James rivers, and a canal from the Dismal Swamp are likely to be carried
through. There is still a fourth, however, which I had the honor I
believe of mentioning to you in a letter of March the 15th, 1784, from
Annapolis. It is the cutting a canal which shall unite the heads of the
Cayahoga and Beaver Creek. The utility of this, and even the necessity
of it, if we mean to aim at the trade of the lakes, will be palpable
to you. The only question is its practicability. The best information I
could get as to this was from General Hand, who described the country as
champain, and these waters as heading in lagoons, which would be easily
united. Maryland and Pennsylvania are both interested to concur with us
in this work. The institutions you propose to establish by the shares
in the Potomac and James river companies, given you by the Assembly, and
the particular objects of those institutions, are most worthy. It occurs
to me, however, that if the bill ‘for the more general diffusion
of knowledge,’ which is in the revisal, should be passed, it would
supersede the use and obscure the existence of the charity schools you
have thought of. I suppose in fact, that that bill or some other like it
will be passed. I never saw one received with more enthusiasm than that
was in the year 1778, by the House of Delegates, who ordered it to be
printed. And it seemed afterwards, that nothing but the extreme distress
of our resources prevented its being carried into execution even during
the war. It is an axiom in my mind, that our liberty can never be safe
but in the hands of the people themselves, and that too of the people
with a certain degree of instruction. This it is the business of the
State to effect, and on a general plan. Should you see a probability
of this, however, you can never be at a loss for worthy objects of this
donation. Even the remitting that proportion of the toll on all articles
transported, would present itself under many favorable considerations,
and it would in effect be to make the State do in a certain proportion
what they ought to have done wholly: for I think they should clear
all the rivers, and lay them open and free to all. However, you are
infinitely the best judge, how the most good may be effected with these
shares.
All is quiet here. There are indeed two specks in the horizon: the
exchange of Bavaria, and the demarcation between the Emperor and Turks.
We may add as a third, the interference by the King of Prussia in the
domestic disputes of the Dutch. Great Britain, it is said, begins to
look towards us with a little more good humor. But how true this may
be, I cannot say with certainty. We are trying to render her commerce
as little necessary to us as possible, by finding other markets for our
produce. A most favorable reduction of duties on whale-oil has taken
place here, which will give us a vent for that article, paying a duty of
a guinea and a half a ton only.
I have the honor to be, with the highest esteem and respect, Dear Sir,
your most obedient and
most humble servant,
Tm: Jefferson.
LETTER CXLIX.--TO A. CARY, January 7, 1786
TO A. CARY.
Paris, January 7, 1786.
Dear Sir,
The very few of my countrymen who happen to be punctual, will find their
punctuality a misfortune to them. Of this I shall give you a proof by
the present application, which I should not make to you, if I did
not know you to be superior to the torpidity of our climate. In my
conversations with the Count de Buffon on the subjects of Natural
History, I find him absolutely unacquainted with our elk and our deer.
He has hitherto believed that our deer never had horns more than a foot
long; and has, therefore, classed them with the roe-buck, which I am
sure you know them to be different from. I have examined some of the red
deer of this country at the distance of about sixty yards, and I find
no other difference between them and ours, than a shade or two in the
color. Will you take the trouble to procure for me the largest pair of
buck’s horns you can, and a large skin of each color, that is to say,
a red and a blue? If it were possible to take these from a buck just
killed, to leave all the bones of the head in the skin with the horns
on, to leave the bones of the legs in the skin also, and the hoofs to
it, so that having only made an incision all along the belly and neck to
take the animal out at, we could by sewing up that incision and stuffing
the skin, present the true size and form of the animal, it would be
a most precious present. Our deer have been often sent to England and
Scotland. Do you know (with certainty) whether they have ever bred with
the red deer of those countries? With respect to the elk, I despair of
your being able to get for me any thing but the horns of it. David Ross
I know has a pair; perhaps he would give them to us. It is useless to
ask for the skin and skeleton, because I think it is not in your power
to get them, otherwise they would be most desirable. A gentleman,
fellow-passenger with me from Boston to England, promised to send to you
in my name some hares, rabbits, pheasants, and partridges, by the return
of the ship which was to go to Virginia, and the captain promised to
take great care of them. My friend procured the animals, and the ship
changing her destination, he kept them, in hopes of finding some other
conveyance, till they all perished. I do not despair, however, of
finding some opportunity still of sending a colony of useful animals.
I am making a collection of vines for wine, and for the table; also of
some trees, such as the cork-oak, &c. &c.
Every thing is absolutely quiet in Europe. There is not, therefore, a
word of news to communicate. I pray you to present me affectionately
to your family and that of Tuckahoe. Whatever expense is necessary for
procuring me the articles above-mentioned, I will instantly replace,
either in cash, or in any thing you may wish from hence.
I am with very sincere esteem, Dear Sir,
your most obedient, humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CL.--TO MAJOR GENERAL GREENE, January 12, 1786
TO MAJOR GENERAL GREENE.
Paris, January 12, 1786.
Dear Sir,
Your favor of June the 1st did not come to hand till the 3rd of
September. I immediately made inquiries on the subject of the frigate
you had authorized your relation to sell to this government, and I found
that he had long before that sold her to government, and sold her very
well, as I understood. I noted the price on the back of your letter,
which I have since unfortunately mislaid, so that I cannot at this
moment state to you the price. But the transaction is of so long
standing that you cannot fail to have received advice of it. I should
without delay have given you this information, but that I hoped to be
able to accompany it with information as to the live-oak, which
was another object of your letter. This matter, though it has been
constantly pressed by Mr. St. John, and also by the Marquis de la
Fayette, since his return from Berlin, has been spun to a great length,
and at last they have only decided to send to you for samples of the
wood. Letters on this subject from the Marquis de la Fayette accompany
this.
Every thing in Europe is quiet, and promises quiet for at least a year
to come. We do not find it easy to make commercial arrangements in
Europe. There is a want of confidence in us. This country has lately
reduced the duties on American whale-oil to about a guinea and a half
the ton, and I think they will take the greatest part of what we can
furnish. I hope, therefore, that this branch of our commerce will resume
its activity. Portugal shows a disposition to court our trade; but this
has for some time been discouraged by the hostilities of the piratical
states of Barbary. The Emperor of Morocco, who had taken one of our
vessels, immediately consented to suspend hostilities and ultimately
gave up the vessel, cargo, and crew. I think we shall be able to settle
matters with him. But I am not sanguine as to the Algerines. They have
taken two of our vessels, and I fear will ask such a tribute for a
forbearance of their piracies as the United States would be unwilling
to pay. When this idea comes across my mind, my faculties are absolutely
suspended between indignation and impatience. I think whatever sums
we are obliged to pay for freedom of navigation in the European seas,
should be levied on the European commerce with us by a separate impost,
that these powers may see that they protect these enormities for their
own loss. I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect
esteem and respect, Dear Sir,
your most obedient
and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CLI.--TO LISTER ASQUITH, January 13, 1786
TO LISTER ASQUITH.
Paris, January 13, 1786.
Sir,
I have duly received your letter of the 2nd instant. The delays, which
have attended your enlargement, have been much beyond my expectation.
The reason I have not written to you for some time, has been the
constant expectation of receiving an order for your discharge. I have
not received it however. I went to Versailles three days ago, and made
fresh applications on the subject. I received assurances which give me
reason to hope that the order for your discharge will soon be made out.
Be assured it shall not be delayed a moment after it comes to my hands,
and that I shall omit no opportunity of hastening it. In the mean time,
I think you may comfort yourself and companions with the certainty of
receiving it ere long.
I am, Sir, your most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
RE QUESTIONS FOR _ECONOMIE POLITIQUE ET DIPLOMATIQUE_
[The following were answers by Mr. Jefferson to questions
addressed to him by Monsieur de Meusnier, author of that
part of the _Encylopédie Méthodique_, entitled _Economie
Politique et Diplomatique_.]
1. What has led Congress to determine that the concurrence of seven
votes is requisite in questions, which by the Confederation are
submitted to the decision of a majority of the United States in Congress
assembled?
The ninth article of Confederation, section sixth, evidently establishes
three orders of questions in Congress. 1. The greater ones which relate
to making peace or war, alliances, coinage, requisitions for money,
raising military force, or appointing its commander-in-chief. 2.
The lesser ones which comprehend all other matters submitted by the
Confederation to the federal head. 3. The single question of adjourning
from day to day. This gradation of questions is distinctly characterized
by the article.
In proportion to the magnitude of these questions, a greater concurrence
of the voices composing the Union was thought necessary. Three degrees
of concurrence, well distinguished by substantial circumstances, offered
themselves to notice. 1. A concurrence of a majority of the people of
the Union. It was thought that this would be insured by requiring the
voices of nine States; because according to the loose estimates which
had then been made of the inhabitants, and the proportion of them which
were free, it was believed, that even the nine smallest would include
a majority of the free citizens of the Union. The voices, therefore, of
nine States were required in the greater questions. 2. A concurrence of
the majority of the States. Seven constitute that majority. This number,
therefore, was required in the lesser questions. 3. A concurrence of the
majority of Congress, that is to say, of the States actually present
in it. As there is no Congress when there are not seven States present,
this concurrence could never be of less than four States. But these
might happen to be the four smallest, which would not include one
ninth part of the free citizens of the Union. This kind of majority,
therefore, was entrusted with nothing but the power of adjourning
themselves from day to day.
Here then are three kinds of majorities. 1. Of the people. 2. Of the
States. 3. Of the Congress. Each of which is entrusted to a certain
length.
Though the paragraph in question be clumsily expressed, yet it strictly
announces its own intentions. It defines with precision, the greater
questions, for which nine votes shall be requisite. In the lesser
questions, it then requires a majority of the United States in Congress
assembled: a term which will apply either to the number seven, as being
a majority of the States, or to the number four, as being a majority
of Congress. Which of the two kinds of majority was meant. Clearly that
which would leave a still smaller kind for the decision of the question
of adjournment. The contrary construction would be absurd.
This paragraph, therefore, should be understood as if it had been
expressed in the following terms. ‘The United States in Congress
assembled, shall never engage in war, &c. but with the consent of nine
States: nor determine any other question, but with the consent of a
majority of the whole States, except the question of adjournment from
day to day, which may be determined by a majority of the States actually
present in Congress.’
2. How far is it permitted to bring on the reconsideration of a question
which Congress has once determined?
The first Congress which met being composed mostly of persons who had
been members of the legislatures of their respective States, it was
natural for them to adopt those rules in their proceedings, to which
they had been accustomed in their legislative houses; and the more so,
as these happened to be nearly the same, as having been copied from the
same original, those of the British parliament. One of those rules of
proceeding was, that ‘a question once determined cannot be proposed a
second time in the same session.’ Congress, during their first session
in the autumn of 1774, observed this rule strictly. But before their
meeting in the spring of the following year, the war had broken out.
They found themselves at the head of that war, in an executive as well
as legislative capacity. They found that a rule, wise and necessary for
a legislative body, did not suit an executive one, which, being governed
by events, must change their purposes as those change. Besides, their
session was then to become of equal duration with the war; and a rule,
which should render their legislation immutable during all that period,
could not be submitted to. They, therefore, renounced it in practice,
and have ever since continued to reconsider their questions freely. The
only restraint, as yet provided against the abuse of this permission
to reconsider, is, that when a question has been decided, it cannot be
proposed for reconsideration, but by some one who voted in favor of the
former decision, and declares that he has since changed his opinion.
I do not recollect accurately enough, whether it be necessary that his
vote should have decided that of his State, and the vote of his State
have decided that of Congress.
Perhaps it might have been better, when they were forming the federal
constitution, to have assimilated it as much as possible to the
particular constitutions of the States. All of these have distributed
the legislative, executive, and judiciary powers into different
departments. In the federal constitution the judiciary powers are
separated from the others; but the legislative and executive are both
exercised by Congress. A means of amending this defect has been thought
of. Congress having a power to establish what committees of their own
body they please, and to arrange among them the distribution of their
business, they might, on the first day of their annual meeting, appoint
an executive committee consisting of a member from each State, and refer
to them all executive business which should occur during their session;
confining themselves to what is of a legislative nature, that is to say,
to the heads described in the ninth article, as of the competence of
nine States only, and to such other questions as should lead to the
establishment of general rules. The journal of this committee of the
preceding day might be read the next morning in Congress, and considered
as approved, unless a vote was demanded on a particular article, and
that article changed. The sessions of Congress would then be short, and
when they separated, the Confederation authorizes the appointment of a
committee of the States which would naturally succeed to the business of
the executive committee. The legislative business would be better done,
because the attention of the members would not be interrupted by the
details of execution; and the executive business would be better done,
because business of this nature is better adapted to small than great
bodies. A monarchical head should confide the execution of its will to
departments, consisting each of a plurality of hands, who would warp
that will as much as possible towards wisdom and moderation, the two
qualities it generally wants. But a republican head, founding its
decrees originally in these two qualities, should commit them to a
single hand for execution, giving them thereby a promptitude which
republican proceedings generally want. Congress could not, indeed,
confide their executive business to a smaller number than a committee
consisting of a member from each State. This is necessary to insure the
confidence of the Union. But it would be gaining a great deal to reduce
the executive head to thirteen, and to relieve themselves of those
details. This, however, has as yet been the subject of private
conversations only.
3. A succinct account of paper money, in America?
Previous to the late revolution, most of the States were in the
habit, whenever they had occasion for more money than could be raised
immediately, by taxes, to issue paper notes or bills, in the name of the
State, wherein they promised to pay to the bearer the sum named in the
note or bill. In some of the States, no time of payment was fixed, nor
tax laid to enable payment. In these, the bills depreciated. But others
of the States named in the bill the day when it should be paid, laid
taxes to bring in money enough for that purpose, and paid the bills
punctually, on or before the day named. In these States, paper money
was in as high estimation as gold and silver. On the commencement of
the late Revolution, Congress had no money. The external commerce of the
States being suppressed, the farmer could not sell his produce, and, of
course, could not pay a tax. Congress had no resource then, but in paper
money. Not being able to lay a tax for its redemption, they could only
promise that taxes should be laid for that purpose, so as to redeem the
bills by a certain day. They did not foresee the long continuance of the
war, the almost total suppression of their exports, and other events,
which rendered the performance of their engagement impossible. The paper
money continued, for a twelvemonth, equal to gold and silver. But the
quantities which they were obliged to emit, for the purposes of the war,
exceeded what had been the usual quantity of the circulating medium.
It began, therefore, to become cheaper, or, as we expressed it, it
depreciated, as gold and silver would have done, had they been thrown
into circulation in equal quantities. But not having, like them, an
intrinsic value, its depreciation was more rapid, and greater, than
could ever have happened with them. In two years, it had fallen to two
dollars of paper money for one of silver; in three years, to four for
one; in nine months more, it fell to ten for one; and in the six months
following, that is to say, by September, 1779, it had fallen to twenty
for one.
Congress, alarmed at the consequences which were to be apprehended,
should they lose this resource altogether, thought it necessary to make
a vigorous effort to stop its further depreciation. They, therefore,
determined, in the first place, that their emissions should not exceed
two hundred millions of dollars, to which term they were then nearly
arrived: and, though they knew that twenty dollars of what they were
then issuing, would buy no more for their army than one silver dollar
would buy, yet they thought it would be worth while to submit to the
sacrifices of nineteen out of twenty dollars, if they could thereby stop
further depreciation. They, therefore, published an address to their
constituents, in which they renewed their original declarations, that
this paper money should be redeemed at dollar for dollar. They proved
the ability of the States to do this, and that their liberty would be
cheaply bought at that price. The declaration was ineffectual. No man
received the money at a better rate; on the contrary, in six months
more, that is, by March, 1780, it had fallen to forty for one. Congress
then tried an experiment of a different kind. Considering their former
offers to redeem this money, at par, as relinquished by the general
refusal to take it, but in progressive depreciation, they required the
whole to be brought in, declared it should be redeemed at its present
value, of forty for one, and that they would give to the holders new
bills, reduced in their denomination to the sum of gold or silver, which
was actually to be paid for them. This would reduce the nominal sum of
the mass in circulation, to the present worth of that mass, which was
five millions; a sum not too great for the circulation of the States,
and which, they therefore hoped, would not depreciate further, as they
continued firm in their purpose of emitting no more. This effort was as
unavailing as the former. Very little of the money was brought in. It
continued to circulate and to depreciate, till the end of 1780, when it
had fallen to seventy-five for one, and the money circulated from the
French army, being, by that time, sensible in all the States north
of the Potomac, the paper ceased its circulation altogether, in those
States. In Virginia and North Carolina, it continued a year longer,
within which time it fell to one thousand for one, and then expired, as
it had done in the other States, without a single groan. Not a murmur
was heard, on this occasion, among the people. On the contrary,
universal congratulations took place, on their seeing this gigantic
mass, whose dissolution had threatened convulsions which should shake
their infant confederacy to its centre, quietly interred in its grave.
Foreigners, indeed, who do not, like the natives, feel indulgence for
its memory, as of a being which has vindicated their liberties, and
fallen in the moment of victory, have been loud, and still are loud in
their complaints. A few of them have reason; but the most noisy are
not the best of them. They are persons who have become bankrupt, by
unskilful attempts at commerce with America. That they may have some
pretext to offer to their creditors, they have bought up great masses of
this dead money in America, where it is to be had at five thousand for
one, and they show the certificates of their paper possessions, as
if they had all died in their hands, and had been the cause of their
bankruptcy. Justice will be done to all, by paying to all persons what
this money actually cost them, with an interest of six per cent, from
the time they received it. If difficulties present themselves in the
ascertaining the epoch of the receipt, it has been thought better that
the State should lose, by admitting easy proofs, than that individuals,
and especially foreigners, should, by being held to such as would be
difficult, perhaps impossible.
4. Virginia certainly owed two millions, sterling, to Great Britain,
at the conclusion of the war. Some have conjectured the debt as high as
three millions. I think that state owed near as much as all the rest put
together. This is to be ascribed to peculiarities in the tobacco trade.
The advantages made by the British merchants, on the tobaccos consigned
to them, were so enormous, that they spared no means of increasing those
consignments. A powerful engine for this purpose, was the giving good
prices and credit to the planter, till they got him more immersed in
debt than he could pay, without selling his lands or slaves. They then
reduced the prices given for his tobacco, so that let his shipments be
ever so great, and his demand of necessaries ever so economical, they
never permitted him to clear off his debt. These debts had become
hereditary from father to son, for many generations, so that the
planters were a species of property, annexed to certain mercantile
houses in London.
5. The members of Congress are differently paid by different States.
Some are on fixed allowances, from four to eight dollars a day. Others
have their expenses paid, and a surplus for their time. This surplus is
of two, three, or four dollars a day.
6. I do not believe there has ever been a moment, when a single whig, in
any one State, would not have shuddered at the very idea of a separation
of their State from the confederacy. The tories would, at all times,
have been glad to see the confederacy dissolved, even by particles at a
time, in hopes of their attaching themselves again to Great Britain.