All night we continued our journey, toiling and struggling through

this terrible quagmire; and in the morning reached the Fishermen's

Huts, mentioned before as standing on the brink of Bayou Bienvenue,

near Lake Borgne. The site is as complete a desert as the eye of man

was ever pained by beholding. Not a tree or a bush grew near. As far

as the eye could reach, an ocean of weeds covering and partially

hiding the swamp presented itself, except on the side where a view of

the Lake changed, without fertilizing, the prospect. Here we were

ordered to halt; and perhaps I never rejoiced more sincerely at any

order than at this. Wearied with my exertions, and oppressed with

want of sleep, I threw myself on the chilly ground, without so much

as pulling off my muddy garments; in an instant all my cares and

troubles were forgotten. After many hours, I awoke from that sleep,

cold and stiff, and creeping beside a miserable fire of weeds,

devoured the last morsal of salt pork my wallet contained.

The whole army having come up, formed along the brink of the Lake; a

line of outposts was planted, and the soldiers commanded to make

themselves as comfortable as possible. But there was little comfort.

Without tents or shelter of any kind, our bed was the morass, and our

sole covering the clothes which had not quitted our backs for a

month. Our fires, so necessary to a soldier's happiness, were

composed solely of weeds, which blazed up and burned out like straw,

imparting but little warmth. Above all, our provisions were expended,

with no way to replenish in reach. Our sole dependence was the fleet,

nearly one hundred miles away, at anchor. It was necessary to wait

until our barges could make the trip there, and return. For two

entire days, the only provisions issued to the troops were some

crumbs of biscuit and a small allowance of rum. As for myself, being

fond of hunting, I determined to fare better. I took a fire-lock and

went in pursuit of wild ducks, of which there seemed plenty in the

bog. I was fortunate enough to kill several, but they fell in the

water, about twenty yards out. There was no other alternative.

Pulling off my clothes, and breaking the thin ice, I waded out and

got my game, and returned to shore, shivering like an aspen. As I

neared the shore, my leg stuck fast in the mire, and in pulling it

out my stocking came off, a loss that gave me great discomfort, until

we went aboard the fleet. I request that I may not be sneered at when

I record this loss of my stocking as one of the disastrous

consequences of this ill-fated expedition.

As the boats returned, regiment after regiment set sail for the

fleet. But, the wind being foul, many days elapsed before all could

be got off. By the end of January, we were all once more on board our

former ships. But our return was far from triumphant. We, who only

seven weeks ago had set out in the surest confidence of glory, and I

may add, of emolument, were brought back dispirited and dejected. Our

ranks were woefully thinned, our chiefs slain, our clothing tattered

and filthy, and our discipline in some degree injured. A gloomy

silence reigned throughout the armament, except when it was broken by

the voice of lamentation over fallen friends. The interior of each

ship presented a scene well calculated to prove the misadventures of

human hope and human prudence. On reaching the fleet, we found that a

splendid regiment, the 40th Foot, of one thousand men, had just

arrived to reinforce us, ignorant of the fatal issue of our attack.

But the coming of thrice their number could not recover what was

lost, or recall the fateful past. There was no welcome, nor

rejoicing; so great was the despondency that no attention was given

to the event. A sullen indifference as to what might happen next

seemed to have succeeded all our wonted curiosity, and confidence of

success in every undertaking.

On the 4th of February, the fleet weighed anchor and set sail, though

detained by adverse winds near the shore of Cat Island until the 7th,

when it put to sea. Our course, towards the east, led to the

conjecture that we were steering towards Mobile. Nor was it long

before we came in sight of the bay which bears that name.

SECOND ATTACK ON FORT BOWYER, MOBILE BAY.

So great and so repeated had been the reverses of the British arms, that

an opportunity to retrieve lost prestige, even in a small degree, could

not well be permitted to pass unimproved. The great flotilla of sixty

vessels, with the fragments of the shattered army, which set sail with

flags and pennants gayly flying in the breeze from Negril Bay, Jamaica,

but a little over two months ago, was still a power upon the sea, at a

safe distance from Jackson's triumphant army. The little outpost of a

fort that guarded Mobile Bay, which had inflicted a heavy loss on, and

beaten off, a squadron of the enemy's ships a few months before, lay in

their path homeward, and it was determined to invest it, and to

overwhelm it with numbers. On the sixth of February, the great armament

appeared in sight of Dauphin Island. On the seventh, twenty-five ships

anchored in a crescent position extending from the island toward Mobile

Point, where stood the fort. On the morning of the eighth, the enemy

landed five thousand troops opposite the line of ships at anchor,

investing the fort by sea and land. The fortification was erected for

defense mainly on the sea side, to render it formidable to ships

attempting to enter the pass into Mobile Bay. On the land side was a

sandy plain, rendering it incapable of defense against a superior force

protected by extensive siege works. The enemy mounted a number of

batteries behind parapets and epaulements, which directed their fire

upon the weakest parts of the defense. The fort was gallantly defended

by a garrison of three hundred and fifty men, under command of Colonel

William Lawrence. Some losses were inflicted on the besiegers as they

continued to push their works to within short musket-range of the fort.

But the heavy cannonading and fire from small-arms encircled the

besieged from every direction, and further defense became hopeless.

Terms of surrender were agreed to on the eleventh, and on the twelfth

the garrison marched out with the honors of war, yielding possession to

the enemy.

NEGOTIATIONS FOR PEACE CONCLUDED ON THE 24TH OF DECEMBER, 1814.

The small victory at Mobile Bay was barren of any gain to the British

cause; for, on the fourteenth, two days after the surrender,

intelligence came from England to General Lambert that articles of peace

had been signed by the plenipotentiaries of the belligerent nations, in

session at Ghent. Gleig remarks, in his "Narrative": "With the reduction

of this trifling work ended all hostilities in this quarter of America;

for the army had scarcely reassembled, when intelligence arrived from

England of peace. The news reached us on the fourteenth, and I shall not

deny that it was received with much satisfaction."

On the nineteenth, General Jackson issued an address from headquarters,

from which we reproduce as follows: "The flag-vessel, which was sent to

the enemy's fleet at Mobile, has returned, and brings with it

intelligence, extracted from a London paper, that on the twenty-fourth

of December articles of peace were signed by the commissioners of the

two nations."

Thus, on the day after the first landing of the British army on

Louisiana soil, and after the first battle was fought at night, terms of

peace were agreed on. It was fifteen days after that auspicious event

until the battles on the eighth occurred, causing such disaster and loss

of valuable lives to the English army and nation; and fifty-two days

from the signing of articles until a message of the good news was

received by the commander-in-chief of the British forces. There was no

alternative but to await the slow passage of the ship across the wide

Atlantic, with sails set to breeze and calm, and sometimes tossed and

delayed by adverse storm. To-day, the news of such an event would be

flashed over the great cables under the sea and the network of electric

wires throughout the land, in the twinkling of an eye after its

occurrence. Such an advantage at the time would have been worth to

England the entire cost of the telegraph system of the world.

LEGISLATURE SUPPRESSED UNDER MARTIAL LAW--CHARGES OF TREASONABLE

UTTERANCES.

On the morning of the twenty-eighth of December, just as the British

began their attack on the American line, General Jackson issued an order

forcibly forbidding the meeting of the Legislature in session, and for

taking possession of the legislative halls. The proceeding created great

excitement in the civil and military circles of the city, especially

among the members of the body and their immediate friends. The author is

indebted to Mr. William Beer, of the Howard Library of New Orleans, for

the loan of a copy of a rare little book entitled "Report of the

Committee of Inquiry on the Military Measures Employed Against the

Legislature of the State of Louisiana, the 28th of December, 1814." In

the full report of the testimony taken by the committee, we have a

history of the causes which led to this open rupture between the

commander-in-chief and the General Assembly of Louisiana, and of its

incidents and issues.

Since the landing of the British army on the twenty-third, there were

afloat in nebulous form some rumors of disaffection toward the American

military occupation of Louisiana, among an element of the population

unfriendly to the sovereignty of the United States over the territory

since its purchase from Napoleon. Up to the time of the military

occupation under Jackson, this hostile feeling seemed to display its

temper and policies mainly in matters of civil procedure. There was very

naturally a jealous opposition on the part of many leading citizens, of

French and Spanish descent, of whom the population west of the

Mississippi was almost entirely made up, against the annexation of the

territory east of that river as part of Louisiana, on equal terms of

citizenship and co-sovereignty. This east territory, they felt, had been

rudely seized and possessed by the United States, against the claim and

protest of Spain. It was being settled by American people, who in time

would help to Americanize the country, and to lessen the power and

control of the former creole domination. The virtues of a patriotic

love of their native countries yet lingered in the bosoms of these

citizens--a patriotic love which, when finally transferred to the new

government they were under, burned as brightly for the new sovereignty

as for the old.

Captain Abner L. Duncan, aid to Jackson, testified before the committee

as follows:

On the 28th, Colonel Declouet (of General Morgan's command) coming in

haste from the city, joined this respondent and begged him to inform

General Jackson that a plan was on foot among several members of the

Legislature for the surrender of the country to the enemy. Colonel

Declouet named in confidence to myself, to Generals Jackson and

Morgan, and to Major Robinson, several members as persons determined

on making the attempt. He added, that he heard one or more members

say, that Jackson was carrying on a Russian war (alluding to the

burning of Moscow), and that it was best to save private property by

a timely surrender; that he, Colonel Declouet, had been invited to

join in the measure. On this respondent making the communication to

General Jackson, the order he received was: "Tell Governor Claiborne

to prevent this, and to blow them up if they attempt it!"

Colonel Declouet told me the plan had been first disclosed to him by

the Speaker of the House, Mr. Guichard. He said in presence of

General Jackson and Mr. Daresac, that many other influential men were

concerned in it, and that they had held several night or secret

meetings on the subject. He gave the names of Mr. John Blanque and

Mr. Marigny, and generally all those voting with Mr. Blanque in the

House. He stated that, as an inducement offered to unite in the

plan, he was informed by Mr. Guichard that General Jackson would burn

and destroy everything before him sooner than surrender the country,

and that the English would respect private property. I understood

also, from some members of the House, Mr. Harper and Mr. Fickland

among them, and in the Senate from General Morgan and Mr. Hireart,

that an attempt would be made to dismember the State. I also

understood from other members that they would consider it an act of

violence; and would resist it by violence.

Colonel Declouet was the chief informant at headquarters; but rumors had

been rife for several days of disloyal utterances and of mysterious

proceedings, which caused uneasiness to the civil and military

authorities, and especially to Governor Claiborne, who had made known

his apprehensions of trouble from the disaffected element, warning

General Jackson of the dangers possible from this quarter. The

Legislature was to convene on the twenty-eighth; and it was intimated

that the overture for a surrender might be resolved upon that day. Such

a possible action, in the very crisis of battle, could be but an attempt

to marplot the military plans of the commander-in-chief, and to marshal

an enemy in the rear. The information brought in so abruptly on that

morning by Colonel Declouet made a profound impression on the mind of

General Jackson. The enemy had already opened the battle of the

twenty-eighth of December, with the forward movement of his columns and

under the heavy fire of his batteries.

In the excitement of the moment, Jackson gave the verbal order to his

aid, Captain Duncan, to be delivered at once to Governor Claiborne for

immediate execution. This order, as rendered by Captain Duncan, directed

the Governor to summarily close the halls of the Legislature, and to

place a guard at the doors to prevent a meeting of the body until

further orders. Duncan testified that the General put in emphasis the

words: "Tell Governor Claiborne to prevent this, and to blow them up if

they attempt it!"

The order was executed. The Governor commissioned General J.B. Labitat,

of the Louisiana troops, to enforce it; he placed a guard of soldiers at

the doors of the building, and forbade entrance to the members on that

day. Captain Duncan had put spurs to his horse and started on a lope to

the city with the order. On the way he met Colonel Fortier, an aid to

the Governor, who consented to promptly deliver the order, permitting

Duncan to return. In the proceedings of the committee, Honorable Levi

Wells, member of the House of Representatives from Rapides Parish,

testified that on the twenty-eighth, under an order of General Jackson,

an armed guard was placed at the doors of the legislative halls in the

city of New Orleans, which was to hinder the members from assembling;

"and even to fire on them, should they dare to persist in their design;

and that the life of a representative of the people, and a member of the

Body, was exposed to the greatest danger; that a sentinel, to hinder him

from repairing to his post, presented his bayonet and threatened to run

him through with it, unless he retired, adding to this outrage the most

insulting tone."

Through the mediation of friendly counsel the views of both the civil

and military chiefs were modified. The order was revoked within

twenty-four hours, and the guards withdrawn; on the twenty-ninth, the

Legislature was permitted to convene. In the conclusion, the committee

exonerated Speaker Guichard and other members of the Legislature

referred to as under suspicion, and severely censured Colonel Declouet

and Captain Duncan as the indiscreet authors of all the trouble. The

measures taken by General Jackson and Governor Claiborne were effectual;

while the report of the committee was evidently drawn to modify and

explain the imputed indiscretions of some of their fellow-members who

had been compromised. The procedure did not include all the legislators;

for some of these had volunteered their services, shouldered their

muskets, and gone to the front of battle.

A feeling of keen resentment toward General Jackson and some officers

involved in this affair was nursed long after by these legislators.

After peace was assured and hostilities at an end, the Legislature voted

a resolution of thanks for valiant services in defense of Louisiana to

the officers and soldiers from the States of Kentucky, Tennessee, and

Mississippi, with the request to the Governor that he should convey the

sense of this resolution in appropriate terms in a letter each to the

officers in command of these troops, respectively. The resolution was as

follows:

_Resolved_, That the thanks of the General Assembly be presented, in

the name of the State, to our brave brother soldiers from Tennessee,

Kentucky, and the Mississippi Territory, and their gallant leaders,

Generals Coffee, Carroll, Thomas, Adair, and Colonel Hinds, for the

brilliant share they have had in the defense of this country and the

happy harmony they have maintained with the inhabitants and militia

of the State.

MAGLOIRE GUICHARD,

_Speaker of the House of Representatives_.

FULWAR SKIPWORTH,

_President of Senate_.

Approved, February 2d, 1815.

WM. C. CLAIBORNE,

_Governor of State_.

The great chieftain could well afford to pass the slight in silence,

hailed as he was by the acclamations of the multitude--the deliverer of

the country, and the hero of the nation!

A similar resolution of thanks was voted to the officers and troops of

Louisiana, who had so patriotically sprung to arms on the invasion of

the enemy, and who had so gallantly fought in the several battles of the

campaign. In this resolution separate mention was made of each of the

officers of the State troops and their several commands, reciting the

meritorious services they had rendered, in terms of special praise,

making exceptions of certain officers who had incurred the displeasure

of some of the honorable legislators.

Under the first resolution, letters were addressed each to Generals

Coffee and Carroll, of Tennessee, to Major Hinds, of Mississippi, and to

Generals Thomas and Adair, of Kentucky. As these letters are of similar

tenor, we quote only the correspondence with General Adair:

NEW ORLEANS, February 25th, 1815.

_Sir_: To a soldier who has done his duty in all the conflicts in

which his country has been involved, from the War of Independence to

the present moment, it must be matter of great exultation to notice

the valor and firmness of the children of his old friends; to be

convinced that they are the true descendants of the old stock. That

the young men of your brigade should have looked up to you in the

hour of battle, as their guide and their shield, is only a

continuation of that confidence which their fathers had in a chief

whose arm had so often, and so successfully, been raised against the

foe. The enclosed Resolution of the General Assembly of Louisiana

will show you the high sense which is entertained in this State of

your services and of those of your brothers in arms. Be towards them

the vehicle of our sentiments, and receive for yourself the

assurances of my respect and best wishes.

WM. C.C. CLAIBORNE,

_Governor of Louisiana_.

To General John Adair.

The response of General Adair:

GOV. WM. C.C. CLAIBORNE.

_Sir_: I have the honor of acknowledging the receipt of Your

Excellency's note, inclosing a Resolution of the Legislature of

Louisiana, generously awarding the thanks of the State to the militia

from her sister States, who aided in the late successful struggle to

expel a powerful invading enemy from her shores.

To a proud American, citizen or soldier, the consciousness of having

faithfully discharged his duty to his country must ever be his

highest and most lasting consolation. But when to this is added the

approbation, the gratitude of the wisest, the most respectable part

of the community, with whom and under whose eye it has been his

fortune to act, it will ever be esteemed, not only the highest reward

for his services, but the most powerful incentive to his future good

conduct.

Accept, sir, for the Legislature, my warmest acknowledgments for the

honorable mention they have made of the corps to which I belong, and

for yourself the esteem and respect so justly due from me, for your

polite and highly interesting note of communication; and my best

wishes for your health and happiness.

JOHN ADAIR.

GENERAL JACKSON--CLASH WITH THE COURT.

A member of the Legislature, Mr. Loillier, severely censured the

commander-in-chief for continuing New Orleans and vicinity under martial

law after the defeat and embarkation of the British army, and for his

arbitrary course in sending a body of creole troops to a remote camp

near Baton Rouge, in response to their petition for a discharge. Jackson

ordered his arrest. Loillier applied to Judge Hall, of the United States

District Court, for a writ of habeas corpus, which was promptly granted

by the court. General Jackson summarily ordered the arrest of Judge Hall

also; and that he and the assemblyman both be deported beyond the

military lines, as persons liable to incite insubordination and mutiny

within the martial jurisdiction. Intelligence of the treaty of peace at

Ghent soon followed, and martial law once again yielded to civil

authority.

Judge Hall, resenting what he deemed a great indignity upon the court,

issued an order, summoning Jackson to appear before him to answer a

grave charge of contempt. Jackson's attorney attempted to plead in his

defense, but the judge silenced him, and set the hearing a week after.

On the thirty-first of March, Jackson appeared in court in person, but

refused to be interrogated. As his defense had been denied, he announced

that he was there only to receive the sentence of the court. Judge Hall

then imposed a fine of one thousand dollars, which sum the veteran

offender drew from his pocket and handed in to the court.

These proceedings were attended with profound excitement throughout the

city and community. The hero of the day had a determined following

present in crowds at and near the court-room; and among these were the

Baratarian contingent, with their leaders, and others as desperate as

these. But the great commander had set the example of implicit obedience

to the law, and no disrespect to the court was shown. But as the General

sought to retire from the scene, the enthusiasm of the crowds overleaped

all bounds of propriety. With shouts and roars of applause the devoted

people lifted him in their arms and upon their shoulders, and bore him

in triumph through the streets of the city to his headquarters, despite

the chagrin and helpless protestations of the victim of their

admiration. Tall and gaunt, and angular in person, with his long, spare

limbs dangling helplessly about him, and rocked and swayed by the

movement of the masses under him, the great warrior was never in all his

life before in a position more awkward and undignified. The master of

men and emergencies was unthroned for one time in life.

The money to pay the fine was proffered over and over again to reimburse

him by ardent friends, but Jackson would listen to no terms of payment

of the fine, except out of his own purse. He alone had committed the

offense--if there was an offense--and he alone would assume to pay the

penalty. It was not until 1844, one year before his death, that Congress

passed an act to refund the principal and interest, which amounted then

to twenty-seven hundred dollars. In advocacy of this bill Stephen A.

Douglas, then Senator from Illinois, made his maiden speech upon the

floor of the Senate of the United States.

ENGLAND'S PURPOSE TO CONQUER AND HOLD POSSESSION OF THE TERRITORY CEDED

BY NAPOLEON, AND TO ESTABLISH HER DOMINION IN THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY.

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