against the inscription proposed for General Washington’s statue. He
says it is too long to be put on the pedestal. I told him, I was not at
liberty to permit any alteration, but I would represent his objection to
a friend, who could judge of its validity, and whether a change could be
authorized. This has been the subject of conversations here, and various
devices and inscriptions have been suggested. The one which has appeared
best to me, may be translated as follows: ‘Behold, Reader, the form of
George Washington. For his worth, ask History; that will tell it, when
this stone shall have yielded to the decays of time. His country erects
this monument.’ Houdon makes it.’This for one side. On the second,
represent the evacuation of Boston, with the motto, ‘Hostibus primum
fugatis.’ On the third, the capture of the Hessians, with ‘Hostibus
iterum devictis.’ On the fourth, the surrender of York, with ‘Hostibus
ultimum debellatis.’ This is seizing the three most brilliant actions of
his military life. By giving out, here, a wish of receiving mottos for
this statue, we might have thousands offered, from which still better
might be chosen. The artist made the same objection, of length, to the
inscription for the bust of the Marquis de la Fayette. An alteration of
that might come in time still, if an alteration was wished. However, I
am not certain that it is desirable in either case. The State of Georgia
has given twenty thousand acres of land, to the Count d’Estaing. This
gift is considered here as very honorable to him, and it has gratified
him much. I am persuaded, that a gift of lands by the State of Virginia
to the Marquis de la Fayette, would give a good opinion here of our
character, and would reflect honor on the Marquis. Nor am I sure that
the day will not come, when it might be an useful asylum to him. The
time of life at which he visited America was too well adapted to receive
good and lasting impressions, to permit him ever to accommodate himself
to the principles of monarchical government; and it will need all his
own prudence, and that of his friends, to make this country a safe
residence for him. How glorious, how comfortable in reflection, will it
be, to have prepared a refuge for him in case of a reverse. In the
mean time, he could settle it with tenants from the freest part of this
country, Bretaigne. I have never suggested the smallest idea of this
kind to him: because the execution of it should convey the first notice.
If the State has not a right to give him lands with their own officers,
they could buy up, at cheap prices, the shares of others. I am not
certain, however, whether, in the public or private opinion, a similar
gift to Count Rochambeau could be dispensed with. If the State could
give to both, it would be better: but, in any event, I think they
should to the Marquis. Count Rochambeau, too, has really deserved more
attention than he has received. Why not set up his bust, that of Gates,
Greene, Franklin, in your new capitol? _A propos_ of the capital. Do, my
dear friend, exert yourself to get the plan begun on set aside, and that
adopted, which was drawn here. It was taken from a model which has been
the admiration of sixteen centuries; which has been the object of as
many pilgrimages as the tomb of Mahomet; which will give unrivalled
honor to our State, and furnish a model whereon to form the taste of our
young men. It will cost much less too, than the one begun; because it
does not cover one half of the area. Ask, if you please, a sight of
my letter of January the 26th, to Messrs. Buchanan and Hay, which will
spare me the repeating its substance here.
Every thing is quiet in Europe. I recollect but one new invention in the
arts which is worth mentioning. It is a mixture of the arts of engraving
and printing, rendering both cheaper. Write or draw any thing on a plate
of brass, with the ink of the inventor, and, in half an hour, he gives
you engraved copies of it, so perfectly like the original, that they
could not be suspected to be copies. His types for printing a whole
page, are all in one solid piece. An author, therefore, only prints a
few copies of his work, from time to time, as they are called for. This
saves the loss of printing more copies than may possibly be sold, and
prevents an edition from being ever exhausted.
I am, with a lively esteem, Dear Sir,
your sincere friend and servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CLVIII.--TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE, February 9, 1786
TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE.
Paris, February 9, 1786.
Dear Sir,
The Mr. John Ledyard, who proposes to undertake the journey through the
northern parts of Asia and America, is a citizen of Connecticut, one of
the United States of America. He accompanied Captain Cook in his last
voyage to the northwestern parts of America, and rendered himself useful
to that officer, on some occasions, by a spirit of enterprise which has
distinguished his whole life. He has genius, and education better than
the common, and a talent for useful and interesting observation. I
believe him to be an honest man, and a man of truth. To all this, he
adds just as much singularity of character, and of that particular kind
too, as was necessary to make him undertake the journey he proposes.
Should he get safe through it, I think he will give an interesting
account of what he shall have seen.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of sincere esteem and respect,
Dear Sir,
your most obedient
and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CLIX.--TO MONSIEUR HILLIARD d’AUBERTEUIL, Feb. 20, 1786
TO MONSIEUR HILLIARD d’AUBERTEUIL.
Paris, February 20, 1786.
Sir,
I have been honored with your letter, and the books which accompanied
it, for which I return you my hearty thanks. America cannot but be
flattered with the choice of the subject, on which you are at present
employing your pen. The memory of the American Revolution will be
immortal, and will immortalize those who record it. The reward is
encouraging, and will justify all those pains, which a rigorous
investigation of facts will render necessary. Many important facts,
which preceded the commencement of hostilities, took place in England.
These may mostly be obtained from good publications in that country.
Some took place in this country. They will be probably hidden from
the present age. But America is the field where the greatest mass of
important events were transacted, and where, alone, they can now be
collected. I therefore much applaud your idea of going to that country,
for the verification of the facts you mean to record. Every man there
can tell you more than any man here, who has not been there: and the
very ground itself will give you new insight into some of the most
interesting transactions. If I can be of service to you, in promoting
your object there, I offer myself freely to your use. I shall be
flattered by the honor of your visit here, at any time. I am seldom from
home before noon; but if any later hour should suit you better, I will
take care to be at home, at any hour and day, you will be pleased to
indicate.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, Sir,
your most obedient, humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CLX.--TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES, February 28,1786
TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Paris, February 28,1786.
Sir,
Circumstances of public duty calling me suddenly to London, I take
the liberty of mentioning it to your Excellency, and of asking a
few minutes’ audience of you, at as early a day and hour as will be
convenient to you, and that you will be so good as to indicate them to
me. I would wish to leave Paris about Friday or Saturday, and suppose
that my stay in London will be of about three weeks. I shall be happy to
be the bearer of any commands your Excellency may have for that place,
and will faithfully execute them. I cannot omit mentioning, how pleasing
it would be to me to be enabled, before my departure, to convey to the
American prisoners at St. Pol de Léon such mitigation of their fate, as
may be thought admissible.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest respect and
esteem, your Excellency’s
most obedient
and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CLXI.--TO MONSIEUR DE REYNEVAL, March 8, 1786
TO MONSIEUR DE REYNEVAL.
Paris, March 8, 1786.
Sir,
His Excellency, Count de Vergennes, having been pleased to say that he
would give orders at Calais, for the admission of certain articles which
I wish to bring with me from England, I have thought it best to give a
description of them, before my departure. They will be as follows:
1. A set of table furniture, consisting of China, silver, and plated
ware, distributed into three or four boxes or canteens, for the
convenience of removing them.
2. A box containing small tools for wooden and iron work, for my own
amusement.
3. A box, probably, of books.
4. I expect to bring with me a riding horse, saddle, &c.
The mathematical instruments will probably be so light that I may bring
them in my carriage, in which case, I presume they will pass with my
baggage, under the authority of the passport for my person. If these
orders can be made out in time, I would willingly be the bearer of them
myself.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and
respect, Sir, ,
your most obedient servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CLXII.--TO JOHN JAY, March 12, 1786
TO JOHN JAY.
London, March 12, 1786.
Sir.
The date of a letter from London will doubtless be as unexpected to you
as it was unforeseen by myself, a few days ago. On the 27th of the last
month, Colonel Smith arrived in Paris, with a letter from Mr. Adams,
informing me that there was at this place a minister from Tripoli,
having general powers to enter into treaties on behalf of his State, and
with whom it was possible we might do something, under our commission
to that power: and that he gave reason to believe, he could also make
arrangements with us, for Tunis. He further added, that the minister
of Portugal here had received ultimate instructions from his court, and
that, probably, that treaty might be concluded in the space of three
weeks, were we all on the spot together. He, therefore, pressed me to
come over immediately. The first of these objects had some weight on my
mind, because, as we had sent no person to Tripoli or Tunis, I thought
if we could meet a minister from them on this ground, our arrangements
would be settled much sooner, and at less expense. But what principally
decided me, was, the desire of bringing matters to a conclusion with
Portugal, before the term of our commissions should expire, or any
new turn in the negotiations of France and England should abate their
willingness to fix a connection with us. A third motive had also its
weight. I hoped that my attendance here, and the necessity of shortening
it, might be made use of to force a decisive answer from this court.
I therefore concluded to comply with Mr. Adams’s request. I went
immediately to Versailles, and apprized the Count de Vergennes, that
circumstances of public duty called me hither for three or four weeks,
arranged with him some matters, and set out with Colonel Smith for this
place, where we arrived last night, which was as early as the excessive
rigor of the weather admitted. I saw Mr. Adams immediately, and again
to-day. He informs me, that the minister of Portugal was taken ill five
or six days ago, has been very much so, but is now somewhat better.
It would be very mortifying, indeed, should this accident, with the
shortness of the term to which I limit my stay here, defeat what was the
principal object of my journey, and that, without which, I should hardly
have undertaken it. With respect to this country, I had no doubt but
that every consideration had been urged by Mr. Adams, which was proper
to be urged. Nothing remains undone in this way. But we shall avail
ourselves of my journey here, as if made on purpose, just before the
expiration of our commission, to form our report to Congress on the
execution of that commission, which report, they may be given to
know, cannot be formed without decisive information of the ultimate
determination of their court. There is no doubt what that determination
will be: but it will be useful to have it; as it may put an end to all
further expectations on our side the water, and show that the time
is come for doing whatever is to be done by us, for counteracting the
unjust and greedy designs of this country. We shall have the honor,
before I leave this place, to inform you of the result of the several
matters which have brought me to it.
A day or two before my departure from Paris, I received your letter of
January------. The question therein proposed, How far France considers
herself as bound to insist on the delivery of the posts, would
infallibly produce another, How far we consider ourselves as guarantees
of their American possessions, and bound to enter into any future war,
in which these may be attacked? The words of the treaty of alliance
seem to be without ambiguity on either head, yet, I should be afraid to
commit Congress, by answering without authority. I will endeavor, on
my return, to sound the opinion of the minister, if possible, without
exposing myself to the other question. Should any thing forcible
be meditated on these posts, it would possibly be thought prudent,
previously to ask the good offices of France, to obtain their delivery.
In this case, they would probably say, we must first execute the treaty,
on our part, by repealing all acts which have contravened it. Now this
measure, if there be any candor in the court of London, would suffice to
obtain a delivery of the posts from them, without the mediation of any
third power. However, if this mediation should be finally needed, I
see no reason to doubt our obtaining it, and still less to question its
omnipotent influence on the British court.
I have the honor to be, with the highest respect and esteem, Sir, your
most obedient
and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CLXIII.--TO COLONEL HUMPHREYS, March 14, 1786
TO COLONEL HUMPHREYS.
London, March 14, 1786.
Dear Sir,
I have been honoured with your letter, in which you mention to me
your intention of returning to America in the April packet. It is with
sincere concern that I meet this event, as it deprives me not only of
your aid in the office in which we have been joined, but also of your
society, which has been to me a source of the greatest satisfaction.
I think myself bound to return you my thanks for it, and, at the
same time, to bear testimony, that in the discharge of the office of
Secretary of Legation to the several commissions, you have fulfilled all
its duties with readiness, propriety, and fidelity. I sincerely wish,
that on your return, our country may avail itself of your talents in the
public service, and that you may be willing so to employ them. You
carry with you my wishes for your prosperity, and a desire of being
instrumental to it: and I hope, that in every situation in which we may
be placed, you will freely command and count on my services. I will beg
to be favored with your letters, whenever it is convenient. You have
seen our want of intelligence here, and well know the nature of
that which will be useful or agreeable. I fear I shall have little
interesting to give you in return; but such news as my situation
affords, you shall be sure to receive. I pray you to be the bearer of
the enclosed letter to Mr. Jay, to accept my wishes for a favorable
passage, a happy meeting with your friends, and for every future
felicity which this life can afford, being with the greatest esteem,
Dear Sir,
your sincere friend
and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
APPENDIX.
[NOTE A.]--TO THE GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA.
Kaskaskias, Illinois, April 29,1779.
Dear Sir,
A few days ago, I received certain intelligence of William Morris,
my express to you, being killed near the falls of Ohio, news truly
disagreeable to me, as I fear many of my letters will fall into the
hands of the enemy, at Detroit, although some of them, as I learn, were
found in the woods torn in pieces. I do not doubt but before the
receipt of this, you will have heard of my late success against Governor
Hamilton, at post St. Vincenne. That gentleman, with a body of men,
possessed himself of that post on the 15th of December last, repaired
the fortifications for a repository, and in the spring, meant to attack
this place, which he made no doubt of carrying; where he was to be
joined by two hundred Indians from Michilimackinac, and five hundred
Cherokees, Chickasaws, and other nations. With this body, he was to
penetrate up the Ohio to Fort Pitt, sweeping Kentucky on his way, having
light brass cannon for the purpose, joined on his march by all the
Indians that could be got to him. He made no doubt, that he could force
all West Augusta. This expedition was ordered by the commander in chief
of Canada. Destruction seemed to hover over us from every quarter;
detached parties of the enemy were in the neighborhood every day, but
afraid to attack. I ordered Major Bowman to evacuate the fort at the
Cohas, and join me immediately, which he did. Having not received a
scrape of a pen from you, for near twelve months, I could see but little
probability of keeping possession of the country, as my number of men
was too small to stand a siege, and my situation too remote to call for
assistance. I made all the preparations I possibly could for the attack,
and was necessitated to set fire to some of the houses in town, to clear
them out of the way. But in the height of the hurry, a Spanish
merchant, who had been at St. Vincenne, arrived, and gave the following
intelligence: that Mr. Hamilton had weakened himself, by sending his
Indians against the frontiers, and to block up the Ohio; that he had
not more than eighty men in garrison, three pieces of cannon, and some
swivels mounted; and that he intended to attack this place, as soon as
the winter opened, and made no doubt of clearing the western waters
by the fall. My situation and circumstances induced me to fall on the
resolution of attacking him, before he could collect his Indians again.
I was sensible the resolution was as desperate as my situation, but
I saw no other probability of securing the country. I immediately
despatched a small galley, which I had fitted up, mounting two
four-pounders and four swivels, with a company of men and necessary
stores on board, with orders to force her way, if possible, and station
herself a few miles below the enemy, suffer nothing to pass her, and
wait for further orders. In the mean time, I marched across the country
with one hundred and thirty men, being all I could raise, after leaving
this place garrisoned by the militia. The inhabitants of the country
behaved exceedingly well, numbers of young men turned out on the
expedition, and every other one embodied to guard the different towns.
I marched the 7th of February. Although so small a body, it took me
sixteen days on the route. The inclemency of the season, high waters,
&c. seemed to threaten the loss of the expedition. When within three
leagues of the enemy, in a direct line, it took us five days to cross
the drowned lands of the Wabash river, having to wade often upwards of
two leagues, to our breast in water. Had not the weather been warm, we
must have perished. But on the evening of the 23rd, we got on dry land,
in sight of the enemy; and at seven o’clock, made the attack, before
they knew any thing of us. The town immediately surrendered with joy,
and assisted in the siege. There was a continual fire on both sides,
for eighteen hours. I had no expectation of gaining the fort until the
arrival of my artillery. The moon setting about one o’clock, I had an
entrenchment thrown up within rifle-shot of their strongest battery,
and poured such showers of well directed balls into their ports, that we
silenced two pieces of cannon in fifteen minutes, without getting a man
hurt.
Governor Hamilton and myself had, on the following day, several
conferences, but did not agree until the evening, when he agreed to
surrender the garrison (seventy-nine in number) prisoners of war, with
considerable stores. I got only one man wounded; not being able to lose
many, I made them secure themselves well. Seven were badly wounded in
the fort, through ports. In the height of this action, an Indian party
that had been to war, and taken two prisoners, came in, not knowing of
us. Hearing of them, I despatched a party to give them battle in the
commons, and got nine of them, with the two prisoners, who proved to be
Frenchmen. Hearing of a convoy of goods from Detroit, I sent a party
of sixty men, in armed boats well mounted with swivels, to meet them,
before they could receive any intelligence. They met the convoy forty
leagues up the river, and made a prize of the whole, taking forty
prisoners, and about ten thousand pounds’ worth of goods and provisions;
also the mail from Canada to Governor Hamilton, containing, however, no
news of importance. But what crowned the general joy, was the arrival of
William Morris, my express to you, with your letters, which gave general
satisfaction. The soldiery, being made sensible of the gratitude of
their country for their services, were so much elated, that they would
have attempted the reduction of Detroit, had I ordered them. Having
more prisoners than I knew what to do with, I was obliged to discharge
a greater part of them on parole. Mr. Hamilton, his principal officers,
and a few soldiers, I have sent to Kentucky, under convoy of Captain
Williams, in order to be conducted to you. After despatching Morris with
letters to you, treating with the neighboring Indians, &c, I returned to
this place, leaving a sufficient garrison at St. Vincenne.