CHAPTER I

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MICHELANGELO

[Illustration: PORTRAIT OF MICHELANGELO BY MARCELLO VENUSTI

Capitoline Museum, Rome.]

MICHELANGELO

BY

ROMAIN ROLLAND

_Author of "Beethoven," "Jean Christophe," etc._

Translated by FREDERICK STREET

_ILLUSTRATED_

[Illustration]

NEW YORK

DUFFIELD & COMPANY

1921

Copyright, 1915 by

DUFFIELD & COMPANY

NOTE

This life of Michelangelo is published in France in the series called

"Les Maîtres de l'Art," and is here translated into English for the

first time. It is entirely distinct from a study of Michelangelo by

Romain Rolland which appeared some time ago.

CONTENTS

PAGE

INTRODUCTION xi

CHAPTER I--CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH (1475-1505) 1

CHAPTER II--MICHELANGELO AND JULIUS II (1505-1512) 26

CHAPTER III--THE FAILURE OF THE GREAT PLANS (1513-1534) 45

CHAPTER IV--VITTORIA COLONNA (1535-1547) 80

CHAPTER V--OLD AGE AND DEATH (1547-1564) 108

CHAPTER VI--THE GENIUS OF MICHELANGELO AND HIS INFLUENCE ON

ITALIAN ART 142

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 169

CATALOGUE OF THE PRINCIPAL WORKS OF MICHELANGELO IN PUBLIC

COLLECTIONS 175

NOTE ON THE DRAWINGS 179

BIBLIOGRAPHY 181

INDEX 185

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Portrait of Michelangelo by Marcello Venusti.

(Capitoline Museum, Rome.) _Frontispiece_

FACING PAGE

Pietà. (St. Peter's, Rome.) 14

David. (Accademia delle Belle Arti, Florence.) 18

The Holy Family. Painted for Agnolo Doni.

(National Gallery, London.) 22

The Almighty Creating the Sun and the Moon.

(Ceiling of the Sistine Chapel.) 30

The Creation of Man. (Ceiling of the Sistine Chapel.) 36

The Prophet Ezekiel. (Ceiling of the Sistine Chapel.) 40

The Libyan Sibyl. (Ceiling of the Sistine Chapel.) 46

The Prophet Jeremiah. (Ceiling of the Sistine Chapel.) 50

The Erythrean Sibyl. (Ceiling of the Sistine Chapel.) 58

Jesse. A Figure in the Series of the "Ancestors of Christ."

(Ceiling of the Sistine Chapel.) 64

Decorative Figure. (Ceiling of the Sistine Chapel.) 70

Decorative Figure. (Ceiling of the Sistine Chapel.) 76

Sketch for the Tomb of Julius II. Drawing. (Uffizi, Florence.) 84

Slave. Figure for the Tomb of Julius II. (Louvre.) 94

Moses. Figure for the Tomb of Julius II.

(San Pietro-in-Vinculi, Rome.) 104

Tomb of Giuliano de Medici.

(Chapel of the Medici in San Lorenzo, Florence.) 114

Dawn. Figure from the Tomb of Lorenzo de' Medici.

(Chapel of the Medici in San Lorenzo, Florence.) 122

Twilight. Figure from the Tomb of Lorenzo de' Medici.

(Chapel of the Medici in San Lorenzo, Florence.) 130

Christ and the Saints. Detail from The Last Judgment.

(Sistine Chapel.) 138

Charon's Boat. Detail from The Last Judgment. (Sistine Chapel.) 146

The Resurrection. Drawing. (Louvre.) 152

The Dome of St. Peter's. From the Original Model in Wood.

(Preserved in the Vatican.) 158

The Descent from the Cross. (Duomo, Florence.) 164

INTRODUCTION

The life of Michelangelo offers one of the most striking examples of the

influence that a great man can have on his time. At the moment of his

birth in the second half of the fifteenth century the serenity of

Ghirlandajo and of Bramante illuminated Italian art. Florentine

sculpture seemed about to languish away from an excess of grace in the

delicate and meticulous art of Rossellino, Disiderio, Mino da Fiesole,

Agostino di Duccio, Benedetto da Maiano and Andrea Sansovino.

Michelangelo burst like a thunder-storm into the heavy, overcharged sky

of Florence. This storm had undoubtedly been gathering for a long time

in the extraordinary intellectual and emotional tension of Italy which

was to cause the Savonarolist upheaval. Nothing like Michelangelo had

ever appeared before. He passed like a whirlwind, and after he had

passed the brilliant and sensual Florence of Lorenzo de' Medici and

Botticelli, of Verocchio and Lionardo, was ended forever. All that

harmonious living and dreaming, that spirit of analysis, that

aristocratic and courtly poetry, the whole elegant and subtle art of the

"Quattrocento," was swept away at one blow. Even after he had been gone

for a long time, the world of art was still whirled along in the eddies

of his wild spirit. Not the most remote corner was sheltered from the

tempest; it drew in its wake all the arts together. Michelangelo

captured painting, sculpture, architecture and poetry, all at once; he

breathed into them the frenzy of his vigour and of his overwhelming

idealism. No one understood him, yet all imitated him. Every one of his

great works, the David, the cartoon for the war against Pisa, the vault

of the Sistine Chapel, the Last Judgment, St. Peter's, dominated

generations of artists and enslaved them. From every one of these

creations radiated despotic power, a power that came above all from

Michelangelo's personality and from that tremendous life which covered

almost a century.

No one work can be detached from that life and studied separately. They

are all fragments of one monument, and the mistake that most historians

make is to mutilate this genius by dividing it into different pieces. We

must try to follow the entire course of the torrent from its beginning

to its end if we are to have any comprehension of its formidable unity.

MICHELANGELO

CHAPTER I

CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH

(1475-1505)

Michelangelo was born on the sixth of March, 1475, at Caprese, in

Casentino, of the ancient family of the Buonarroti-Simoni, who are

mentioned in the Florentine chronicles from the twelfth century. His

father, Lodovico di Lionardo Buonarroti-Simoni, was then Podesta of

Caprese and Chiusi. His mother, Francesca di Neri di Miniato del Sera,

died when he was only six years old, and some years later his father

married Lucrezia Ubaldini. Michelangelo had four brothers: Lionardo, who

was two years his senior; Buonarroto, born in 1477; Giovan Simoni, born

in 1479; and Sigismondo, born in 1481. His foster-mother was the wife of

a stone-cutter of Settignano and in later years he used to jokingly

attribute his vocation to the milk upon which he had been nourished. He

was sent to school in Florence under Francesco da Urbino, but he busied

himself only in drawing and neglected everything else. "Because of this

he greatly irritated his father and his uncles, and they often beat him

cruelly, for they hated the profession of an artist, and, in their

ignorance of the nobility of art, it seemed a disgrace to have one in

the house."[1]

The elder Buonarroti, however, was, like his son, more violent than

obstinate, and he soon allowed the boy to follow his vocation. In April,

1488, Michelangelo, by the advice of Francesco Granacci, entered the

studio of Domenico and David Ghirlandajo.

That was the most famous studio in Florence. Domenico was an

indefatigable worker who "longed to cover with stories the entire

circuit of the walls of Florence" and possessed of a calm, simple and

serene spirit, satisfied merely to exist without tormenting itself over

subtleties. This fortunate being, who died at forty-four, leaving an

immense mass of completed work in which the magnificence and the moral

force of Florence still live, was the best guide that could have been

given to the young Michelangelo. Domenico was then, from 1486 to 1490,

in the fulness of his power, and at work on his masterpiece, the

paintings in the Tornabuoni Chapel in S. Maria Novella.

It has been said that his influence on Michelangelo amounted to nothing,

and it is true that we find no direct trace of it except in two drawings

in the Louvre and the Albertina. Still, exact imitation is very rare

with Michelangelo. He was made of too stubborn stuff ever to be much

affected by masters or surroundings. He felt contempt for Raphael

because he was impressionable, "and drew his superiority not from

nature, but from study." I do not believe, however, that the time he

spent in the school of Ghirlandajo had no effect upon him. Even if it

did not influence his style or his method of working, he must have

gained from the master of S. Maria Novella and from his wholesome work a

healthy point of view and a physical and moral vigour which could have

been given him by no other artist in Florence--not even the two great

sculptors, Pollajuolo and Verrocchio, who were indeed not there at that

time--and which acted as a powerful balance to the neuroticism of the

Botticellian school. I do not doubt that Ghirlandajo helped to lay the

foundations from which arose the art of the young Michelangelo devoted

to the expression of force and so contemptuous of morbid sentiment.

Ghirlandajo's school was enthusiastically open-minded toward everything

interesting in art. It was eclectic and encouraged intellectual

curiosity. Michelangelo while he was there studied passionately both the

old and the new Florentine painters and sculptors: Giotto,[2]

Masaccio,[3] Donatello, Ghiberti, Benedetto da Majano, Mino da Fiesole,

Antonio Rossellino and possibly, even at that time, Jacopo della Quercia

and also the Flemish and the German artists, then very much in vogue in

Italy, especially at the court of the Medici.[4] He made a copy in

colour of Martin Schongauer's Temptation of St. Anthony and went to the

Florentine fish-market to take notes for it. Later on he contemptuously

disowned Flemish realism, but a trace of it was left in him always and

in many of his drawings there appears a certain taste, extraordinary in

an idealist, for types of marked naturalism which are sometimes trivial

or almost caricature. Condivi asserts that these first attempts of

Michelangelo met with such success that Ghirlandajo grew jealous.

"To take from him the credit of this copy (of the Schongauer)

Ghirlandajo used to say that it came out of his atelier, as if he had

had a part in it. This jealousy showed very clearly when Michelangelo

asked him for the book of drawings wherein he had sketched shepherds

with their flocks and dogs, landscapes, monuments, ruins, etc., and he

refused to lend it to him. As a matter of fact, he always had the

reputation of being rather jealous, because of his disagreeable

treatment not only of Michelangelo, but also of his own brother, for

when he saw the latter making good progress and showing great promise,

he sent him to France, not so much for his benefit, as has been alleged,

as that he himself might remain first in his art at Florence. I have

mentioned this," adds Condivi, "because it has been said to me that

Domenico's son was in the habit of attributing the divine excellence of

Michelangelo to the training given by his father, who really did not

help him in any way. It is true that Michelangelo never complained of

him, but on the contrary praised him as much for his art as for his

conduct."

It is very difficult to say how much is true in this story. I am

reluctant to ascribe so contemptible a jealousy to Ghirlandajo, and

repeat it only because of the last line where Condivi is constrained to

remark on the esteem which Michelangelo, when he was an old man,

expressed for his former master. Such admiration for other artists is

too rare with him not to have especial weight in this case.

There is no doubt that a disagreement did arise between the master and

the scholar, for though Michelangelo had in 1488 signed a contract of

apprenticeship which stipulated that he should remain three years with

Ghirlandajo,[5] the very next year he went with his friend Granacci into

the school of Bertoldo.

Bertoldo, a pupil of Donatello, was director of the School of Sculpture

and of the Museum of Antiquities maintained by Lorenzo de' Medici in the

gardens of S. Marco. I think that the real reason why Michelangelo

separated himself from Ghirlandajo was that after a year of feeling his

way he had just discovered the essence of his genius and was drawn

toward sculpture with irresistible force. It was really from painting

that he was separating himself and never afterward did he consider it as

his art. We might almost say that if painting has immortalised him it is

in spite of himself. He never wished to be considered as anything but a

sculptor.[6]

Two things drew him to Bertoldo: the hope of finding the tradition of

Donatello and the fascination of the antique. He found something even

more valuable there in the friendship of the prince and of the élite of

the Florentine thinkers. Lorenzo took an interest in him, lodged him in

the palace and admitted him to his son's table, and in this way

Michelangelo found himself at the very heart of the Renaissance, in the

midst of the humanists and the poets and in intimate relation with all

whom Italy counted most noble; with Pico della Mirandola, with Pulci,

Benevieni and especially with Poliziano, "who loved him greatly and

urged him to study, although that was hardly necessary."[7]

Surrounded by this atmosphere of lofty paganism he became intoxicated

with the classic idea and became himself a pagan; he made the heroic

forms of Greece live again while putting into them his own savage

vigour. Following the suggestions of Poliziano he wrought the

bas-relief of the Combat of the Centaurs and the Lapithæ of the Casa

Buonarroti, in which the figures are athletic and struggling and the

faces impassive and proud. He carved the bestial face of the Laughing

Satyr with its violent and strained expression as of one who was not

used to laughter, and a little later the relief of Apollo and Marsyas.

Nevertheless this paganism did not touch his Christian faith at all. The

struggle that was to endure almost all his life had already begun within

him between those two hostile worlds which he vainly tried to reconcile.

In 1489 and 1490 Savonarola began in Florence his fiery sermons on the

Apocalypse and Michelangelo went to hear them with all the rest of

Lorenzo's circle. He had been brought up very religiously by his father,

a kind, God-fearing man of the old style, and his brother Lionardo in

1491, under the influence of Savonarola, entered the Monastery of the

Dominicans at Pisa.

He could not remain indifferent to the burning words of a prophet who

was like an elder brother of the prophets of the Sistine and whose

sombre visions and fiery purity must have pierced the heart of the youth

who listened to the preaching in S. Marco or the Duomo. I am convinced,

nevertheless, that historians have very much exaggerated the effect of

this influence on Michelangelo. In the beginning he certainly did not

feel very strongly the heroic grandeur of the frail little preacher who

from his high pulpit launched his lightnings against pope and princes.

His first impression seems to have been almost entirely one of terror;

he did not escape from the contagion of fear which seized the entire

city at the thunder of the gloomy prophecies which held the bloody sword

of God suspended over Italy and which filled the streets of Florence

with people weeping madly. When at last there came the new Cyrus,

foretold by the monk of S. Marco, Charles VIII, King of France,

Michelangelo was seized with panic and fled to Venice (1494).

These superstitious terrors, irrational and uncontrollable, which

reappeared more than once in Michelangelo's life do not prove anything

in favour of his Savonarolaism. It might be supposed on the contrary

that a true disciple of Savonarola would have remained beside his master

rather than have abandoned him in the hour of danger. These panics which

he could not control prove nothing but the unhealthy over-excitement of

his nerves, which his reason fought against in vain all his life. It

would be hard to find in his work at that period any appreciable effect

of the ideas of Savonarola. The impassive Virgin with the robust

child--the bas-relief in bronze of the Casa Buonarroti--is far more a

school piece by a pupil of Donatello than a religious work. What we know

of the little wooden crucifix, carved in 1494 for the prior of the

Convent of S. Spirito, shows us the artist without mysticism and with a

passion for the observation of nature, who was eagerly studying anatomy

from corpses until their putrefaction made him ill and forced him to

stop. At Bologna, where he lived in 1449 after his flight from Florence,

and where he heard of the results of Savonarola's preachings--the

expulsion of the Medici, the death of Pico della Mirandola and of

Poliziano and the scattering of the little circle of Florentine poets

and philosophers--he spent his time in reading Petrarch, Boccaccio and

Dante to his protector, the noble Gianfrancesco Aldovrandi, and when he

worked at the Arca (tabernacle) of S. Domenico it was to carve that

athletic angel, superb and expressionless, which contrasts so strikingly

with the pious figure of Niccolo dell'Arca to which it is the pendant.

He was evidently much more occupied in studying and assimilating the

imposing manner of Jacopo della Quercia, his indolent and heavy but

powerful Siennese precursor, than in meditating on the prophecies of

Savonarola.

He returned to Florence in 1495, and arrived in the midst of the

struggle of the two parties, the "Arrabtiati" and the "Piagnoni," at

the very height of the carnival. He was consulted about the construction

of the hall of the Grand Council in the Palace of the Signory. The

Virgin of Manchester which suggests the school of Ghirlandajo may be

attributed to this period, and also the Entombment of the National

Gallery, which with all its sad grandeur is proud and cold.

Michelangelo left Florence in June, 1496. He went to Rome and in that

town so full of classic memories he absorbed himself in classic works.

It is fair to say that he was never so pagan as from 1492 to 1497, the

years during which the tragedy of Savonarola was enacted. This is the

period of the colossal Hercules[8] in marble (1492), of the famous

sleeping Cupid, wrought in the very heart of mystical Florence--and sold

as an antique to Cardinal Riaro (1496)--of the large Cupid of the South

Kensington, of the Dying Adonis of the Museo Nazionale and of the

Drunken Bacchus which E. Guillaume calls the nearest to the antique of

all modern works. These last statues, made in Rome the very year of the

_Bruciamento delle Vanità_, when the Florentine "Piagnoni" danced in

fanatic zeal around bonfires of works of art, seem almost like a

defiance launched against the puritanism of Savonarola. His older

brother, Lionardo, a monk at Viterbo, who was forced to flee from his

monastery because of his Savonarolaist convictions, joined him in Rome

and Michelangelo gave him some money with which to return to Florence,

but he did not go with him. The ever-growing danger which threatened the

prophet and his followers did not draw him back to his country and

Savonarola's death--he was burnt in May, 1498--has not left a trace in

any of his letters.[9]

I do not mean to say that he was entirely untouched by that grand and

tragic drama. He was by nature silent and never spoke of what he felt

most deeply, and he was also prudent and afraid of compromising himself.

If Savonarola's ideas did have some influence on him it was at a later

time when, in his advanced age, under the influence of strong and deep

friendships, the disillusions of life and the fear of the hereafter,

religious preoccupations gained with him the place of first importance.

He was not among those who, like Botticelli, in 1498, consented to the

dethronement of the pagan pride of the Renaissance. Religious he

certainly was and a Christian as always, but his proud Christianity was

not that of the rest of the world. He was never understood by his own

time. Even when he was painting the Last Judgment, and his faith was

most ardent, he must have scandalised the devout. He was altogether a

Platonist. He could have said with Lorenzo de' Medici and his

illustrious friends of the gardens of S. Marco that "without studying

Plato one could neither be a good citizen nor an enlightened Christian."

Savonarola undoubtedly admired and loved Plato. Still he felt the object

of art to be religious edification and showed that ideal to artists in

"the face of a pious woman when she is praying, illuminated by a ray of

divine beauty."[10] Michelangelo despised that art made for the devout

and left it to the Flemings.[11] He had a horror of sentimentality and

almost of sentiment. "True painting," he said, "never will make any one

shed a tear."[12]

It should contain no expression of religion or worship, for "good

painting is religious and devout in itself. Among the wise nothing more

elevates the soul or better raises it to adoration than the difficulty

of attaining the perfection which approaches God and unites itself to

Him."[13] He believed himself to be more religious in creating

beautiful, harmonious human bodies than in searching for a psychological

or moral expression intended "for women, especially for the old or the

very young, or for monks, nuns and those who are deaf to true

harmony."[14] The Pietà of St. Peter's, undertaken the year of

Savonarola's death, has a more Christian character than the earlier

works of Michelangelo, but this Christianity is still far from

conforming to the expressive and pathetic ideal of the artists of the

fifteenth century, or from the tragic expression and agony of suffering

of the virgins of Donatello, Signorelli or Mantegna. Very different

indeed is the noble harmony of this group and the calm beauty of the

young Virgin on whose knees rests the supple body of Christ relaxed like

that of a sleeping child. Even though Michelangelo explained the eternal

youth of the Virgin[15] by an idea of chivalric mysticism it is

evident that at that time the desire for beauty was as strong in his

heart as any regard for faith and that there was a certain relationship

between these beautiful Gods of Calvary and those of Olympus whose charm

had intoxicated him.

[Illustration: PIETÀ

St. Peter's, Rome (1498-1500).]

Michelangelo spent two years on the Pietà.[16] In the spring of 1501 he

returned to Florence and there met Cardinal Piccolomini, with whom he

signed a contract to deliver in three years' time, for the sum of five

hundred ducats, fifteen figures of apostles and saints for the

Piccolomini altar in the Cathedral of Sienna. This was the first of

those overpowering commissions which Michelangelo never hesitated to

undertake in the first intoxication of his imagination without any just

estimate of his powers and which weighed on him all his life, like

remorse. In 1504 he had delivered only four of the figures and sixty

years later in 1561 he was still tormented by the thought of this

unfulfilled contract.

Another undertaking, more tempting to him by its very difficulty, took

entire possession of him a few months after he had made the agreement

with Cardinal Piccolomini.

A gigantic block of marble had been delivered in 1464 to Agostino di

Duccio by the Board of Works of S. Maria del Fiore to be used for the

statue of a prophet. The work had been interrupted at this point. The

Gonfalonier Soderini wanted to entrust the completion of it to Lionardo

da Vinci, but in August, 1502, it was given to Michelangelo and he set

to work on it at once. From that block of marble came forth the colossal

David. By January 25, 1504, the work was completed and a commission of

artists among whom were Botticelli, Filippino Lippi, Lionardo da Vinci

and Perugino was considering where it should be placed. They hesitated

between the Loggia dei Lanzi and the entrance of the Palace of the

Signory. The latter position was decided upon at the expressed

preference of Michelangelo. The architects of the Duomo, Simone del

Pollajuolo (Cronaca), Antonio da San Gallo, Baccio d'Agnolo and Bernardo

della Cecca were charged with the transportation of the enormous mass

of stone which was placed in position on the eighth of June, 1504, on

the left of the entrance to the Palazzo Vecchio where until then the

Judith of Donatello had stood.

To-day the David is in the Accademia delle Belle Arti in Florence. There

it is in too confined a space. That colossus needs the open air, he

stifles under the roof of a Palace and his disproportion to everything

around him is shocking. We can perhaps judge better what he really is

from the reproduction in bronze, which on the hill of San Miniato raises

its inspiring silhouette above the town. There the irregularity of the

details disappears in the impression of the whole. Incredible energy

emanates from that gigantic force in repose--from that great face in the

small head, and from that huge body with the slender waist, thin arms

and the enormous hands with swollen veins and heavy fingers.

All of Michelangelo is there in that mixture of proud nobility and

almost barbarous vulgarity. He is all there, and he only, entirely

regardless of his subject. The head of the David with its wrinkled

forehead, thick eyebrows and scornful lips--a type that he often used

afterward--is, like the heads of Lorenzo and of Giuliano de' Medici, a

lyric work into which Michelangelo poured his own sadness, disdain and

melancholy.

Michelangelo had not waited to finish this work before accepting other

commissions which he was to abandon along the way. In 1502 a David[17]

in bronze for Pierre de Rohan, Maréchal de Gié, the favorite of Louis

XII, which in the end was finished by Benedetto da Rovezzano in 1507 and

sent, after the disgrace of Rohan, to the new royal favourite, Florimond

Robertet, Secretary of Finance.

In 1503 he undertook twelve statues for the Cathedral of Florence, but

began only one, a St. Matthew, which was never finished and is now in

the Accademia delle Belle Arti. His vacillating, uncertain genius,

wherein discouragement succeeded to enthusiasm, drove him into planning

works with fierce energy and then almost immediately so diverted his

attention that he could not force himself to finish them.

[Illustration: DAVID

Accademia delle Belle Arti, Florence.]

In 1504 the Florentine Signory brought him into competition with another

great irresolute, Lionardo da Vinci, whose universal intellectual

curiosity was, no less than the temperament of Michelangelo, an eternal

obstacle to the achievement of his great undertakings. The two men seem

to have met about 1495. They could not have understood each other very

well, for they both stood alone, each in his own way. Lionardo was now

fifty-two years old. When he was thirty he had left Florence, where the

bitterness of the political and religious passions was unbearable to his

delicate and slightly timid nature and to his serene and sceptical

intelligence which was interested in everything but refused to take

sides. Driven back to Florence by the death or ruin of his protectors,

the Duke of Milan and Cæsar Borgia, he came into contact there from the

very first with Michelangelo entirely absorbed in his own faith and

passions, however changing they might be, and who, while he hated the

enemies of his party and of his faith, hated still more those who had

neither party nor faith. Brutally and publicly, on many occasions,

Michelangelo made Lionardo feel his aversion for him.

When the Gonfalonier Soderini put the two in direct competition in a

common work, the decoration of the Council Hall in the Palace of the

Signory, the rivalry was intense. In May, 1504, Lionardo began the

cartoon of the Battle of Anghiari. In August, 1504, Michelangelo

received the order for the cartoon for the Battle of Cascine. Florence

was divided into two camps keenly enthusiastic for one or the other of

the rivals. Time has made them equal, for both pictures have

disappeared. Michelangelo's cartoon, finished in March, 1505, was

apparently destroyed about 1512, during the disturbances in Florence

which resulted from the return of the Medici, and even the fragments

which in 1575 were still preserved by the Strozzi in Mantua have been

lost.[18]

As for Lionardo's fresco, he succeeded in destroying it himself. He took

it into his head to try to perfect the technique of fresco and he gave

himself up once more to his evil spirit of invention and once more

everything was lost. He tried a glaze of oil which did not hold, and the

painting which he abandoned in 1506 in discouragement by 1550 no longer

existed.

The two cartoons of Lionardo and Michelangelo had time, nevertheless, to

exert a blinding fascination over all Italian painting. They formed the

style and influenced the thought of artists from 1506 on but without

being able to transmit their own grandeur. Lionardo, who had a cavalry

combat to represent, reasoned out coldly, as nearly as we can tell,[19]

all the circumstances of a battle and then reproduced them with his

marvellous lucidity which was perhaps a little too analytic to interpret

the excitement of passion.

Michelangelo, who was given an episode of the war of 1364 against the

Pisans under the leadership of the condottiere John Hawkwood (Giovanni

Acuto) had intentionally turned his back on history and the real subject

and painted naked men bathing, noble in form and free in movement, in

the classic manner.[20]

The two masterpieces contained each of them the germ of a different

danger; in Lionardo's the excess of analysis, in Michelangelo's the

excess of abstraction. This last was the most dangerous of the two but

both were of the intellect and agreed in substituting for the charm of

life and of real and spontaneous movement the formula of types and of

logical action.

[Illustration: THE HOLY FAMILY

Painted for Agnolo Doni (between 1501-1505)

National Gallery, London.]

The influence of this work became at once universal and tyrannical.

Benvenuto Cellini says in 1559: "The cartoon of Michelangelo was placed

in the palace of the Medici, that of Lionardo in the Hall of the Pope.

As long as they remained there they were the school of the world."

Raphael copied them many times from October, 1504, until July, 1505. Fra

Bartolommeo was inspired by them and Andrea del Sarto, when he was very

young, spent whole days in studying them. Among the artists who taught

themselves in that school are Perino del Vaga, Rosso, Battista Franco,

Salviati, Vasari, Bronzino, Ridolfo Ghirlandajo, Cellini, Pontormo,

Jacopo Sansovino, Franciabigio, Aristotele da San Gallo, F. Granacci,

Bandinelli, Morto da Feltro, Lorenzetto--almost all the famous men of

the period. This influence was certainly more dangerous than useful. The

first fruits of it were the sudden unpopularity--almost like a decree of

exile of all the charming primitive painters, like Pinturicchio[21]

and Signorelli[22] at Rome (1508) just after their masterpieces at

Sienna and Orvieto and Perugino at Florence (1504) four years after the

exquisite decoration of the _Cambio_ of Perugia--and the loss of so much

grace, elegance and vigour sacrificed to a form of beauty undoubtedly

superior, but to which everyone can not attain. Instead of giving them a

broader point of view, the admiration for Lionardo and Michelangelo

narrowed and limited their followers. During 1508-1509 Pope Julius II

had the frescoes of Sodoma, Perugino, Signorelli and Piero della

Francesca put aside to leave space for Raphael. Thenceforth everyone was

governed by the same ideal, and whoever felt in himself fancy,

imagination and youth gave them up in favour of an attempt at breadth

and power which were not for him. Filippino Lippi renounced his serious

simplicity for pedantic dilettanteism and affected gestures. Instead of

being the first in the second rank Lorenzo di Credi, Ridolfo

Ghirlandajo, Raffaellino del Garbo and Piero di Cosimo preferred to be

the last of the first rank.

The same rivalry which had brought about the competition between

Michelangelo and Lionardo in the Council Hall appears again in a series

of works which belong to this Florentine period (1501-1505). These are

representations of the "Holy Family" in which Michelangelo attempts to

solve the same problem of composition as Lionardo and Fra Bartolommeo in

placing the figures in a circle. Such are the two circular bas-reliefs,

the Madonna and Child of the Museo Nazionale made for Taddeo Taddei and

the Holy Family of the Academy of Fine Arts in London made for

Bartolommeo Pitti. Chief of them all is the great picture in distemper

of the Holy Family of the Uffizi painted for Agnolo Doni--a heroic work

filled with the lofty serene life of Olympus and the Parthenon. The

painting is the most carefully executed of all Michelangelo's. The

colouring, blue, rose, orange and golden brown, has an effect that is

rather inharmonious, but young and fresh. The aerial perspective is

mediocre and the composition shows as usual Michelangelo's supreme

contempt for the sentiment of the subject. He has filled the background

with graceful nude figures simply because he considered them to be

beautiful--"per mostrare maggiormente l'arte sua essere grandissima,"

says Vasari, and except for the type of face used for St. Joseph there

is nothing religious about the group of the Holy Family. The impression

is religious, nevertheless, through its grace, sweetness and proud

strength. We feel that Michelangelo desired to contrast the puritan and

virile sobriety of this work with the voluptuous languor of the art of

Lionardo.

The calm Madonna of Bruges belongs also to this period. This was bought

in 1506 by two Flemish merchants, John and Alexander Mouscron, who

placed it in their chapel where Dürer had already seen it during his

travels in Belgium in 1521.

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