BIOGRAPHICAL AND HISTORICAL (continued)
ṢUBḤ-I-EZEL (OR AZAL)
'He is a scion of one of the noble families of Persia. His father was
accomplished, wealthy, and much respected, and enjoyed the high
consideration of the King and nobles of Persia. His mother died when
he was a child. His father thereupon entrusted him to the keeping of
his honourable spouse, [Footnote: _NH_, pp. 374 _ff_.] saying, "Do
you take care of this child, and see that your handmaids attend to him
properly."' This 'honourable spouse' is, in the context, called 'the
concubine'--apparently a second wife is meant. At any rate her son was
no less honoured than if he had been the son of the chief or favourite
wife; he was named Ḥuseyn 'Ali, and his young half-brother was named
Yaḥya.
According to Mirza Jani, the account which the history contains was
given him by Mirza Ḥuseyn 'Ali's half-brother, who represents that
the later kindness of his own mother to the young child Yaḥya was
owing to a prophetic dream which she had, and in which the Apostle of
God and the King of Saintship figured as the child's protectors.
Evidently this part of the narrative is imaginative, and possibly it
is the work of Mirza Jani. But there is no reason to doubt that what
follows is based more or less on facts derived from Mirza Ḥuseyn
'Ali. 'I busied myself,' says the latter, 'with the instruction of
[Yaḥya]. The signs of his natural excellence and goodness of
disposition were apparent in the mirror of his being. He ever loved
gravity of demeanour, silence, courtesy, and modesty, avoiding the
society of other children and their behaviour. I did not, however,
know that he would become the possessor of [so high] a station. He
studied Persian, but made little progress in Arabic. He wrote a good
_nasta'lik_ hand, and was very fond of the poems of the mystics.'
The facts may be decked out.
Mirza Jani himself only met Mirza Yaḥya once. He describes him as
'an amiable child.' [Footnote: _NH_, p. 376.] Certainly, we can
easily suppose that he retained a childlike appearance longer than
most, for he early became a mystic, and a mystic is one whose
countenance is radiant with joy. This, indeed, may be the reason why
they conferred on him the name, 'Dawn of Eternity.' He never saw the
Bāb, but when his 'honoured brother' would read the Master's
writings in a circle of friends, Mirza Yaḥya used to listen, and
conceived a fervent love for the inspired author. At the time of the
Manifestation of the Bāb he was only fourteen, but very soon after,
he, like his brother, took the momentous step of becoming a Bābī,
and resolved to obey the order of the Bāb for his followers to
proceed to Khurasan. So, 'having made for himself a knapsack, and got
together a few necessaries,' he set out as an evangelist, 'with
perfect trust in his Beloved,' somewhat as S. Teresa started from her
home at Avila to evangelize the Moors. 'But when his brother was
informed of this, he sent and prevented him.' [Footnote: _NH_,
p. 44.]
Compensation, however, was not denied him. Some time after, Yaḥya
made an expedition in company with some of his relations, making
congenial friends, and helping to strengthen the Bābī cause. He
was now not far off the turning-point in his life.
Not long after occurred a lamentable set-back to the cause--the
persecution and massacre which followed the attempt on the Shah's life
by an unruly Bābī in August 1852. He himself was in great danger,
but felt no call to martyrdom, and set out in the disguise of a
dervish [Footnote: _TN_, p. 374.] in the same direction as his
elder brother, reaching Baghdad somewhat later. There, among the
Bābī refugees, he found new and old friends who adhered closely to
the original type of theosophic doctrine; an increasing majority,
however, were fascinated by a much more progressive teacher. The
Ezelite history known as _Hasht Bihisht_ ('Eight Paradises')
gives the names of the chief members of the former school, [Footnote:
_TN_, p. 356.] including Sayyid Muḥammad of Isfahan, and
states that, perceiving Mirza Ḥuseyn 'Ali's innovating tendencies,
they addressed to him a vigorous remonstrance.
It was, in fact, an ecclesiastical crisis, as the authors of the
_Traveller's Narrative_, as well as the Ezelite historian,
distinctly recognize. Baha-'ullah, too,--to give him his nobler
name--endorses this view when he says, 'Then, in secret, the Sayyid of
Isfahan circumvented him, and together they did that which caused a
great calamity.' It was, therefore, indeed a crisis, and the chief
blame is laid on Sayyid Muḥammad. [Footnote: _TN_, p. 94. 'He
(i.e. Sayyid Muḥammad) commenced a secret intrigue, and fell
to tempting Mirza Yaḥya, saying, "The fame of this sect hath risen
high in the world; neither dread nor danger remaineth, nor is there
any fear or need for caution before you."'] Ṣubḥ-i-Ezel is still
a mere youth and easily imposed upon; the Sayyid ought to have known
better than to tempt him, for a stronger teacher was needed in this
period of disorganization than the Ezelites could produce. Mirza
Yaḥya was not up to the leadership, nor was he entitled to place
himself above his much older brother, especially when he was bound by
the tie of gratitude. 'Remember,' says Baha-'ullah, 'the favour of thy
master, when we brought thee up during the nights and days for the
service of the Religion. Fear God, and be of those who repent. Grant
that thine affair is dubious unto me; is it dubious unto thyself?' How
gentle is this fraternal reproof!
There is but little more to relate that has not been already told in
the sketch of Baha-'ullah. He was, at any rate, harmless in Cyprus,
and had no further opportunity for religious assassination. One
cannot help regretting that his sun went down so stormily. I return
therefore to the question of the honorific names of Mirza Yaḥya,
after which I shall refer to the singular point of the crystal coffin
and to the moral character of Ṣubḥ-i-Ezel.
Among the names and titles which the Ezelite book called _Eight
Paradises_ declares to have been conferred by the Bāb on his
young disciple are Ṣubḥ-i-Ezel (or Azal), Baha-'ullah, and the
strange title _Mir'at_ (Mirror). The two former--'Dawn of
Eternity' and 'Splendour of God'--are referred to elsewhere. The third
properly belongs to a class of persons inferior to the 'Letters of the
Living,' and to this class Ṣubḥ-i-Ezel, by his own admission,
belongs. The title Mir'at, therefore, involves some limitation of
Ezel's dignity, and its object apparently is to prevent
Ṣubḥ-i-Ezel from claiming to be 'He whom God will make manifest.'
That is, the Bāb in his last years had an intuition that the eternal
day would not be ushered into existence by this impractical nature.
How, then, came the Bāb to give Mirza Yaḥya such a name? Purely
from cabbalistic reasons which do not concern us here. It was a
mistake which only shows that the Bāb was not infallible. Mirza
Yaḥya had no great part to play in the ushering-in of the new
cycle. Elsewhere the Bāb is at the pains to recommend the elder of
the half-brothers to attend to his junior's writing and spelling.
[Footnote: The Tablets (letters) are in the British Museum collection,
in four books of Ezel, who wrote the copies at Baha-'ullah's
dictation. The references are--I., No. 6251, p. 162; II., No. 5111,
p. 253, to which copy Rizwan Ali, son of Ezel, has appended 'The
brother of the Fruit' (Ezel); III., No. 6254, p. 236; IV., No. 6257,
p. 158.] Now it was, of course, worth while to educate Mirza Yaḥya,
whose feebleness in Arabic grammar was scandalous, but can we imagine
Baha-'ullah and all the other 'letters' being passed over by the Bāb
in favour of such an imperfectly educated young man? The so-called
'nomination' is a bare-faced forgery.
The statement of Gobineau that Ṣubḥ-i-Ezel belonged to the
'Letters of the Living' of the First Unity is untrustworthy.
[Footnote: _Fils du Loup_, p. 156 n.3.] M. Hippolyte Dreyfus has
favoured me with a reliable list of the members of the First Unity,
which I have given elsewhere, and which does not contain the name of
Mirza Yaḥya. At the same time, the Bāb may have admitted him into
the second hierarchy of 18[19]. [Footnote: _Fils du Loup_,
p. 163 n.1. 'The eighteen Letters of Life had each a _mirror_
which represented it, and which was called upon to replace it if it
disappeared. There are, therefore, 18 Letters of Life and 18 Mirrors,
which constituted two distinct Unities.'] Considering that Mirza
Yaḥya was regarded as a 'return' of Ḳuddus, some preferment may
conceivably have found its way to him. It was no contemptible
distinction to be a member of the Second Unity, i.e. to be one
of those who reflected the excellences of the older 'Letters of the
Living.' As a member of the Second Unity and the accepted reflexion
of Ḳuddus, Ṣubḥ-i-Ezel may have been thought of as a director of
affairs together with the obviously marked-out agent (_wali_),
Baha-'ullah. We are not told, however, that Mirza Yaḥya assumed
either the title of Bāb (Gate) or that of Nuḳṭa (Point).
[Footnote: Others, however, give it him (_TN_, p. 353).]
I must confess that Ṣubḥ-i-Ezel's account of the fortune of the
Bāb's relics appears to me, as well as to M. Nicolas, [Footnote:
_AMB_, p. 380 n.] unsatisfactory and (in one point) contradictory.
How, for instance, did he get possession of the relics? And, is there
any independent evidence for the intermingling of the parts of the two
corpses? How did he procure a crystal coffin to receive the relics?
How comes it that there were Bahaites at the time of the Bāb's
death, and how was Ṣubḥ-i-Ezel able to conceal the crystal coffin,
etc., from his brother Baha-'ullah?
Evidently Ṣubḥ-i-Ezel has changed greatly since the time when both
the brothers (half-brothers) were devoted, heart and soul, to the
service of the Bāb. It is this moral transformation which vitiates
Ṣubḥ-i-Ezel's assertions. Can any one doubt this? Surely the best
authorities are agreed that the sense of historical truth is very
deficient among the Persians. Now Ṣubḥ-i-Ezel was in some respects
a typical Persian; that is how I would explain his deviations from
strict truth. It may be added that the detail of the crystal coffin
can be accounted for. In the Arabic Bayan, among other injunctions
concerning the dead, [Footnote: _Le Beyan Arabi_ (Nicolas),
p. 252; similarly, p. 54.] it is said: 'As for your dead, inter them
in crystal, or in cut and polished stones. It is possible that this
may become a peace for your heart.' This precept suggested to
Ṣubḥ-i-Ezel his extraordinary statement.
Ṣubḥ-i-Ezel had an imaginative and possibly a partly mystic
nature. As a Manifestation of God he may have thought himself entitled
to remove harmful people, even his own brother. He did not ask himself
whether he might not be in error in attaching such importance to his
own personality, and whether any vision could override plain
morality. He _was_ mistaken, and I hold that the Bāb was
mistaken in appointing (if he really did so) Ṣubḥ-i-Ezel as a
nominal head of the Bābīs when the true, although temporary
vice-gerent was Baha-'ullah. For Ṣubḥ-i-Ezel was a consummate
failure; it is too plain that the Bab did not always, like Jesus and
like the Buddha, know what was in man.
SUBSEQUENT DISCOVERIES
The historical work of the Ezelite party, called _The Eight
Paradises_, makes Ezel nineteen years of age when he came forward
as an expounder of religious mysteries and wrote letters to the Bāb.
On receiving the first letter, we are told that the Bāb (or, as we
should rather now call him, the Point) instantly prostrated himself in
thankfulness, testifying that he was a mighty Luminary, and spoke by
the Self-shining Light, by revelation. Imprisoned as he was at Maku,
the Point of Knowledge could not take counsel with all his
fellow-workers or disciples, but he sent the writings of this
brilliant novice (if he really was so brilliant) to each of the
'Letters of the Living,' and to the chief believers, at the same time
conferring on him a number of titles, including Ṣubḥ-i-Ezel ('Dawn
of Eternity') and Baha-'ullah ('Splendour of God ').
If this statement be correct, we may plausibly hold with Professor
E. G. Browne that Ṣubḥ-i-Ezel (Mirza Yaḥya) was advanced to the
rank of a 'Letter of the Living,' and even that he was nominated by
the Point as his successor. It has also become much more credible that
the thoughts of the Point were so much centred on Ṣubḥ-i-Ezel
that, as Ezelites say, twenty thousand of the words of the Bayan refer
to Ezel, and that a number of precious relics of the Point were
entrusted to his would-be successor.
But how can we venture to say that it is correct? Since Professor
Browne wrote, much work has been done on the (real or supposed)
written remains of Ṣubḥ-i-Ezel, and the result has been (I think)
that the literary reputation of Ṣubḥ-i-Ezel is a mere bubble. It
is true, the Bāb himself was not masterly, but the confusion of
ideas and language in Ezel's literary records beggars all
comparison. A friend of mine confirms this view which I had already
derived from Mirza Ali Akbar. He tells me that he has acquired a
number of letters mostly purporting to be by Ṣubḥ-i-Ezel. There is
also, however, a letter of Baha-'ullah relative to these letters,
addressed to the Muḥammadan mullā, the original possessor of the
letters. In this letter Baha-'ullah repeats again and again the
warning: 'When you consider and reflect on these letters, you will
understand who is in truth the writer.'
I greatly fear that Lord Curzon's description of Persian
untruthfulness may be illustrated by the career of the Great
Pretender. The Ezelites must, of course, share the blame with their
leader, and not the least of their disgraceful misstatements is the
assertion that the Bāb assigned the name Baha-'ullah to the younger
of the two half-brothers, and that Ezel had also the [non-existent]
dignity of 'Second Point.'
This being so, I am strongly of opinion that so far from confirming
the Ezelite view of subsequent events, the Ezelite account of
Ṣubḥ-i-Ezel's first appearance appreciably weakens it. Something,
however, we may admit as not improbable. It may well have gratified
the Bāb that two representatives of an important family in
Mazandaran had taken up his cause, and the character of these new
adherents may have been more congenial to him than the more martial
character of Ḳuddus.
DAYYAN
We have already been introduced to a prominent Bābī, variously
called Asadu'llah and Dayyan; he was also a member of the hierarchy
called 'the Letters of the Living.' He may have been a man of
capacity, but I must confess that the event to which his name is
specially attached indisposes me to admit that he took part in the
so-called 'Council of Tihran.' To me he appears to have been one of
those Bābīs who, even in critical periods, acted without
consultation with others, and who imagined that they were absolutely
infallible. Certainly he could never have promoted the claims of
Ṣubḥ-i-Ezel, whose defects he had learned from that personage's
secretary. He was well aware that Ezel was ambitious, and he thought
that he had a better claim to the supremacy himself.
It would have been wiser, however, to have consulted Baha-'ullah, and
to have remembered the prophecy of the Bāb, in which it was
expressly foretold that Dayyan would believe on 'Him whom God would
make manifest.' Ṣubḥ-i-Ezel was not slow to detect the weak point
in Dayyan's position, who could not be at once the Expected One and a
believer in the Expected One. [Footnote: See Ezel's own words in
_Mustaikaz_, p. 6.] Dayyan, however, made up as well as he could
for his inconsistency. He went at last to Baha-'ullah, and discussed
the matter in all its bearings with him. The result was that with
great public spirit he retired in favour of Baha.
The news was soon spread abroad; it was not helpful to the cause of
Ezel. Some of the Ezelites, who had read the Christian Gospels
(translated by Henry Martyn), surnamed Dayyan 'the Judas Iscariot of
this people.' [Footnote: _TN_, p. 357.] Others, instigated
probably by their leaders, thought it best to nip the flower in the
bud. So by Ezelite hands Dayyan was foully slain.
It was on this occasion that Ezel vented curses and abusive language
on his rival. The proof is only too cogent, though the two books which
contain it are not as yet printed. [Footnote: They are both in the
British Museum, and are called respectively _Mustaikaz_
(No. 6256) and _Asar-el-Ghulam_ (No. 6256). I am indebted for
facts (partly) and references to MSS. to my friend Mirza 'Ali Akbar.]
MIRZA HAYDAR 'ALI
A delightful Bahai disciple--the _Fra Angelico_ of the brethren,
as we may call him,--Mirza Haydar 'Ali was especially interesting to
younger visitors to Abdul Baha. One of them writes thus: 'He was a
venerable, smiling old man, with long Persian robes and a spotlessly
white turban. As we had travelled along, the Persian ladies had
laughingly spoken of a beautiful young man, who, they were sure, would
captivate me. They would make a match between us, they said.
'This now proved to be the aged Mirza, whose kindly, humorous old eyes
twinkled merrily as he heard what they had prophesied, and joined in
their laughter. They did not cover before him. Afterwards the ladies
told me something of his history. He was imprisoned for fourteen years
during the time of the persecution. At one time, when he was being
transferred from one prison to another, many days' journey away, he
and his fellow-prisoner, another Bahai, were carried on donkeys, head
downwards, with their feet and hands secured. Haydar 'Ali laughed and
sang gaily. So they beat him unmercifully, and said, "Now, will you
sing?" But he answered them that he was more glad than before, since
he had been given the pleasure of enduring something for the sake of
God.
'He never married, and in Akka was one of the most constant and loved
companions of Baha-'ullah. I remarked upon his cheerful appearance,
and added, "But all you Bahais look happy." Mirza Haydar 'Ali said:
"Sometimes we have surface troubles, but that cannot touch our
happiness. The heart of those who belong to the Malekoot (Kingdom of
God) is like the sea: when the wind is rough it troubles the surface
of the water, but two metres down there is perfect calm and
clearness."'
The preceding passage is by Miss E. S. Stevens (_Fortnightly
Review_, June 1911). A friend, who has also been a guest in Abdul
Baha's house, tells me that Haydar 'Ali is known at Akka as 'the
Angel.'
ABDUL BAHA (ABBAS EFFENDI)
The eldest son of Baha-'ullah is our dear and venerated Abdul Baha
('Servant of the Splendour'), otherwise known as Abbas Effendi. He
was born at the midnight following the day on which the Bāb made his
declaration. He was therefore eight years old, and the sister who
writes her recollections five, when, in August 1852, an attempt was
made on the life of the Shah by a young Bābī, disaffected to the
ruling dynasty. The future Abdul Baha was already conspicuous for his
fearlessness and for his passionate devotion to his father. The
_gamins_ of Tihran (Teheran) might visit him as he paced to and fro,
waiting for news from his father, but he did not mind--not he. One day
his sister--a mere child--was returning home under her mother's care,
and found him surrounded by a band of boys. 'He was standing in their
midst as straight as an arrow--a little fellow, the youngest and
smallest of the group--firmly but quietly _commanding_ them not to lay
their hands upon him, which, strange to say, they seemed unable to
do.' [Footnote: Phelps, pp. 14, 15.]
This love to his father was strikingly shown during the absence of
Baha-'ullah in the mountains, when this affectionate youth fell a prey
to inconsolable paroxysms of grief. [Footnote: Ibid. p. 20.] At a
later time--on the journey from Baghdad to Constantinople--Abdul Baha
seemed to constitute himself the special attendant of his father. 'In
order to get a little rest, he adopted the plan of riding swiftly a
considerable distance ahead of the caravan, when, dismounting and
causing his horse to lie down, he would throw himself on the ground
and place his head on his horse's neck. So he would sleep until the
cavalcade came up, when his horse would awake him by a kick, and he
would remount.' [Footnote: Phelps, pp. 31, 32.]
In fact, in his youth he was fond of riding, and there was a time when
he thought that he would like hunting, but 'when I saw them killing
birds and animals, I thought that this could not be right. Then it
occurred to me that better than hunting for animals, to kill them, was
hunting for the souls of men to bring them to God. I then resolved
that I would be a hunter of this sort. This was my first and last
experience in the chase.'
'A seeker of the souls of men.' This is, indeed, a good description of
both father and son. Neither the one nor the other had much of what
we call technical education, but both understood how to cast a spell
on the soul, awakening its dormant powers. Abdul Baha had the courage
to frequent the mosques and argue with the mullās; he used to be
called 'the Master' _par excellence_, and the governor of Adrianople
became his friend, and proved his friendship in the difficult
negotiations connected with the removal of the Bahaites to Akka.
[Footnote: Ibid. p. 20, n.2.]
But no one was such a friend to the unfortunate Bahaites as Abdul
Baha. The conditions under which they lived on their arrival at Akka
were so unsanitary that 'every one in our company fell sick excepting
my brother, my mother, an aunt, and two others of the believers.'
[Footnote: Phelps, pp. 47-51.] Happily Abdul Baha had in his baggage
some quinine and bismuth. With these drugs, and his tireless nursing,
he brought the rest through, but then collapsed himself. He was seized
with dysentery, and was long in great danger. But even in this
prison-city he was to find a friend. A Turkish officer had been struck
by his unselfish conduct, and when he saw Abdul Baha brought so low he
pleaded with the governor that a _ḥakîm_ might be called in. This
was permitted with the happiest result.
It was now the physician's turn. In visiting his patient he became so
fond of him that he asked if there was nothing else he could do.
Abdul Baha begged him to take a tablet (i.e. letter) to the Persian
believers. Thus for two years an intercourse with the friends outside
was maintained; the physician prudently concealed the tablets in the
lining of his hat!
It ought to be mentioned here that the hardships of the prison-city
were mitigated later. During the years 1895-1900 he was often allowed
to visit Ḥaifa. Observing this the American friends built
Baha-'ullah a house in Ḥaifa, and this led to a hardening of the
conditions of his life. But upon the whole we may apply to him those
ancient words:
'He maketh even his enemies to be at peace with him.'
In 1914 Abdul Baha visited Akka, living in the house of Baha-'ullah,
near where his father was brought with wife and children and seventy
Persian exiles forty-six years ago. But his permanent home is in
Ḥaifa, a very simple home where, however, the call for hospitality
never passes unheeded. 'From sunrise often till midnight he works, in
spite of broken health, never sparing himself if there is a wrong to
be righted, or a suffering to be relieved. His is indeed a selfless
life, and to have passed beneath its shadow is to have been won for
ever to the Cause of Peace and Love.'
Since 1908 Abdul Baha has been free to travel; the political victory
of the Young Turks opened the doors of Akka, as well as of other
political 'houses of restraint.' America, England, France, and even
Germany have shared the benefit of his presence. It may be that he
spoke too much; it may be that even in England his most important work
was done in personal interviews. Educationally valuable, therefore,
as _Some Answered Questions_ (1908) may be, we cannot attach so much
importance to it as to the story--the true story--of the converted
Muḥammadan. When at home, Abdul Baha only discusses Western
problems with visitors from the West.
The Legacy left by Baha-'ullah to his son was, it must be admitted, an
onerous educational duty. It was contested by Muḥammad Effendi--by
means which remind us unpleasantly of Ṣubḥ-i-Ezel, but
unsuccessfully. Undeniably Baha-'ullah conferred on Abbas Effendi
(Abdul Baha) the title of Centre of the Covenant, with the special
duty annexed of the 'Expounder of the Book.' I venture to hope that
this 'expounding' may not, in the future, extend to philosophic,
philological, scientific, and exegetical details. Just as Jesus made
mistakes about Moses and David, so may Baha-'ullah and Abdul Baha fall
into error on secular problems, among which it is obvious to include
Biblical and Ḳuranic exegesis.
It appears to me that the essence of Bahaism is not dogma, but the
unification of peoples and religions in a certain high-minded and far
from unpractical mysticism. I think that Abdul Baha is just as much
devoted to mystic and yet practical religion as his father. In one of
the reports of his talks or monologues he is introduced as saying:
'A moth loves the light though his wings are burnt. Though his wings
are singed, he throws himself against the flame. He does not love the
light because it has conferred some benefits upon him. Therefore he
hovers round the light, though he sacrifice his wings. This is the
highest degree of love. Without this abandonment, this ecstasy, love
is imperfect. The Lover of God loves Him for Himself, not for his own
sake.'--From 'Abbas Effendi,' by E. S. Stevens, _Fortnightly
Review_, June 1911, p. 1067.
This is, surely, the essence of mysticism. As a characteristic of the
Church of 'the Abha' it goes back, as we have seen, to the Bāb. As a
characteristic of the Brotherhood of the 'New Dispensation' it is
plainly set forth by Keshab Chandra Sen. It is also Christian, and
goes back to Paul and John. This is the hidden wisdom--the pearl of
great price.