To the credit

of the Javan character, and the honour of the individual, it should

be known, that when the proclamation of the British government was

published, requiring the registration of all slaves, and declaring

that such as were not registered by a certain day should be entitled

to their emancipation, the Panámbahan of Súmenap, who had inherited

in his family domestic slaves to the number of not less than fifty,

proudly said, "Then I will not register my slaves--they shall be free:

hitherto they have been kept such, because it was the custom, and the

Dutch liked to be attended by slaves when they visited the palace;

but as that is not the case with the British, they shall cease to be

slaves: for long have I felt shame, and my blood has run cold, when I

have reflected on what I once saw at Batavia and Semárang, where human

beings were exposed for public sale, placed on a table, and examined

like sheep and oxen."

The short administration of the British government on Java has

fortunately given rise to another class of domestic servants. The

numerous officers of the army, and others whose funds did not admit,

or whose temporary residence did not require a permanent establishment

of servants, for the most part usually took Javans into their service;

and though these might in the first instance, not be so well acquainted

with European habits, as slaves who had been brought up from their

infancy in Dutch families, yet they gradually improved, and were,

in the end, for the most part very generally preferred. Let not,

therefore, necessity be again urged as a plea for continuing the

traffic.

The measures actually adopted by the British government may be summed

up in a few words. The importation was, in the first instance,

restricted within a limited age, and the duty on importation doubled.

An annual registry of all slaves above a certain age was taken, and

slaves not registered within a certain time declared free. A fee of one

Spanish dollar was demanded for the registry of each slave, the amount

of which constituted a fund for the relief of widows and orphans. On

the promulgation of the act of the British legislature, declaring

the further traffic in slaves to be felony, that act, with all its

provisions, was at once made a colonial law. Masters were precluded

from sending their slaves to be confined in jail at their pleasure, as

had hitherto been the case, and all committals were required to be made

through the magistrates, in the same manner as in the case of other

offenders.

These general regulations, with the more rigid enforcement of the

prohibition of further importations, and of such parts of the code

of regulations for ameliorating the condition of the slaves as had

become obsolete, were all to which the local government felt itself

competent; but it gave its sanction to an institution set on foot by

the English, and joined in by many of the Dutch inhabitants, which took

for its basis the principles of the African Institution, and directed

its immediate care to a provision for the numerous slaves restored to

liberty.

[43] Called by the Maláyus _kain pánjang_ or _kain lepás_.

[44] Exposé Statistique du Tonquin, &c. vol. i. p. 126.

[45] Chapter IV. Manufactures.

The History of Java, v. 1-2 · 第 4 / 29 章