But have we really a right to speak of mind-reading itself as if it

were such a simple process, perhaps unusual, but not surprising,

something like a slightly abnormal state? If we look at it from the

standpoint of the scientist, we should say, on the contrary, that

there is a very sharp boundary line which separates mind-reading from

all the experiences which the scientific psychologist knows. The

psychologist has no difficulty in understanding mental diseases like

hysteria or abnormal states like hypnotism, or any other unusual

variation of mental life. The same principles by which he explains the

ordinary life of the mind are sufficient to give account of all the

strange and rare occurrences. But when he comes to mind-reading, an

entirely new point of view is chosen. It would mean a complete break

with everything which science has found in the mental world. The

psychologist has never discovered a mental content which was not the

effect or the after-effect of the stimulation of the senses. No man

born blind has ever by his own powers brought the colour sensations to

his mind, and no communication from without was ever traced which was

not carried over the path of the senses. The world which is in the

mind of my friend, in order to reach my mind, must stimulate his

brain, and that brain excitement must lead to the contraction of his

mouth muscles, and that must stir the air waves which reach my ear

drum, and the excitement must be carried from my ear to the brain,

where the mental ideas arise. No abnormal states like hypnotism change

in the least this procedure. But if we fancy that the mere mental idea

in one man can start the same idea in another, we lack every possible

means to connect such a wonder with anything which the scientist so

far acknowledges.

To be sure, every sincere scholar devoted to truth has to yield to the

actual facts. We cannot stubbornly say that the facts do not exist

because they do not harmonize with what is known so far. The

psychologist would not necessarily be at the end of his wit if the

developments of to-morrow proved that mind-reading in Beulah Miller's

case, or in any other case, is a fact beyond doubt. He might argue

that all previous knowledge was based on a wrong idea and that, for

instance, other processes go on in the brain, which can be transmitted

from organism to organism like wireless telegraphic waves without the

perception of the senses. If these other processes were conceived as

the foundation of mental images, the scientific psychological scholar

of the future might possibly work out a consistent theory and all the

previously known facts might then be translated into the language of

the new science. Whether in this or a similar way we should ever come

to really satisfactory results, no one can foresee, but at least it is

certain that this would involve a complete giving up of everything

which scientists have so far held to be right. Certainly in the

history of civilization great revolutions in science have happened.

The astronomers had to begin almost anew; why cannot the psychologists

turn around and acknowledge that they have been entirely wrong so far

and that they must begin once more at the beginning and rewrite all

which they have so far taken to be truth?

Certainly the psychologists are no cowards. They would not hesitate to

declare their mental bankruptcy if the progress of truth demanded it.

But at least we must be entirely clear that this is indeed the

situation and that no step on the track of mind-reading can be taken

without giving up everything which we have so far held to be true. And

it is evident that such a radical break with the whole past of human

science can be considered only if every other effort for explanation

fails, and if it seems really impossible to understand the facts in

the light of all which science has already accomplished. If Beulah

Miller's little hands are to set the torch to the whole pile of our

knowledge, we ought first to be perfectly sure that there is really

nothing worth saving. We cannot accept the theory of the apostles of

mind-reading until we know surely that Beulah Miller can receive

communications which cannot possibly be explained with the means of

science.

Now we all know one kind of mind-reading which looks very astounding

and yet which there is no difficulty at all in explaining. It is a

favourite performance on the stage, and not seldom tried as a parlour

game. I refer to the kind of mind-reading in which one person thinks

of a hidden coin, and the other holds his wrist and is then able to

find the secreted object. There is no mystery in such apparent

transmission of the idea, because it is the result of small

unintentional movements of the arm. The one who thinks hard of the

corner of the room in which the coin is placed cannot help giving

small impulses in that direction. He himself is not aware of these

faint movements, but the man who has a fine sense of touch becomes

conscious of these motions in the wrist which his fingers grasp, and

under the guidance of these slight movements he is led to the

particular place. Some persons express their thought of places more

easily than others and are therefore better fitted for the game, and

we find still greater differences in the sensitiveness of different

persons. Not every one can play the game as well as a trained stage

performer, who may have an extreme refinement of touch and may notice

even the least movements in the wrist which others would not feel at

all. Such an explanation is not an arbitrary theory. We can easily

show with delicate instruments in the psychological laboratory that

every one in thinking of a special direction soon begins to move his

hand toward it without knowing anything of these slight movements. The

instruments allow the reading of such impulses where the mere feeling

of the hand would hardly show any signs. A very neat form of the same

type is often seen on the stage when the performer is to read a series

of numbers in the mind of some one who thinks intensely of the

figures. Some one in the audience thinks of the number fifty-seven.

The performer asks him to think of the first figure, then he grasps

his hand and counts slowly from zero to nine. After that he asks him

to think of the second figure, and counts once more. Immediately after

he will announce rightly the two digits. Again there is no mystery in

it. He knows that the man who thinks of the figure five will make a

slight involuntary movement when the five is reached in counting, and

the same movement will occur at the seven in the second counting. If

he is very well trained, he will not need the touching of the hand;

he will perform the same experiment with figures without any actual

contact whatever. It will be sufficient to see the man who is thinking

of a figure while he himself is counting. As soon as the dangerous

digit is reached, the man will give some unintentional sign. Perhaps

his breathing will become a degree deeper, or stop for a moment, his

eyelids may make a reflex movement, his fingers may contract a bit.

This remains entirely unnoticed by any one in the audience, but the

professional mind-reader has heightened his sensibility so much that

none of these involuntary signs escapes him. Yet from the standpoint

of science his seeing these subtle signs is on principle no different

from our ordinary seeing when a man points his finger in some

direction.

But the experience of the scientist goes still farther. In the cases

of this parlour trick and the stage performance the one who claims to

read the mind of the other is more or less clearly aware of those

unintended signs. He feels those slight movement impulses, which he

follows. But we know from experiences of very different kind that such

signs may make an impression on the senses and influence the man, and

yet may not really come to consciousness. Even those who play the game

of mind-reading in the parlour and who are led by the arm movements

to find the hidden coin will often say with perfect sincerity that

they do not feel any movements in the wrist which they touch. This is

indeed quite possible. Those slight shocks which come to their finger

tips reach their brains and control their movements without producing

a conscious impression. They are led in the right direction without

knowing what is leading them. The physician finds the most extreme

cases of such happenings with some types of his hysteric patients.

They may not hear what is said to them or see what is shown to them,

and yet it makes an impression on them and works on their minds, and

they may be able later to bring it to their memory and it may guide

their actions, but on account of their disease those impressions do

not really reach their conscious minds.

We find the same lack of seeing or hearing or feeling in many cases of

hypnotism. But it is not necessary to go to such extreme happenings.

All of us can remember experiences when impressions reached our eyes

or ears and yet were not noticed at the time, although they guided our

actions. We may have been on the street in deep thought or in an

interesting conversation so that we were not giving any attention

whatever to the way, and yet every step was taken correctly under the

guidance of our eyes. We saw the street, although we were not

conscious of seeing it. We do not hear a clock ticking in our room

when we are working, and yet if the clock suddenly stops we notice it.

This indicates that the ticking of the clock reached us somehow and

had an effect on us in spite of our not being conscious of it. The

scientists are still debating whether it is best to say that these not

conscious processes are going on in our subconscious mind or whether

they are simply brain processes. For all practical purposes, this

makes no difference. We may say that our brain gets an impression

through our eyes when we see the street, or through our ears when we

hear the clock, or we may say that our subconscious mind receives

these messages of eye and ear. In neither case does the scientist find

anything mysterious or supernatural.

I am convinced that all the experiences with Beulah Miller may

ultimately be understood through those two principles. She has unusual

gifts and her performances are extremely interesting, but I think

everything can be explained through her subconscious noticing of

unintended signs. Where no signs are given which reach her senses, she

cannot read any one's mind. But the signs which she receives are not

noticed by her consciously. She is not really aware of them; they go

to her brain or to her subconscious mind and work from there on her

conscious mind.

What speaks in favour of such a skeptical view? I mention at first one

fact which was absolutely proved by my experiments--namely, that

Beulah Miller's successes turn into complete failures as soon as

neither the mother nor the sister is present in the room. All the

experiments which I have conducted in which I alone, or I together

with the minister and the judge, thought of words or cards or letters

or numbers did not yield better results than any one would get by mere

guessing. In one series, for instance, in which we all three made the

greatest effort to concentrate our minds on written figures, she knew

the first number correctly only in two out of fourteen cases. In

another series of twelve letters she did not know a single one at the

first trial. Sometimes when she showed splendid results with her

sister Gladys present, everything stopped the very moment the sister

left the room. Sometimes Beulah knew the first half of a word while

Gladys stood still in the same room, and could not get the second half

of the word when Gladys in the meantime had stepped from the little

parlour to the kitchen. Beulah was helpless even when a wooden door

was between her and the member of her family. She herself did not

know that it made such a difference, but the records leave no doubt. I

may at once add here another argument. The good results stop entirely

when Beulah is blindfolded. Even when both her mother and sister were

sitting quite near her, her mind-reading became pure guesswork when

her eyes were covered with a scarf. Again, she liked to make the

experiment under this condition and was not aware that her knowledge

failed her when she did not see her mother or sister. Her delight in

being blindfolded spoke very clearly for her naïve sincerity, but her

failure indicated no less clearly that she must be dependent upon

unintentional signs for her success.

Let me say at once that some of the observers would probably object to

my statement that the presence of the family was needed and that she

had to be in such direct connection with them. The newspapers told

wonderful stories of her success with strangers, and even the judge

and the minister felt certain that they had seen splendid results

under most difficult conditions. Yet I have to stick to what I

observed myself. It may be objected--and it is well known that this is

the pet objection of the spiritualists against the criticism of

scholars--that the results come well only when the child is in full

sympathy with those present and that I may have disturbed her. But

this was not the case. I evidently did not disturb her, inasmuch as we

saw that the experiments which I made with her when the sister or the

mother was present were most satisfactory. Moreover, she was evidently

very much at ease with me when we had become more acquainted, and just

those entirely negative results were mostly received on a morning when

I had fulfilled the dearest wishes of the two children, a watch for

the one and a ring for the other, besides all the candy with which my

pockets were regularly stuffed. She was in the happiest frame of mind

and most willing to do her best. But if I rely exclusively on my own

observation, it is not only because I suppose that the experiments

yielded just as good results as those of other observers. It is rather

because I know how difficult it is to give reliable accounts from mere

memory and to make experiments without long training in experimental

methods. All those publicly reported experiments had been made without

any actual exact records, and, moreover, by persons who overlooked the

most evident sources of error. As a matter of course, I took notes of

everything which happened, and treated the case with the same

carefulness with which I am accustomed to carry on the experiments in

the Harvard Psychological Laboratory.

To give some illustrations of sources of error, I may mention that the

earlier observers were convinced that Beulah could not see slight

movements of the persons in the room when she was looking fixedly at

the ceiling, or that she could not notice the movements of the sister

or the mother when she was staring straight into the eyes of the

experimenter. Any psychologist, on the contrary, would say that that

would be a most favourable condition for watching small signs. He

knows that while we fixate a point with the centre of our eye we are

most sensitive to slight movement impressions on the side parts of our

eye, and that this sensitiveness is often abnormally heightened. Just

when the child is looking steadily into our face or to the ceiling,

the outside parts of her sensitive retina may bring to her the visible

unintentional signs from her sister or mother. The untrained observer

is also usually unaware how easily he helps by suggestive movements or

utterances to the other observers. When Beulah gave a six instead of a

nine, one of our friends whispered that she may have seen it upside

down in her mind, or when she gave a zero instead of a six that it

looked similar. In short, they keep helping without knowing it. Very

characteristic is the habit of unintentionally using phrases which

begin with the letters of which they are thinking. The letter in their

minds forces them to speak words which begin with it. If they start at

a C, we hear "Come, Beulah," if at a T, "Try, Beulah," if at an S,

"See, Beulah." It is very hard to protect ourselves against such

unintended and unnoticed helps. It is still more difficult to keep the

failures in mind. The eager expectancy of hearing the right letter or

number from the lips of the child gives such a strong emphasis to the

right results that the wrong ones slip from the mind of the hearer.

The right figure may be only the third or the fourth guess of the

child, but if then the whole admiring chorus around say emphatically

at this fourth trial that this is quite right, those three wrong

efforts which preceded fade away from the memory. I may acknowledge

for myself that I was mostly inclined to believe that the number of

the correct answers had been greater than they actually were according

to my exact records. For all these reasons I had the very best right

to disregard the reports of all those who relied on their amateur art

of experimenting and on their mere memory account.

What kind of signs could be in question? It may seem to outsiders that

the most wonderful system of signs would be needed for every content

of one mind to be communicated to another. But here again we must

first reduce the exaggerated claims to the simpler reality. When

Beulah makes card experiments, the whole words jack, queen, king,

spade, club, heart, diamond, come to her mind, but when she makes word

experiments, never under any circumstances does a real word come to

her consciousness, but only single letters. Why is this? If king and

queen can be transmitted from mind to mind, why not dog and cat? Yet

when the mother thinks of dog, it is always only first D, and after a

while O, and finally G which creeps into her mind. This difference

seems to me most characteristic, because it indicates very clearly

that the whole performance is possible only when the communicated

content belongs to a small list which can be easily counted. There are

only three face cards, only four suites, only ten numbers, and only

twenty-six letters, but there are ten thousand words and more. It is

easy to connect every one of the ten numbers or every one of the

twenty-six letters with a particular sign, but it would be impossible

to have a sign for every one of the ten thousand words. Yet if we had

to do with real mind-reading, it ought to make no difference whether

we transmit the letter D or the word dog. This fact that she can

recognize words only by slow spelling, while the faces and the suites

of the cards and the names of the numbers come as full words, seems to

me to point most clearly to the whole key of the situation. Anything

which cannot be brought into such a simple number series, for

instance, a colour impression, can never be transmitted. If the mother

looks at the ace of diamonds, Beulah says that she sees the red of the

diamond before her in her mind, but if the mother looks at the picture

of a blue lake, this blue impression can never arise in Beulah's mind,

but only the letters B-L-U-E.

Moreover, I observed that for Beulah the letters of the alphabet were

indeed connected with numbers, as in seeking a letter she has a habit

of going through the alphabet and at the same time moving one finger

after another. Thus she feels each letter as having a definite place

in her series of finger movements, and the finger movements themselves

are often counted by her, so that each letter is finally connected

with a special number. This, indeed, reduces the situation to rather a

simple scheme. She succeeds only if her mother or sister is present

and if her eyes are open, and she succeeds only with material which

can be easily counted. A very short system of simple signs would thus

be entirely sufficient to communicate everything which her

mind-reading brings to her. As to the particular signs, I do not yet

feel sure. It would probably take months of careful examination before

I should find them out, just as in Germany it has taken months for

scholars to discover the unintentional signs which the owner of a

trick horse made, from which the horse was apparently able to

calculate. I have no time to carry on such an investigation in this

case, the more as I do not see that any new insight could be gained by

it.

Once I noticed distinctly how in the card experiments the mother

without her own knowledge made seven movements with her foot when she

thought of the figure seven. That gave me the idea that the signs

might be given by very slight knocking on the floor which Beulah's

oversensitive skin might notice. What speaks against such a view is

that the results stop when she is blindfolded. Yet in this connection

I may mention another aspect. It is quite possible that the covering

of her eyes may destroy her power, and that nevertheless she may

receive her signs chiefly not through the eyes, but through touch and

ear. It may be that she needs her eyes open because the seeing of the

members of the family may heighten by a kind of autosuggestion her

sensitiveness for the perception of the slight signs. I have no doubt

that this kind of autosuggestion plays a large rôle in her mind. She

can read a card much better when she is allowed to touch with her

fingers the rear of the card. She herself believes that she receives

the knowledge through her finger tips. In reality it is, of course, a

stimulus by which she becomes more suggestible and by which

accordingly her sensitiveness to the slight signs which her mother and

sister give her becomes increased. We must, however, never forget that

these signs, whatever they may be, are not only unintentional on the

part of her family, but also not consciously perceived by Beulah. If

she stares at the ceiling, and her mother, without knowing it, makes

seven slight foot movements, Beulah gets through the side parts of her

eye a nerve impression, but she does not think of the foot. This nerve

impression, as we saw, works on the subconscious mind, or on the

brain, and the idea of seven then arises in her conscious mind like a

picture which she can see.

Such a system of signs, completely unknown to those who give them and

to her who receives them, cannot have been built up in a short while.

But we heard how it originated. At first Beulah recognized the queen

in the hands of her sister and mother, when they were playing "Old

Maid." There are many who have so much power to recognize the small

signs. But when they began to make experiments with cards, probably

definite family habits developed; there was much occasion to treat

each card individually, to link some involuntary movement with the

face cards and some with each suite, and slowly to carry this system

over to letters. They all agree that Beulah recognizes some frequent

letters much more easily than the rare letters. What the observers

have now found was the result of two years' training with mother and

sister. Yet all this became possible only because Beulah evidently has

this unusual, supernormal sensitiveness together with this abnormal

power to receive the signs without their coming at once to

consciousness. Her mental makeup in this respect constantly reminds

the psychologist of the traits of a hysteric woman.

Psychology and Social Sanity · 第 8 / 15 段