Renaissance in France and the Renaissance in Italy is one of
time. Roughly speaking it may be said that France was a
hundred years behind Italy. ... But if the French Renaissance
was a later and less rapid growth, it was infinitely hardier.
The Renaissance literature in Italy was succeeded by a long
period of darkness, which remained unbroken, save by fitful
gleams of light, till the days of Alfieri. The Renaissance
literature in France was the prelude to a literature, which,
for vigour, variety, and average excellence, has in modern
times rarely, if ever, been surpassed. The reason for this
superiority on the part of France, for the fact that the
Renaissance produced there more abiding and more far-reaching
results, may be ascribed partly to the natural law that
precocious and rapid growths are always less hardy than later
and more gradual ones, partly to the character of the French
nation, to its being at once more intellectual and less
imaginative than the Italian, and therefore more influenced by
the spirit of free inquiry than by the worship of beauty;
partly to the greater unity and vitality of its political
life, but in a large measure to the fact that in France the
Renaissance came hand in hand with the Reformation. ... We
must look upon the Reformation as but a fresh development of
the Renaissance movement, as the result of the spirit of free
inquiry carried into theology, as a revolt against the
authority of the Roman Church. Now the Renaissance in Italy
preceded the Reformation by more than a century. There is no
trace in it of any desire to criticise the received theology.
... In France on the other hand the new learning and the new
religion, Greek and heresy, became almost controvertible
terms. Lefèvre d' Étaples, the doyen of French humanists,
translated the New Testament into French in 1524: the
Estiennes, the Hebrew scholar François Vatable, Turnèbe,
Ramus, the great surgeon Ambroise Paré, the artists Bernard
Palissy and Jean Goujon were all avowed protestants; while
Clement Marot, Budé, and above all Rabelais, for a time at
least, looked on the reformation with more or less favour. In
fact so long as the movement appeared to them merely as a
revolt against the narrowness and illiberality of monastic
theology, as an assertion of the freedom of the human
intellect, the men of letters and culture with hardly an
exception joined hands with the reformers. It was only when
they found that it implied a moral as well as an intellectual
regeneration, that it began to wear for some of them a less
congenial aspect. This close connexion between the Reformation
and the revival of learning was, on the whole, a great gain to
France. It was not as in Germany, where the stronger growth of
the Reformation completely choked the other. In France they
met on almost equal terms, and the result was that the whole
movement was thereby strengthened and elevated both
intellectually and morally. ... French humanism can boast of a
long roll of names honourable not only for their high
attainments, but also for their integrity and purity of life.
Robert Estienne, Turnèbe, Ramus, Cujas, the Chancellor de
l'Hôpital, Estienne Pasquier, Thou, are men whom any country
would be proud to claim for her sons. And as with the
humanists, so it was with the Renaissance generally in France.
On the whole it was a manly and intelligent movement. ... The
literature of the French Renaissance, though in point of form
it is far below that of the Italian Renaissance, in manliness
and vigour and hopefulness is far superior to it. It is in
short a literature, not of maturity, but of promise. One has
only to compare its greatest name, Rabelais, with the greatest
name of the Italian Renaissance, Ariosto, to see the
difference. How formless! how crude! how gross! how full of
cumbersome details and wearisome repetitions is Rabelais! How
limpid! how harmonious is Ariosto! what perfection of style,
what delicacy of touch! He never wearies us, he never offends
our taste. And yet one rises from the reading of Rabelais with
a feeling of buoyant cheerfulness, while Ariosto in spite of
his wit and gaiety is inexpressibly depressing. The reason is
that the one bids us hope, the other bids us despair; the one
believes in truth and goodness and in the future of the human
race, the other believes in nothing but the pleasures of the
senses, which come and go like many-coloured bubbles and leave
behind them a boundless ennui. Rabelais and Ariosto are true
types of the Renaissance as it appeared in their respective
countries."
_A. Tilley,
The Literature of the French Renaissance,
chapter 2._
FRANCE: A. D. 1501-1504.
Treaty of Louis XII. with Ferdinand of Aragon for the
partition of Naples.
French and Spanish conquest.
Quarrel of the confederates, and war.
The Spaniards in possession of the Neapolitan domain.
See ITALY: A. D. 1501-1504.
FRANCE: A. D. 1504.
Norman and Breton fishermen on the Newfoundland banks.
See NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1501-1578.
FRANCE: A. D. 1504-1506.
The treaties of Blois, with Ferdinand and Maximilian, and the
abrogation of them.
Relinquishment of claims on Naples.
See ITALY: A. D. 1504-1506.
FRANCE: A. D. 1507.
Revolt and subjugation of Genoa.
See GENOA: A. D. 1500-1507.
FRANCE: A. D. 1508-1509.
The League of Cambrai against Venice.
See VENICE: A. D. 1508-1509.
FRANCE: A. D. 1510-1513.
The breaking up of the League of Cambrai.
The Holy League formed by Pope Julius II. against Louis XII.
The French expelled from Milan and all Italy.
See ITALY: A. D. 1510-1513.
{1186}
FRANCE: A. D. 1513-1515.
English invasion under Henry VIII.
The Battle of the Spurs.
Marriage of Louis XII. with Mary of England.
The King's death.
Accession of Francis I.
"The long preparations of Henry VIII. of England for the
invasion of France [in pursuance of the 'Holy League' against
Louis XII., formed by Pope Julius II. and renewed by Leo
X.,--see ITALY: A. D. 1510-1513] being completed, that king,
in the summer of 1513, landed at Calais, whither a great part
of his army had already been transported. The offer of 100,000
golden crowns easily persuaded the Emperor to promise his
assistance, at the head of a body of Swiss and Germans. But at
the moment Henry was about to penetrate into France, he
received the excuses of Maximilian, who, notwithstanding a
large advance received from England, found himself unable to
levy the promised succours. Nothing disheartened by this
breach of faith, the King of England had already advanced into
Artois; when the Emperor, attended by a few German nobles,
appeared in the English camp, and was cordially welcomed by
Henry, who duly appreciated his military skill and local
knowledge. A valuable accession of strength was also obtained
by the junction of a large body of Swiss, who, encouraged by
the victory of Novara, had already crossed the Jura, and now
marched to the seat of war. The poverty of the Emperor
degraded him to the rank of a mercenary of England; and Henry
consented to grant him the daily allowance of 100 crowns for
his table. But humiliating as this compact was to Maximilian,
the King of England reaped great benefit from his presence. A
promiscuous multitude of Germans had flocked to the English
camp, in hopes of partaking in the spoil; and the arrival of
their valiant Emperor excited a burst of enthusiasm. The siege
of Terouenne was formed: but the bravery of the besieged
baffled the efforts of the allies; and a month elapsed, during
which the English sustained severe loss from frequent and
successful sorties. By the advice of the Emperor, Henry
resolved to risk a battle with the French, and the plain of
Guinegate was once more the field of conflict [August 18,
1513]. This spot, where Maximilian had formerly struck terror
into the legions of Louis XI., now became the scene of a rapid
and undisputed victory. The French were surprised by the
allies, and gave way to a sudden panic; and the shameful
flight of the cavalry abandoned the bravest of their leaders
to the hands of their enemies. The Duke of Longueville, La
Palisse, Imbercourt, and the renowned Chevalier Bayard, were
made prisoners; and the ridicule of the conquerors
commemorated the inglorious flight by designating the rout as
the Battle of the Spurs. The capture of Terouenne immediately
followed; and the fall of Tournay soon afterwards opened a
splendid prospect to the King of England. Meanwhile the safety
of France was threatened in another quarter. A large body of
Swiss, levied in the name of Maximilian but paid with the gold
of the Pope, burst into Burgundy; and Dijon was with difficulty
saved from capture. From this danger, however, France was
extricated by the dexterous negotiation of Trémouille; and the
Swiss were induced to withdraw. ... Louis now became seriously
desirous of peace. He made overtures to the Pope, and was
received into favour upon consenting to renounce the Council
of Pisa. He conciliated the Kings of Aragon and England by
proposals of marriage; he offered his second daughter Renée to
the young Charles of Spain; and his second Queen, Anne of
Bretainy, being now dead, he proposed to unite himself with
Mary of England, the favourite sister of Henry. ... But though
peace was made upon this footing, the former of the projected
marriages never took place: the latter; however, was
magnificently solemnized, and proved fatal to Louis. The
amorous King forgot his advanced age in the arms of his young
and beautiful bride; his constitution gave way under the
protracted festivities consequent on his nuptials; and on the
1st of January, 1515, Louis XII. was snatched from his adoring
people, in his 53d year. He was succeeded by his kinsman and
son-in-law, Francis, Count of Angoulême, who stood next in
hereditary succession, and was reputed one of the most
accomplished princes that ever mounted the throne of France."
_Sir R. Comyn,
History of the Western Empire,
chapter 38 (volume 2)._
ALSO IN:
_J. S. Brewer,
The Reign of Henry VIII.,
chapter 1._
_L. von Ranke,
History of the Latin and Teutonic Nations
from 1494 to 1514,
book 2, chapter 4, sections 7-8._
FRANCE: A. D. 1515.
Accession of Francis I.
His invasion of Italy.
The Battle of Marignano.
"François I. was in his 21st year when he ascended the throne
of France. His education in all manly accomplishments was
perfect, and ... he manifested ... an intelligence which had
been carefully cultivated. ... Unfortunately his moral
qualities had been profoundly corrupted by the example of his
mother, Louise of Savoy, a clever and ambitious woman, but
selfish, unscrupulous, and above all shamelessly licentious.
Louise had been an object of jealousy to Anne of Britany, who
had always kept her in the shade, and she now snatched eagerly
at the prospect of enjoying power and perhaps of reigning in
the name of her son, whose love for his mother led him to
allow her to exercise an influence which was often fatal to
the interests of his kingdom. ... Charles duke of Bourbon, who
was notoriously the favoured lover of Louise, was appointed to
the office of constable, which had remained vacant since 1488;
and one of her favourite ministers, Antoine Duprat, first
president of the parliament of Paris, was entrusted with the
seals. Both were men of great capacity; but the first was
remarkable for his pride, and the latter for his moral
depravity. The first cares of the new king of France were to
prepare for war. ... Unfortunately for his country, François
I. shared in the infatuation which had dragged his
predecessors into the wars in Italy; and all these warlike
preparations were designed for the reconquest of Milan. He had
already intimated his design by assuming at his coronation the
titles of king of France and duke of Milan. ... He entered
into an alliance with Charles of Austria, prince of Castile,
who had now reached his majority and assumed the government of
the Netherlands. ... A treaty between these two princes,
concluded on the 24th of March, 1515, guaranteed to each party
not only the estates they held or which might subsequently
descend to them, but even their conquests. ... The republic of
Venice and the king of England renewed the alliances into
which they had entered with the late king, but Ferdinand of
Aragon refused even to prolong the truce unless the whole of
Italy were included in it, and he entered into a separate
alliance with the emperor, the duke of Milan, and the Swiss,
to oppose the designs of the French king.
{1187}
The efforts of François I. to gain over the Swiss had been
defeated by the influence of the cardinal of Sion. Yet the
pope, Leo X., hesitated, and avoided compromising himself with
either party. In the course of the month of July [1515], the
most formidable army which had yet been led from France into
Italy was assembled in the district between Grenoble and
Embrun, and the king, after entrusting the regency to his
mother, Louise, with unlimited powers, proceeded to place
himself at its head."
_T. Wright,
History of France,
book 3, chapter 1 (volume 1)._
"The passes in Italy had already been occupied by the Swiss
under their captain general Galeazzo Visconti. Galeazzo makes
their number not more than 6,000. ... They were posted at
Susa, commanding the two roads from Mont Cenis and Geneva, by
one of which the French must pass or abandon their artillery.
In this perplexity it was proposed by Triulcio to force a
lower passage across the Cottian Alps leading to Saluzzo. The
attempt was attended with almost insurmountable difficulties.
... But the French troops with wonderful spirits and alacrity
... were not to be baffled. They dropped their artillery by
cables from steep to steep; down one range of mountains and up
another, until five days had been spent in this perilous
enterprise, and they found themselves safe in the plains of
Saluzzo. Happily the Swiss, secure in their position at Susa,
had never dreamed of the possibility of such a passage. ...
Prosper Colonna, who commanded in Italy for the Pope, was
sitting down to his comfortable dinner at Villa Franca, when a
scout covered with dust dashed into his apartment announcing
that the French had crossed the Alps. The next minute the town
was filled with the advanced guard, under the Sieur
d'Ymbercourt and the celebrated Bayard. The Swiss at Susa had
still the advantage of position, and might have hindered the
passage of the main body of the French; but they had no horse
to transport their artillery, were badly led, and evidently
divided in their councils. They retired upon Novara," and to
Milan, intending to effect a junction with the viceroy of
Naples, who advanced to Cremona. On the morning of the 13th of
September, Cardinal Scheimer harangued the Swiss and urged
them to attack the French in their camp, which was at
Marignano, or Melignano, twelve miles away. His fatal advice
was acted on with excitement and haste. "The day was hot and
dusty. The advanced guard of the French was under the command
of the Constable of Bourbon, whose vigilance defeated any
advantage the Swiss might otherwise have gained by the
suddenness and rapidity of their movements. At nine o'clock in
the morning, as Bourbon was sitting down at table, a scout,
dripping with water, made his appearance. He had left Milan
only a few hours before, had waded the canals, and came to
announce the approach of the enemy. ... The Swiss came on
apace; they had disencumbered themselves of their hats and
caps, and thrown off their shoes, the better to fight without
slipping. They made a dash at the French artillery, and were
foiled after hard fighting. ... It was an autumnal afternoon;
the sun had gone down; dust and night-fall separated and
confused the combatants. The French trumpets sounded a
retreat; both, armies crouched down in the darkness within
cast of a tennis-ball of each other. ... Where they fought,
there each man laid down to rest when darkness came on, within
hand-grip of his foe." The next morning, "the autumnal mist
crawled slowly away, and once more exposed the combatants to
each other's view. The advantage of the ground was on the side
of the French. They were drawn up in a valley protected by a
ditch full of water. Though the Swiss had taken no refreshment
that night, they renewed the fight with unimpaired animosity
and vigour. ... Francis, surrounded by a body of mounted
gentlemen, performed prodigies of valour. The night had given
him opportunity for the better arrangement of his troops; and
as the day wore on, and the sun grew hot, the Swiss, though
'marvellously deliberate, brave, and obstinate,' began to give
way. The arrival of the Venetian general, D'Alviano, with
fresh troops, made the French victory complete. But the Swiss
retreated inch by inch with the greatest deliberation,
carrying off their great guns on their shoulders. ... The
French were too exhausted to follow. And their victory had
cost them dear; for the Swiss, with peculiar hatred to the
French gentry and the lance-knights, had shown no mercy. They
spared none, and made no prisoners. The glory of the battle
was great. ... The Swiss, the best troops in Europe, and
hitherto reckoned invincible ... had been the terror and
scourge of Italy, equally formidable to friend and foe, and
now their prestige was extinguished. But it was not in these
merely military aspects that the battle of Marignano was
important. No one who reads the French chronicles of the
times, can fail to perceive that it was a battle of opinions
and of classes even more than of nations; of a fierce and
rising democratical element, now rolled back for a short
season, only to display itself in another form against royalty
and nobility;--of the burgher classes against feudality. ... The
old romantic element, overlaid for a time by the political
convulsions of the last century, had once more gained the
ascendant. It was to blaze forth and revive, before it died
out entirely, in the Sydneys and Raleighs of Queen Elizabeth's
reign; it was to lighten up the glorious imagination of
Spenser before it faded into the dull prose of Puritan
divinity, and the cold grey dawn of inductive philosophy. But
its last great battle was the battle of Marignano."
_J. S. Brewer,
The Reign of Henry VIII.,
volume 1, chapter 3._
ALSO IN:
_Miss Pardoe,
Court and Reign of Francis I.,
volume 1, chapters 6-7._
_L. Larchey,
History of Bayard,
book 3, chapters 1-2._
FRANCE: A. D. 1515-1518.
Francis I. in possession of Milan.
His treaties with the Swiss and the Pope.
Nullification of the Pragmatic Sanction of Charles VII.
The Concordat of Bologna.