5. As soon as the committee is formed and the board appointed you must
let me know their names, and thereupon a letter will be sent to the
gentlemen in the name of the whole Italian Committee, asking them to
come to Rome. They will receive the formal invitations and programmes
later.
In the meantime I will inform you that at the last conference in
London thirty-six members of foreign parliaments were appointed to
make preparations for the third conference. Among these thirty-six
members Austria is represented by Count Wilczek and Cavaliere Bolesta
von Koslowski, and Hungary by Count Apponyi and Dr. Viktor Hagara. I
have sent to each of these four gentlemen a circular, of which you
shall receive a copy as soon as I get to Rome; but thus far not one of
the gentlemen has replied, so far as I am aware, and this is not
encouraging.
Altogether this committee of thirty-six has turned out badly, and I
think the matter must be otherwise arranged in future.
The best way is for Parliamentary Committees to be formed in each
country in the manner that I have explained above.
With heartiest greetings, etc.,
Pandolfi
The Interparliamentary Group in Austria was formed—formed through the
zeal, born of real conviction, of one of the deputies to whom at my
suggestion Baron Kübeck (himself not wholly convinced, as his letter
shows) had addressed himself: Peter, Baron Pirquet. He remained for
years at the head of the group, represented it with talent and tact at
all the subsequent conferences, and his crowning act was the
organization of the Interparliamentary Conference at Vienna in the year
1903. After the group was formed, delegates for Rome were appointed,
among them Dr. Russ and Baron Pirquet, and thus the participation of
Austria in the third Interparliamentary Conference was assured.
XXIX
FOUNDING OF THE AUSTRIAN PEACE SOCIETY
Appeal in the _Neue Freie Presse_ · Response from the public · Adhesions
and contributions of money · Prosper von Piette sends a thousand
florins · Dr. Kunwald · Preliminary meeting · Joining the International
League · Circular for the formation of a national union · Letter from
the Duke of Oldenburg · Permanent organization · Voices from members of
the world’s intellectual aristocracy
But how was it with the Peace Congress,—that is, the congress of the
private peace society, which was to meet in Rome at the same time,—would
Austria be unrepresented in that? Of course, since no peace association
existed in Austria. This thought gave me no rest. It must surely be
possible to gather adherents for the idea. The result of my
excogitations was an appeal which I sent to the _Neue Freie Presse_ on
the first of September, 1891, without much hope that the paper would
publish it. Great were my joy and amazement when on the third of
September, on opening the sheet, I discovered my article in a prominent
place, with a footnote by the editor saying that “no one can have a
better right to speak on the question proposed than the author of _Die
Waffen nieder_.”
By way of introduction the article told of the approaching congress in
Rome, the assured participation of the Austrian parliamentarians, and
the need of forming also a private association whose delegates should
take part in the congress at Rome. Then it went on:
This is the way affairs stand: Armies millions strong—divided into two
camps clashing their arms—are awaiting only a signal to spring at each
other; but in the mutual trembling dread at the immeasurable horror of
the threatening outbreak may be found some security for its delay.
But postponement is not suppression. The so-called “blessings” of
peace which the system of armed dread endeavors to maintain are
guaranteed to us only from year to year, are always represented only
as lasting, “it is to be hoped,” for a while yet. Of the abolition of
war, of a total suppression of the principle of force, the powers that
are leagued in an armed fraternity for “the maintenance of peace” will
not hear a word. To them war is sacred, ineradicable, and men must not
dream of doing away with it; but it is also, in view of the dimensions
which a coming conflagration will develop into, dreadful to them,
inexcusable before their own consciences, so it must not be begun.
But what an unnatural thing that is which must not stop nor begin, not
be denied nor affirmed! An eternal preparation for that which is to be
avoided by the preparation, at the same time an avoidance of that
which by the avoidance is prepared! This monstrous contradiction is
thus explained: that creation of historical antiquity which they are
still trying to preserve—“merry” war that shifts jurisdictions,
bestows power, and claims only a fraction of the population—has in the
course of time, through the development of civilization, become a
moral and physical impossibility.
Morally impossible because men have lost something of their savagery
and disregard of life; physically impossible because the accessions to
our technology of destruction during the past twenty years would make
of the next campaign a thing that would be something quite new and
different, no longer to be designated by the name of war. _If one
should prepare a bath for long hours, heat the water, heat it until it
boiled and ran over, then could what happened to any one who should at
last get into the tub, or rather fall in, still be called a “bath”?_ A
few years more of such “maintenance” of peace, of such inventions of
machines for murder,—electric mines, ekrasit-loaded aërial
torpedoes,—and on the day when war is declared all the Dual, Triple,
and Quadruple alliances will be blown to shivers.
Those who have the slow-match in their hands luckily take notice of
this. They know that with such a supply of powder the consequences
would be terrible if they should carelessly or even wantonly set it
afire. So in order to increase this beneficent carefulness the supply
of powder is constantly increased. Would it not be simpler,
voluntarily and unanimously to take away the slow-matches? in other
words, disarm? Establish an international reign of law—fuse into one
group the separate groups which constantly swear to each other that if
attacked by some other group they will fight shoulder to
shoulder—_found the alliance of the civilized states of Europe_?
The various alliances now stand face to face as equals in power and
dignity. What is to hinder their making what they now set as their
aim—peace—the foundation of their existence? What hinders it? the law
of inertia on the one hand, and on the other hand the fomented
national hatred, the flurry constantly kept up by the noisiest
party—the war party—in every land.
The noisiest to be sure—but yet at the same time the smallest. A
little body of chauvinists here and there. In Russia a group of
Panslavists—the Tsar desires peace; in France a group of
revenge-seekers—the government desires peace; among us and in Germany
a few militarists—both the emperors desire peace. To say nothing of
the people; they yearn for peace and have a right to it. The shouts of
martial comradeship which are uttered here and there on the occasion
of various welcomes to fleets, and which may so easily be interpreted
as the expression of a desire for war on the part of the peoples,
ought no longer to be so misunderstood: have we really not yet learned
that there is nothing more epidemic than hurrahs and vivas? that these
shouts must always, on behalf of every cause, rend the air as soon as
the first signal is given—by a natural necessity, like the rolling of
thunder after the flash of lightning?
Small then, that is certain, is the number of those that still desire
a state of war. Still smaller the number of those that acknowledge
this desire aloud and proclaim it in their own name. On the other
hand, infinitely great are the masses who yearn for peace, not peace
prolonged in fear and trembling but peace securely guaranteed. Among
these, however, the number is again very small who believe in the
possibility of fulfillment for their wish, and who have combined to
proclaim aloud their purpose and to make for this goal with united
effort. He who waves the white flag has millions behind him, but these
millions are still dumb.
The article then went on to tell of the beginnings that had already been
made in other countries, and ended with a request that people would send
in letters of adhesion, with the purpose of having the supporters unite
in a league which might send its representatives to the congress in
Rome.
It had surprised me that the _Presse_ so willingly printed my appeal; I
was still more surprised at the response which it awakened in the
public. Hundreds of letters (they will be found among my possessions
when I die) poured in on me from Vienna and from the provinces and from
all classes of society. Enthusiastic concurrence, joyous offers of
coöperation, also promises of pecuniary assistance. A rich manufacturer
of Bohemia, Prosper Piette was his name, inclosed in his simply
registered letter a thousand-florin note to be expended at will in the
service of the cause; I sent the offering to Rome by the next mail, to
the committee for the organization of the congress.
Out of the letters I selected a few which were especially adapted to
inspire confidence, and entered into personal communication with the
writers of them so as to form, with them and with their help, a
provisory committee that should call a first meeting. Doctor Kunwald the
lawyer, one of the first who had sent in their names in response to my
article, and whose letter was among the most enthusiastic, gave me
efficient help in this matter. An invitation was extended to all authors
of letters of adhesion living in Vienna to meet together on a certain
day at a certain place for the purpose of holding a constituent
assembly. Accompanied by Doctor Kunwald I repaired to the designated
hall. My husband had been ill with bronchial catarrh for several days,
and could not come from Harmannsdorf to Vienna. The meeting was pretty
well attended. The chairmanship was conferred upon me as having sent out
the original summons; but, since I was too inexperienced to perform the
duties of the office in parliamentary manner, I authorized Dr. Kunwald
to preside in my name. Those present listened to the reading of that
article of the constitution of the English Peace Association which says:
Each of these national sections, however great the number of their
members may be, is constituted through the simple fact that all are
agreed to work for the common end.
Even an assembly held in a private house, without any appeal to the
public, may be regarded as the nucleus of such a section. It is
sufficient to nominate a secretary and to vote to meet at least once a
month, in order to keep in touch with the progress of the union and to
devise means for propaganda.
As soon as a section is recognized by the Central Committee in London,
it belongs to the Association.
I was now commissioned to draw up a new circular inviting to the
definitive formation of an association, and to induce influential
personages to join in signing this circular as preliminary committee. I
undertook this labor, and on the eighteenth of October all the journals
printed the following appeal, with full headings:
The International Peace and Arbitration Association (headquarters in
London; president, Hodgson Pratt; vice presidents, the Duke of
Westminster, Cardinal Manning, the Marquis of Ripon, the Bishop of
London, etc.), whose various branches, established in almost every
country in Europe, are to be represented at the next Congress (Rome,
November 9, 1891), has now among the rest, by action taken at a
preliminary meeting of sympathizers held on the twenty-ninth of
September, an _Austrian section_.
But in order that this section may be able effectively to perform the
duties devolving on it in this country, in order that it may be in a
condition to spread and grow strong, it has determined to organize
itself as a regular and legal society, whose constitution is then to
be submitted to the proper authorities for acceptance.
The Association is _not to be political_, for its object—“the
furtherance of the principle of a durable peace among the nations”—is
purely _humanitarian_. If, in the last analysis, it is incumbent upon
this tendency to exert some influence on the course of politics in
general, this is only what is common to all humanitarian and
civilizing efforts; for all such are characterized by aiming at the
amelioration and progress of human society, and thus influence the
development of social conditions in all directions. We are concerning
ourselves only with one thing,—the recognition and promulgation of the
simple principle that
_human society—whether as individuals or as groups of individuals,
called nations—has to seek the foundation of its true welfare in
unity, not in separation; in mutual cöoperation, not in mutual
enmity_.
Moreover, connection with the society presupposes the conviction that
war is a fearful evil, but by no means an _unavoidable evil_; that in
the intercourse of civilized nations the status of force should, and
may, be replaced by the status of law.
So one who joins the general Peace Association, or any of its
branches, does not have to start with any political programme; on the
contrary, _the advocacy of any such programme is excluded from the
debates of the meetings by the constitution_. In the community of
_purpose_ is to be found the reason why the hosts of the friends of
peace may be drawn from all ranks and all parties; hence it is, too,
that in the lists of members of the various peace societies the names
of Whigs and Tories, of socialists and aristocrats, of freethinkers
and church dignitaries, stand together.
If service in the army were not _in limine_ a bar to all participation
in public associations, even active soldiers might become members; for
they are not there to defend _war_, but to defend their country in
case war breaks out. They have just as much human right to desire the
disappearance of this calamity as the physician has to desire the
disappearance of epidemics. A universally known and honored person has
given to this view the following noble and courageous expression, in a
letter in which he offers his name for membership:
“... Although upon the breaking out of any war in which Germany was
involved (I am a colonel _à la suite_ in the Prussian army; I was
retired in 1875 as a semi-invalid) I should immediately present myself
for reinstatement in the army, yet I am in no sense fond of war; on
the contrary, I regard war as a terrible calamity, even for the
_victor_. I have taken part in two campaigns, not as one of a large
staff but with the troops, and have thus had enough—more than
enough—of opportunity to know from my own observation and experience
the whole unnamable wretchedness which every war brings in its train.
Joyfully, therefore, do I accept your invitation, and will most gladly
strive to further, to the extent of my powers, the large-hearted,
noble, and—may God grant it—also beneficent undertaking which you have
started.
“Elimar Herzog von Oldenburg.”
The first, the only purpose which we have in view is the intimation of
our own desire for peace and the creation of a sufficiently educated
public opinion.
The practical methods to be used in our activities for this purpose
consist in the dissemination of printed matter, circulars, and
declarations; the insertion of articles in the daily press, the
delivery of public addresses, the familiarization of people with the
literature of the subject, and, upon sufficient occasion, the
publication of pamphlets or books; the sending of delegates to
meetings and congresses; constant communication with the allied
societies, and unremitting care to keep up to date the knowledge of
the condition and progress of the general movement.
To the constituent assembly—to which all who have sent in their
adhesion, or shall send it in, will receive invitations; it will be
called together in the second half of this month—is reserved the
acceptance of the proposed constitution, the election of the permanent
board of management, and the appointment of the delegates which the
Austrian Peace Society now in process of formation wishes to send to
Rome.