On the 31st of December, a letter from a private gentleman to General

Nelson came to my hands, notifying, that in the morning of the preceding

day, twenty-seven sail of vessels had entered the Capes; and from

the tenor of the letter, we had reason to expect, within a few hours,

further intelligence; whether they were friends or foes, their force,

and other circumstances. We immediately despatched General Nelson to the

lower country, with powers to call on the militia in that quarter,

or act otherwise as exigencies should require; but waited further

intelligence, before we would call for militia from the middle or upper

country. No further intelligence came till the 2nd instant, when the

former was confirmed; it was ascertained they had advanced up James

river to Wanasqueak bay. All arrangements were immediately taken for

calling in a sufficient body of militia for opposition. In the night of

the 3rd, we received advice that they were at anchor opposite Jamestown;

we then supposed Williamsburg to be their object. The wind, however,

which had hitherto been unfavorable, shifted fair, and the tide being

also in their favor, they ascended the river to Kennons’ that evening,

and, with the next tide, came up to Westover, having, on their way,

taken possession of some works we had at Hood’s, by which two or three

of their vessels received some damage, but which were of necessity

abandoned by the small garrison of fifty men placed there, on the

enemy’s landing to invest the works. Intelligence of their having

quitted the station at Jamestown, from which we supposed they meant

to land for Williamsburg, and of their having got in the evening to

Kennon’s, reached us the next morning at five o’clock, and was the

first indication of their meaning to penetrate towards this place or

Petersburg. As the order for drawing miliatia here had been given but

two days, no opposition was in readiness. Every effort was therefore

necessary, to withdraw the arms and other military stores, records, &c.

from this place. Every effort was, accordingly, exerted to convey them

to the foundery five miles, and to a laboratory six miles, above this

place, till about sunset of that day, when we learned the enemy had come

to an anchor at Westover that morning. We then knew that this, and not

Petersburg was their object, and began to carry across the river every

thing remaining here, and to remove what had been transported to the

foundery and laboratory to Westham, the nearest crossing, seven miles

above this place, which operation was continued till they had approached

very near. They marched from Westover, at two o’clock in the afternoon

of the 4th, and entered Richmond at one o’clock in the afternoon of

the 5th. A regiment of infantry and about thirty horse continued on,

without halting, to the foundery. They burnt that, the boring mill, the

magazine, and two other houses, and proceeded to Westharn; but nothing

being in their power there, they retired to Richmond. The next morning

they burned some buildings of public and private property, with what

stores remained in them, destroyed a great quantity of private stores,

and about twelve o’clock, retired towards Westover, where they encamped

within the Neck, the next day.

The loss sustained is not yet accurately known. As far as I have been

able to discover, it consisted, at this place, of about three

hundred muskets, some soldiers’ clothing to a small amount, some

quarter-master’s stores, of which one hundred and twenty sides of

leather was the principal article, part of the artificers’ tools, and

three wagons. Besides which, five brass four-pounders, which we had sunk

in the river, were discovered to them, raised and carried off. At

the foundery, we lost the greater part of the papers belonging to the

Auditor’s office, and of the books and papers of the Council office.

About five or six tons of powder, as we conjecture, was thrown into the

canal, of which there will be a considerable saving by re-manufacturing

it. The roof of the foundery was burned, but the stacks of chimneys and

furnaces not at all injured. The boring mill was consumed. Within less

than forty-eight hours from the time of their landing, and nineteen from

our knowing their destination, they had penetrated thirty-three miles,

done the whole injury, and retired. Their numbers, from the best

intelligence I have had, are about fifteen hundred infantry, and as to

their cavalry, accounts vary from fifty to one hundred and twenty; and

the whole commanded by the parricide Arnold. Our militia, dispersed over

a large tract of country, can be called in but slowly. On the day the

enemy advanced to this place, two hundred only were embodied. They were

of this town and its neighborhood, and were too few to do any thing.

At this time, they are assembled in pretty considerable numbers on the

south side of James river, but are not yet brought to a point. On the

north side are two or three small bodies, amounting in the whole to

about nine hundred men. The enemy were, at four o’clock yesterday

evening, still remaining in their encampment at Westover and Berkeley

Neck. In the mean while, Baron Steuben, a zealous friend, has descended

from the dignity of his proper command, to direct our smallest

movements. His vigilance has in a great measure supplied the want of

force in preventing the enemy from crossing the river, which might

have been very fatal. He has been assiduously employed in preparing

equipments for the militia, as they should assemble, in pointing them to

a proper object, and in other offices of a good commander. Should they

loiter a little longer, and he be able to have a sufficient force, I

still flatter myself they will not escape with total impunity. To what

place they will point their next exertions, we cannot even conjecture.

The whole country on the tide waters and some distance from them, is

equally open to similar insult.

I have the honor to be, with every sentiment of respect,

your Excellency’s most obedient

and most humble servant,

Th: Jefferson.

LETTER XXXVII.--TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS, Jan. 15, 1781

TO HIS EXCELLENCY THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Richmond, January 15,1781.

Sir,

As the dangers which threaten our western frontiers, the ensuing spring,

render it necessary that we should send thither Colonel Crocket’s

battalion, at present on guard at Fredericktown, but raised for the

western service, I thought it necessary to give your Excellency previous

information thereof, that other forces may be provided in time to

succeed to their duties. Captain Read’s troop of horse, if necessary,

may be continued a while longer on guard.

I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect,

your Excellency’s most obedient

and most humble servant,

Th: Jefferson.

LETTER XXXVIII.--TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS, Jan. 15, 1781

TO HIS EXCELLENCY THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Sir,

Richmond, January 15, 1781.

I received some time ago from Major Forsyth, and afterwards from you,

a requisition to furnish one half the supplies of provision for the

Convention troops, removed into Maryland. I should sooner have done

myself the honor of writing to you on this subject, but that I hoped to

have laid it before you more fully than could be done in writing, by a

gentleman who was to pass on other public business to Philadelphia. The

late events in this State having retarded his setting out, I think it my

duty no longer to postpone explanation on this head.

You cannot be unapprized of the powerful armies of our enemy, at this

time in this and the southern States, and that their future plan is

to push their successes in the same quarter, by still larger

reinforcements. The forces to be opposed to these must be proportionably

great, and these forces must be fed. By whom are they to be fed?

Georgia and South Carolina are annihilated, at least, as to us. By the

requisition to us to send provisions into Maryland, it is to be supposed

that none are to come to the southern army, from any State north of

this; for it would seem inconsistent, that while we should be sending

north, Maryland, and other states beyond that, should be sending their

provisions south. Upon North Carolina, then, already exhausted by the

ravages of two armies, and on this State, are to depend for subsistence

those bodies of men, who are to oppose the greater part of the enemy’s

force in the United States, the subsistence of the German, and of

half the British Conventioners. To take a view of this matter on the

Continental requisitions of November the 4th, 1780, for specific quotas

of provisions, it is observable that North Carolina and Virginia are to

furnish 10,475,740 pounds of animal food, and 13,529 barrels of flour,

while the States north of these will yield 25,293,810 pounds of animal

food, and 106,471 barrels of flour.

If the greater part of the British armies be employed in the South, it

is to be supposed that the greater part of the American force will

be sent there to oppose them. But should this be the case, while the

distribution of the provisions is so very unequal, would it be proper to

render it still more so, by withdrawing a part of our contributions

to the support of posts northward of us? It would certainly be a

great convenience to us, to deliver a portion of our specifics at

Fredericktown, rather than in Carolina: but I leave it to you to judge,

whether this would be consistent with the general good or safety.

Instead of sending aids of any kind to the northward, it seems but too

certain that unless very timely and substantial assistance be received

from thence, our enemies are yet far short of the ultimate term of

their successes. I beg leave, therefore, to refer to you, whether the

specifics of Maryland, as far as shall be necessary, had not better be

applied to the support of the posts within it, for which its quota is

much more than sufficient, or, were it otherwise, whether those of the

States north of Maryland had not better be called on, than to detract

any thing from the resources of the southern opposition, already much

too small for the encounter to which it is left. I am far from wishing

to count or measure our contributions by the requisitions of Congress.

Were they ever so much beyond these. I should readily strain them in aid

of any one of our sister States. But while they are so short of those

calls to which they must be pointed in the first instance, it would

be great misapplication to divert them to any other purpose: and I am

persuaded you will think me perfectly within the line of duty, when I

ask a revisal of this requisition.

I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, Sir,

your most obedient and most humble servant,

Th: Jefferson.

LETTER XXXIX.--TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS, Jan. 17, 1781

TO HIS EXCELLENCY THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Richmond, January 17, 1781.

Sir,

I do myself the honor of transmitting to your Excellency a resolution of

the General Assembly of this Commonwealth, entered into in consequence

of the resolution of Congress of September the 6th, 1780, on the subject

of the Confederation. I shall be rendered very happy if the other States

of the Union, equally impressed with the necessity of that important

convention, shall be willing to sacrifice equally to its completion.

This single event, could it take place shortly, would overweigh every

success which the enemy have hitherto obtained, and render desperate the

hopes to which those successes have given birth.

I have the honor to be, with the most real esteem and respect,

your Excellency’s most obedient and most humble servant,

Th: Jefferson.

LETTER XL.--TO THE VIRGINIA DELEGATES IN CONGRESS, Jan. 18, 1781

TO THE VIRGINIA DELEGATES IN CONGRESS.

Richmond, January 18, 1781.

Gentlemen,

I enclose you a Resolution of Assembly, directing your conduct as to the

navigation of the Mississippi.

The loss of powder lately sustained by us (about five tons), together

with the quantities sent on to the southward, have reduced our stock

very low indeed. We lent to Congress, in the course of the last year

(previous to our issues for the southern army), about ten tons of

powder. I shall be obliged to you to procure an order from the board of

war, for any quantity from five to ten tons, to be sent us immediately

from Philadelphia or Baltimore, and to inquire into and hasten, from

time to time, the execution of it. The stock of cartridge-paper is

nearly exhausted. I do not know whether Captain Irish, or what other

officer, should apply for this. It is essential that a good stock should

be forwarded, and without a moment’s delay. If there be a rock on

which we are to split, it is the want of muskets, bayonets, and

cartouch-boxes.

The occurrences, since my last to the President, are not of any

magnitude. Three little rencounters have happened with the enemy. In the

first, General Smallwood led on a party of two or three hundred militia,

and obliged some armed vessels of the enemy to retire from a prize they

had taken at Broadway’s, and renewing his attack the next day with

a four-pounder or two (for on the first day he had only muskets), he

obliged some of their vessels to fall down from City Point to their

main fleet at Westover. The enemy’s loss is not known; ours was four men

wounded. One of the evenings, during their encampment at Westover and

Berkeley, their light-horse surprised a party of about one hundred or

one hundred and fifty militia at Charles City Court House, killed and

wounded four, and took, as has been generally said, about seven or

eight. On Baron Steuben’s approach towards Hood’s, they embarked at

Westover; the wind, which, till then, had set directly up the river

from the time of their leaving Jamestown, shifted in the moment to the

opposite point. Baron Steuben had not reached Hood’s by eight or ten

miles, when they arrived there. They landed their whole army in the

night, Arnold attending in person. Colonel Clarke (of Kaskaskias) had

been sent on with two hundred and forty men by Baron Steuben, and having

properly disposed of them in ambuscade, gave them a deliberate fire,

which killed seventeen on the spot, and wounded thirteen. They returned

it in confusion, by which we had three or four wounded, and our party

being so small and without bayonets, were obliged to retire on the

enemy’s charging with bayonets. They fell down to Cobham, whence they

carried all the tobacco there (about sixty hogsheads); and the

last intelligence was, that on the 16th they were standing for

New-ports-news. Baron Steuben is of opinion, they are proceeding to fix

a post in some of the lower counties. Later information has given

no reason to believe their force more considerable than we at first

supposed. I think, since the arrival of the three transports which had

been separated in a storm, they may be considered as about two thousand

strong. Their naval force, according to the best intelligence, is the

Charon, of forty-four guns, Commodore Symmonds, the Amphitrite, Iris,

Thames, and Charlestown frigates, the Forvey, of twenty guns, two sloops

of war, a privateer ship, and two brigs. We have about thirty-seven

hundred militia embodied, but at present they are divided into three

distant encampments: one under General Weeden, at Fredericksburg, for

the protection of the important works there; another under General

Nelson, at and near Williamsburg; and a third under Baron Steuben, at

Cabin Point. As soon as the enemy fix themselves, these will be brought

to a point.

I have the honor to be, with very great respect, gentlemen,

your most obedient servant,

Th: Jefferson.

LETTER XLI.--TO GENERAL WASHINGTON, February 8, 1781

TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.

Richmond, February 8, 1781.

Sir,

I have just received intelligence, which, though from a private hand,

I believe is to be relied on, that a fleet of the enemy’s ships have

entered Cape Fear river, that eight of them had got over the bar,

and many others were lying off; and that it was supposed to be a

reinforcement to Lord Cornwallis, under the command of General Prevost.

This account, which had come through another channel, is confirmed by a

letter from General Parsons at Halifax, to the gentleman who forwards it

to me. I thought it of sufficient importance to be communicated to your

Excellency by the stationed expresses. The fatal want of arms puts it

out of our power to bring a greater force into the field, than will

barely suffice to restrain the adventures of the pitiful body of men

they have at Portsmouth. Should any more be added to them, this country

will be perfectly open to them, by land as well as water.

I have the honor to be, with all possible respect,

Your Excellency’s most obedient

and most humble servant,

Th: Jefferson.

LETTER XLII.--TO GENERAL WASHINGTON, February 12, 1781

TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.

Richmond, February 12, 1781.

Sir,

The enclosed extract from a letter from Governor Nash, which I received

this day, being a confirmation of the intelligence I transmitted in a

former letter, I take the liberty of transmitting it to your Excellency.

I am informed, through a private channel, on which I have considerable

reliance, that the enemy had landed five hundred troops under the

command of a Major Craig, who were joined by a number of disaffected;

that they had penetrated forty miles; that their aim appeared to be

the magazine at Kingston, from which place they were about twenty miles

distant.

Baron Steuben transmits to your Excellency a letter from General Greene,

by which you will learn the events which have taken place in that

quarter since the defeat of Colonel Tarleton, by General Morgan. These

events speak best for themselves, and no doubt will suggest what is

necessary to be done to prevent the successive losses of State after

State, to which the want of arms, and of a regular soldiery, seem more

especially to expose those in the South.

I have the honor to be, with every sentiment of respect, your

Excellency’s most obedient and most humble servant,

Th: Jefferson.

LETTER XLIII.--TO GENERAL WASHINGTON, February 17, 1781

TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.

Richmond, February 17, 1781.

Sir,

By a letter from General Greene, dated Guilford Court House, February

10th, we are informed that Lord Cornwallis had burned his own wagons in

order to enable himself to move with greater facility, and had pressed

immediately on. The prisoners taken at the Cow-pens, were happily saved

by the accidental rise of a water-course, which gave so much time as to

withdraw them from the reach of the enemy. Lord Cornwallis had advanced

to the vicinities of the Moravian towns, and was still moving on

rapidly. His object was supposed to be to compel General Greene to an

action, which, under the difference of force they had, would probably

be ruinous to the latter. General Greene meant to retire by the way of

Boyd’s Ferry, on the Roanoke. As yet he had lost little or no stores or

baggage, but they were far from being safe. In the instant of receiving

this intelligence, we ordered a reinforcement of militia to him, from

the most convenient counties in which there was a hope of finding any

arms. Some great event must arise from the present situation of things,

which, for a long time, will determine the condition of southern

affairs.

Arnold lies close in his quarters. Two days ago, I received information

of the arrival of a sixty-four gun ship and two frigates in our bay,

being part of the fleet of our good ally at Rhode Island. Could they

get at the British fleet here, they are sufficient to destroy them; but

these being drawn up into Elizabeth river, into which the sixty-four

cannot enter, I apprehend they could do nothing more than block up the

river. This, indeed, would reduce the enemy, as we could cut off their

supplies by land; but the operation being tedious, would probably be

too dangerous for the auxiliary force. Not having yet had any particular

information of the designs of the French Commander, I cannot pretend to

say what measures this aid will lead to.

Our proposition to the Cherokee Chiefs, to visit Congress, for the

purpose of preventing or delaying a rupture with that nation, was too

late. Their distresses had too much ripened their alienation from us,

and the storm had gathered to a head, when Major Martin got back. It was

determined to carry the war into their country, rather than await it

in ours, and thus disagreeably circumstanced, the issue has been

successful.

The militia’ of this State and North Corolina penetrated into their

country, burned almost every town they had, amounting to about one

thousand houses in the whole, destroyed fifty thousand bushels of grain,

killed twenty-nine, and took seventeen prisoners. The latter are mostly

women and children.

I have the honor to be, &c. your Excellency’s

most obedient, humble servant,

Th: Jefferson.

P.S. Since writing the above, I have received information which, though

not authentic, deserves attention: that Lord Cornwallis had got to

Boyd’s Ferry on the 14th. I am issuing orders, in consequence, to other

counties, to embody and march all the men they can arm. In this fatal

situation, without arms, there will be no safety for the Convention

troops but in their removal, which I shall accordingly order. The

prisoners of the Cowpens were at New London (Bedford Court House) on the

14th. T. J.

LETTER XLIV.--TO GENERAL GATES, February 17, 1781

TO GENERAL GATES.

Richmond, February 17, 1781.

Dear General,

The situation of affairs here and in Carolina is such as must shortly

turn up important events, one way orihe other. By letter from General

Greene, dated Guilford Court House, February the 10th, I learn that

Lord Cornwallis, rendered furious by the affair of the Cowpens and the

surprise of Georgetown, had burned his own wagons, to enable himself

to move with facility, had pressed on to the vicinity of the Moravian

towns, and was still advancing: The prisoners taken at the Cowpens

were saved by a hair’s-breadth accident, and Greene was retreating.

His force, two thousand regulars, and no militia; Cornwallis, three

thousand. General Davidson was killed in a skirmish. Arnold lies still

at Portsmouth with fifteen hundred men. A French sixty-four gun ship

and two frigates, of thirty-six each, arrived in our bay three days ago.

They would suffice to destroy the British shipping here (a forty, four

frigates, and a twenty), could they get at them. But these are withdrawn

up Elizabeth river, which the sixty-four cannot enter. We have ordered

about seven hundred riflemen from Washington, Montgomery, and Bedford,

and five hundred common militia from Pittsylvania and Henry, to

reinforce General Greene; and five hundred new levies will march from

Chesterfield Court House in a few days. I have no doubt, however, that

the southwestern counties will have turned out in greater numbers before

our orders reach them.

I have been knocking at the door of Congress for aids of all kinds,

but especially of arms, ever since the middle of summer. The speaker,

Harrison, is gone to be heard on that subject. Justice, indeed, requires

that we should be aided powerfully. Yet if they would repay us the arms

we have lent them, we should give the enemy trouble, though abandoned to

ourselves.

After repeated applications, I have obtained a warrant for your advance

money, £18,000, which I have put into the hands of Mr. McAlister, to

receive the money from the Treasurer, and carry it to you.

I am, with very sincere esteem,

Dear Sir, your friend and servant,

Th: Jefferson.

LETTER XLV.--TO GENERAL WASHINGTON, February 26,1781

TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.

Richmond, February 26,1781.

Sir,

I gave you information in my last letter, that General Greene had

crossed the Dan, at Boyd’s Ferry, and that Lord Cornwallis had arrived

at the opposite shore. Large reinforcements of militia having embodied

both in front and rear of the enemy, he is retreating with as much

rapidity as he advanced; his route is towards Hillsborough. General

Greene re-crossed the Dan on the 21st, in pursuit of him. I have the

pleasure to inform you, that the spirit of opposition was as universal,

as could have been wished for. There was no restraint on the numbers

that embodied, but the want of arms.

The British at Portsmouth lie close in their lines. The French squadron

keep them in by water, and since their arrival, as they put it out of

the power of the enemy to cut off our retreat by sending up Nansemond

river, our force has been moved down close to their lines.

I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect,

your most obedient

and most humble servant,

Th: Jefferson.

LETTER XLVI.--TO GENERAL WASHINGTON, March 8, 1781

TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.

Richmond, March 8, 1781.

Sir,

I had the pleasure of receiving a letter from General Greene, dated

High-rock Ford, February 29th (probably March the 1st), who informs me,

that, on the night of the 24th, Colonel M’Call surprised a subaltern’s

guard at Hart’s Mill, killed eight, and wounded and took nine prisoners,

and that on the 25th, General Pickens and Lieutenant Colonel Lee routed

a body of near three hundred tories, on the Haw river, who were in arms

to join the British army, killed upwards of one hundred, and wounded

most of the rest; which had a very happy effect on the disaffected in

that country.

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