your notice. Nor will that quiet be soon disturbed, at least for the
current year. Perhaps it hangs on the life of the King of Prussia, and
that hangs by a very slender thread. American reputation in Europe is
not such as to be flattering to its citizens. Two circumstances are
particularly objected to us; the nonpayment of our debts, and the want
of energy in our government. These discourage a connection with us. I
own it to be my opinion, that good will arise from the destruction of
our credit. I see nothing else which can restrain our disposition to
luxury, and to the change of those manners, which alone can preserve
republican government. As it is impossible to prevent credit, the best
way would be to cure its ill effects by giving an instantaneous recovery
to the creditor. This would be reducing purchases on credit to purchases
for ready money. A man would then see a prison painted on every thing he
wished, but had not ready money to pay for.
I fear from an expression in your letter, that the people of Kentucky
think of separating, not only from Virginia (in which they are right),
but also from the confederacy. I own, I should think this a most
calamitous event, and such a one as every good citizen should set
himself against. Our present federal limits are not too large for good
government, nor will the increase of votes in Congress produce any ill
effect. On the contrary, it will drown the little divisions at present
existing there. Our confederacy must be viewed as the nest from which
all America, North and South, is to be peopled. We should take care,
too, not to think it for the interest of that great continent to press
too soon on the Spaniards. Those countries cannot be in better hands. My
fear is, that they are too feeble to hold them till our population
can be sufficiently advanced to gain it from them piece by piece. The
navigation of the Mississippi we must have. This is all we are, as yet,
ready to receive. I have made acquaintance with a very sensible, candid
gentleman here, who was in South America during the revolt which took
place there while our Revolution was going on. He says, that those
disturbances (of which we scarcely heard any thing) cost, on both sides,
an hundred thousand lives.
I have made a particular acquaintance here with Monsieur de Buffon, and
have a great desire to give him the best idea I can of our elk. Perhaps
your situation may enable you to aid me in this. You could not oblige me
more, than by sending me the horns, skeleton, and skin of an elk, were
it possible to procure them. The most desirable form of receiving them
would be to have the skin slit from the under jaw along the belly to the
tail, and down the thighs to the knee, to take the animal out, leaving
the legs and hoofs, the bones of the head, and the horns attached to
the skin. By sewing-up the belly, &c. and stuffing the skin, it would
present the form of the animal. However, as an opportunity of doing this
is scarcely to be expected, I shall be glad to receive them detached,
packed in a box and sent to Richmond, to the care of Dr. Currie. Every
thing of this kind is precious here. And to prevent my adding to your
trouble, I must close my letter with assurances of the esteem and
attachment, with which I am, Dear Sir,
your friend and servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CLIV.--TO THE COMMISSIONERS OF THE TREASURY, January 26, 1786
TO THE COMMISSIONERS OF THE TREASURY.
Paris, January 26, 1786.
Gentlemen,
I have been duly honored by the receipt of your letter of December the
6th, and am to thank you for the communications it contained on
the state of our funds and expectations here. Your idea, that these
communications, occasionally, may be useful to the United States, is
certainly just, as I am frequently obliged to explain our prospects of
paying interest, &c. which I should better do with fuller information.
If you would be so good as to instruct Mr. Grand, always to furnish me
with a duplicate of those cash accounts which he furnishes to you, from
time to time, and if you would be so good as to direct your secretary to
send me copies of such letters, as you transmit to Mr. Grand, advising
him of the remittances he may expect, from time to time. I should,
thereby, be always informed of the sum of money on hand here, and the
probable expectations of supply. Dr. Franklin, during his residence
here, having been authorized to borrow large sums of money, the disposal
of that money seemed naturally to rest with him. It was Mr. Grand’s
practice, therefore, never to pay money, but on his warrant. On his
departure, Mr. Grand sent all money drafts to me, to authorize their
payment. I informed him, that this was in nowise within my province;
that I was unqualified to direct him in it, and that were I to presume
to meddle, it would be no additional sanction to him. He refused,
however, to pay a shilling without my order. I have been obliged,
therefore, to a nugatory interference, merely to prevent the affairs of
the United States from standing still. I need not represent to you the
impropriety of my continuing to direct Mr. Grand, longer than till
we can receive your orders, the mischief which might ensue from the
uncertainty in which this would place you, as to the extent to which you
might venture to draw on your funds here, and the little necessity
there is for my interference. Whenever you order a sum of money into Mr.
Grand’s hands, nothing will be more natural than your instructing him
how to apply it, so as that he shall observe your instructions alone.
Among these, you would doubtless judge it necessary to give him one
standing instruction, to answer my drafts for such sums, as my office
authorizes me to call for. These would be salary, couriers, postage,
and such other articles as circumstances will require, which cannot be
previously defined. These will never be so considerable as to endanger
the honor of your drafts. I shall certainly exercise in them the
greatest caution, and stand responsible to Congress.
Mr. Grand conceives that he has suffered in your opinion, by an
application of two hundred thousand livres, during the last year,
differently from what the office of finance had instructed him. This was
a consequence of his being thought subject to direction here, and it is
but justice to relieve him from blame on that account, and to show that
it ought to fall, if any where, on Dr. Franklin, Mr. Adams, and myself.
The case was thus. The monies here were exhausted, Mr. Grand was in
advance about fifty thousand livres, and the diplomatic establishments
in France, Spain, and Holland, subsisting on his bounties, which they
were subject to see stopped every moment, and feared a protest on every
bill. Other current expenses, too, were depending on advances from him,
and though these were small in their amount, they sometimes involved
great consequences. In this situation, he received four hundred thousand
livres, to be paid to this government for one year’s interest. We
thought the honor of the United States would suffer less by suspending
half the payment to this government, replacing Mr. Grand’s advances, and
providing a fund for current expenses. We advised him so to do. I still
think it was for the best, and I believe my colleagues have continued
to see the matter in the same point of view. We may have been biassed by
feelings excited by our own distressing situation. But certainly, as to
Mr. Grand, no blame belongs to him. We explained this matter in a letter
to Congress, at the time, and justice requires this explanation to you,
as I conjecture that the former one has not come to your knowledge.
The two hundred thousand livres retained, as before mentioned, have been
applied to the purposes described, to the payment of a year’s interest
to the French officers (which is about forty-two thousand livres), and
other current expenses, which, doubtless, Mr. Grand has explained to
you. About a week ago, there remained in his hands but about twelve
thousand livres. In this situation, the demands of the French officers
for a second year’s interest were presented. But Mr. Grand observed
there were neither money nor orders for them. The payment of these
gentlemen, the last year, had the happiest effect imaginable; it
procured so many advocates for the credit and honor of the United
States, who were heard, in all companies. It corrected the idea that we
were unwilling to pay our debts. I fear that our present failure towards
them will give new birth to new imputations, and a relapse of credit.
Under this fear I have written to Mr. Adams, to know whether he can have
this money supplied from the funds in Holland; though I have little hope
from that quarter, because he had before informed me, that those funds
would be exhausted by the spring of the present year, and I doubt, too,
whether he would venture to order these payments, without authority from
you. I have thought it my duty to state these matters to you.
I have had the honor of enclosing to Mr. Jay, Commodore Jones’s receipts
for one hundred and eighty-one thousand and thirty-nine livres, one sol
and ten deniers, prize-money, which (after deducting his own proportion)
he is to remit to you, for the officers and soldiers who were under his
command. I take the liberty of suggesting, whether the expense and risk
of double remittances might not be saved, by ordering it into the hands
of Mr. Grand immediately, for the purposes of the treasury in Europe,
while you could make provision at home for the officers and soldiers,
whose demands will come in so slowly, as to leave you the use of a great
proportion of this money for a considerable time, and some of it for
ever. We could then, immediately, quiet the French officers.
I have the honor to be, with the most perfect respect and esteem,
Gentlemen,
your most obedient
and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CLV.--TO MESSRS. BUCHANAN AND HAY, January 26, 1786
TO MESSRS. BUCHANAN AND HAY.
Paris, January 26, 1786.
Gentlemen,
I had the honor of writing to you on the receipt of your orders to
procure draughts for the public buildings, and again on the 13th of
August. In the execution of these orders, two methods of proceeding
presented themselves to my mind. The one was, to leave to some architect
to draw an external according to his fancy, in which way, experience
shows, that about once in a thousand times a pleasing form is hit upon;
the other was, to take some model already devised, and approved by the
general suffrage of the world. I had no hesitation in deciding that the
latter was best, nor after the decision, was there any doubt what model
to take, There is at Nismes, in the south of France, a building, called
the _Maison Quarrée_, erected in the time of the Cæsars, and which is
allowed, without contradiction, to be the most perfect and precious
remain of antiquity in existence. Its superiority over any thing at
Rome, in Greece, at Balbec, or Palmyra, is allowed on all hands; and
this single object has placed Nismes in the general tour of travellers.
Having not yet had leisure to visit it, I could only judge of it from
drawings, and from the relation of numbers who had been to see it.
I determined, therefore, to adopt this model, and to have all its
proportions justly observed. As it was impossible for a foreign artist
to know what number and sizes of apartments would suit the different
corps of our government, nor how they should be connected with one
another, I undertook to form that arrangement, and this being done, I
committed them to an architect (Monsieur Clerissauk), who had studied
this art twenty years in Rome, who had particularly studied and measured
the _Maison Quarrée_ of Nismes, and had published a book containing most
excellent plans, descriptions, and observations on it. He was too well
acquainted with the merit of that building, to find himself restrained
by my injunctions not to depart from his model. In one instance, only,
he persuaded me to admit of this. That was, to make the portico two
columns deep only, instead of three, as the original is. His reason was,
that this latter depth would too much darken the apartments. Economy
might be added, as a second reason. I consented to it, to satisfy
him, and the plans are so drawn. I knew that it would still be easy to
execute the building with a depth of three columns, and it is what I
would certainly recommend. We know that the Maison Quarrée has pleased,
universally, for near two thousand years. By leaving out a column, the
proportions will be changed, and perhaps the effect may be injured more
than is expected. What is good, is often spoiled by trying to make it
better.
The present is the first opportunity which has occurred of sending the
plans. You will, accordingly, receive herewith the ground plan, the
elevation of the front, and the elevation of the side. The architect
having been much busied, and knowing that this was all which would be
necessary in the beginning, has not yet finished the sections of the
building. They must go by some future occasion, as well as the models
of the front and side, which are making in plaster of Paris. These were
absolutely necessary for the guide of workmen, not very expert in their
art. It will add considerably to the expense, and I would not have
incurred it, but that I was sensible of its necessity. The price of the
model will be fifteen guineas. 1 shall know, in a few days, the cost of
the drawings, which probably will be the triple of the model: however,
this is but conjecture. I will make it as small as possible, pay it, and
render you an account in my next letter. You will find, on examination,
that the body of this building covers an area but two fifths of that
which is proposed and begun; of course, it will take but about one
half the bricks; and, of course, this circumstance will enlist all the
workmen, and people of the art, against the plan. Again, the building
begun is to have four porticoes; this but one. It is true that this
will be deeper than those were probably proposed, but even if it be made
three columns deep, it will not take half the number of columns. The
beauty of this is insured by experience, and by the suffrage of the
whole world: the beauty of that is problematical, as is every drawing,
however well it looks on paper, till it be actually executed: and though
I suppose there is more room in the plan begun, than in that now sent,
yet there is enough in this for all the three branches of government,
and more than enough is not wanted. This contains sixteen rooms; to wit,
four on the first floor, for the General Court, Delegates, lobby, and
conference. Eight on the second floor, for the Executive, the Senate,
and six rooms for committees and juries: and over four of these smaller
rooms of the second floor, are four mezzininos or entresols, serving as
offices for the clerks of the Executive, the Senate, the Delegates, and
the Court in actual session. It will be an objection, that the work
is begun on the other plan. But the whole of this need not be taken to
pieces, and of what shall be taken to pieces, the bricks will do for
inner work. Mortar never becomes so hard and adhesive to the bricks, in
a few months, but that it may be easily chipped off. And upon the whole,
the plan now sent will save a great proportion of the expense.
Hitherto, I have spoken of the capital only. The plans for the prison,
also, accompany this. They will explain themselves. I send, also,
the plan of the prison proposed at Lyons, which was sent me by the
architect, and to which we are indebted for the fundamental idea of
ours. You will see, that of a great thing a very small one is made.
Perhaps you may find it convenient to build, at first, only two
sides, forming an L; but of this, you are the best judges. It has been
suggested to me, that fine gravel, mixed in the mortar, prevents the
prisoners from cutting themselves out, as that will destroy their tools.
In my letter of August the 13th, I mentioned that I could send workmen
from hence. As I am in hopes of receiving your orders precisely, in
answer to that letter, I shall defer actually engaging any, till I
receive them. In like manner, I shall defer having plans drawn for a
Governor’s house, &c, till further orders; only assuring you, that the
receiving and executing these orders, will always give me a very great
pleasure, and the more, should I find that what I have done meets your
approbation.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem,
Gentlemen,
your most obedient
and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CLVI.--TO JOHN ADAMS, February 7, 1786
TO JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, February 7, 1786.
Dear Sir,
I am honored with yours of January the 19th. Mine of January the 12th,
had not, I suppose, at that time got to your hands, as the receipt of it
is unacknowledged. I shall be anxious till I receive your answer to it.
I was perfectly satisfied before I received your letter, that your
opinion had been misunderstood or misrepresented in the case of the
Chevalier de Mezieres. Your letter, however, will enable me to say so
with authority. It is proper it should be known, that you had not given
the opinion imputed to you, though, as to the main question, it is
become useless; Monsieur de Reyneval having assured me, that what I had
written on that subject had perfectly satisfied the Count de Vergennes
and himself, that this case could never come under the treaty. To
evince, still further, the impropriety of taking up subjects gravely,
on such imperfect information as this court had, I have this moment
received a copy of an act of the Georgia Assembly, placing the subjects
of France, as to real estates, on the footing of natural citizens, and
expressly recognising the treaty. Would you think any thing could be
added, after this, to put this question still further out of doors? A
gentleman of Georgia assured me, General Oglethorpe did not own a foot
of land in the State. I do not know whether there has been any American
determination on the question, whether American citizens and British
subjects, born before the Revolution, can be aliens to one another.
I know there is an opinion of Lord Coke’s, in Colvin’s case, that if
England and Scotland should, in a course of descent, pass to separate
Kings, those born under the same sovereign during the union, would
remain natural subjects and not aliens. Common sense urges some
considerations against this. Natural subjects owe allegiance; but we owe
none. Aliens are the subjects of a foreign power; we are subjects of a
foreign power. The King, by the treaty, acknowledges our independence;
how then can we remain natural subjects? The King’s power is, by the
constitution, competent to the making peace, war, and treaties. He had,
therefore, authority to relinquish our allegiance by treaty. But if an
act of parliament had been necessary, the parliament passed an act to
confirm the treaty. So that it appears to me, that in this question,
fictions of law alone are opposed to sound sense.
I am in hopes Congress will send a minister to Lisbon. I know no
country, with which we are likely to cultivate a more useful commerce. I
have pressed this in my private letters.
It is difficult to learn any thing certain here, about the French and
English treaty. Yet, in general, little is expected to be done between
them. I am glad to hear that the Delegates of Virginia had made the vote
relative to English commerce, though they afterwards repealed it. I
hope they will come to again. When my last letters came away, they
were engaged in passing the revisal of their laws, with some small
alterations. The bearer of this, Mr. Lyons, is a sensible, worthy young
physician, son of one of our judges, and on his return to Virginia.
Remember me with affection to Mrs. and Miss Adams, Colonels Smith and
Humphreys, and be assured of the esteem with which I am, Dear Sir,
your friend and servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CLVII.--TO JAMES MADISON, February 8, 1786
TO JAMES MADISON.
Paris, February 8, 1786.
Dear Sir,
My last letters were of the 1st and 20th of September, and the 28th of
October. Yours, unacknowledged, are of August the 20th, October the
3rd, and November the 15th. I take this, the first safe opportunity, of
enclosing to you the bills of lading for your books, and two others for
your namesake of Williamsburg, and for the attorney, which I will pray
you to forward. I thank you for the communication of the remonstrance
against the assessment. Mazzei, who is now in Holland, promised me to
have it published in the Leyden gazette. It will do us great honor. I
wish it may be as much approved by our Assembly, as by the wisest part
of Europe. I have heard, with great pleasure, that our Assembly have
come to the resolution, of giving the regulation of their commerce to
the federal head. I will venture to assert, that there is not one of its
opposers, who, placed on this ground, would not see the wisdom of this
measure. The politics of Europe render it indispensably necessary, that,
with respect to every thing external, we be one nation only, firmly
hooped together. Interior government is what each State should keep to
itself. If it were seen in Europe, that all our States could be brought
to concur in what the Virginia Assembly has done, it would produce a
total revolution in their opinion of us, and respect for us. And it
should ever be held in mind, that insult and war are the consequences
of a want of respectability in the national character. As long as the
States exercise, separately, those acts of power which respect foreign
nations, so long will there continue to be irregularities committed
by some one or other of them, which will constantly keep us on an ill
footing with foreign nations.
I thank you for your information as to my Notes. The copies I have
remaining shall be sent over, to be given to some of my friends and to
select subjects in the College. I have been unfortunate here with this
trifle. I gave out a few copies only, and to confidential persons,
writing in every copy a restraint against its publication. Among others,
I gave a copy to a Mr. Williams: he died. I immediately took every
precaution I could to recover this copy. But, by some means or other, a
bookseller had got hold of it. He employed a hireling translator, and is
about publishing it in the most injurious form possible. I am now at
a loss what to do as to England. Every thing, good or bad, is thought
worth publishing there; and I apprehend a translation back from the
French, and a publication there. I rather believe it will be most
eligible to let the original come out in that country: but am not yet
decided.
I have purchased little for you in the book way since I sent the
catalogue of my former purchases. I wish, first, to have your answer to
that, and your information, what parts of these purchases went out of
your plan. You can easily say, Buy more of this kind, less of that, &c.
My wish is to conform myself to yours. I can get for you the original
Paris edition of the Encyclopédie, in thirty-five volumes, folio, for
six hundred and twenty livres; a good edition, in thirty-nine volumes,
4to, for three hundred and eighty livres; and a good one, in thirty-nine
volumes, 8vo, for two hundred and eighty livres. The new one will be
superior in far the greater number of articles; but not in all. And the
possession of the ancient one has, moreover, the advantage of supplying
present use. I have bought one for myself, but wait your orders as to
you. I remember your purchase of a watch in Philadelphia. If it should
not have proved good, you can probably sell it. In that case, I can get
for you here, one made as perfect as human art can make it, for about
twenty-four louis. I have had such a one made, by the best and most
faithful hand in Paris. It has a second hand, but no repeating, no day
of the month, nor other useless thing to impede and injure the movements
which are necessary. For twelve louis more, you can have in the same
cover, but on the back, and absolutely unconnected with the movements of
the watch, a pedometer, which shall render you an exact account of the
distances you walk. Your pleasure hereon shall be awaited.