It has been said that the chapbook varied in size. Leaving o

_Scottish Chapbook Literature_

_Scottish

Chapbook Literature_

By WILLIAM HARVEY

Author of

“Scottish Life and Character in Anecdote and Story,”

“Kennethcrook: Some Sketches of Village Life,”

“Robert Burns in Stirlingshire,”

&c., &c.

[Illustration]

PAISLEY: ALEXANDER GARDNER

Publisher by Appointment to the late Queen Victoria

1903

PRINTED BY

ALEXANDER GARDNER, PAISLEY

PREFACE.

The diffusion of knowledge by means of the Chapbook practically began

with the introduction of printing into Scotland. From the days when the

_Gude and Godlie Ballates_ of the Wedderburns were put in circulation,

down to the middle of last century, the chapman was a travelling

publisher of much importance. In crowded mart and on solitary moor he

plied his calling: there he sold his broadsides by the ream, here he

tempted the reading rustic to a judicious selection from his pack: in

both cases he did what he could to spread knowledge and line his pockets.

The object of this volume is to provide a brief account of the chapman

and his literary wares: to present a short survey of the literature

of the common people during a period of three centuries, to trace the

rise and influence of the Chapbook, and to mark its decay, or rather

its blending into the cheap publication of the present time. The most

important of the Chapbooks are discussed at length, and as many of them

are valuable for the light they throw upon the life and customs of the

people among whom they circulated, the extracts that have been made will

doubtless be read with interest and enjoyment.

Much biographical and bibliographical information concerning authors

and printers and publishers is given. The greater part of this is

presented in footnotes, which have been introduced freely with the view

of enhancing the usefulness and value of the work, and at the same time

preventing the text from becoming overloaded with details.

To facilitate reference, an alphabetical list of all Chapbooks referred

to in the volume is included. It will be found at page 145. A Glossary

and General Index have also been added.

In the matter of Illustrations the book is well supplied. A number of

the quaintest pictures are reproduced, many of which shew at once the

crudities of art and the pictorial limitations with which early printers

had to contend.

No pains have been spared to make the volume worthy the subject of

which it treats, and it is hoped that it will be of value both as a

contribution to the literature of the social life of Scotland, and as

supplying, in the absence of an exhaustive history, a hitherto unwritten

chapter of the literary annals of our country.

55 MILNBANK ROAD, DUNDEE, _July 1903_.

CONTENTS.

PAGE

INTRODUCTORY, 9

HUMOROUS, 35

INSTRUCTIVE, 72

HISTORICAL, 72

BIOGRAPHICAL, 84

RELIGIOUS AND MORAL, 89

MANUALS OF INSTRUCTION, 99

ALMANACS, 100

ROMANTIC, 103

SUPERSTITIOUS, 107

SONGS AND BALLADS, 116

CONCLUSION, 122

LIST OF CHAPBOOKS, 145

GLOSSARY, 149

GENERAL INDEX, 151

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

PAGE

THE WEDDING OF JOCKEY AND MAGGY, 39

BRUCE AND DE BOUNE, 85

THE WRECK OF ROBINSON CRUSOE, 88

NOAH ENTERING THE ARK, 89

HAGAR AND ISHMAEL CAST OUT, 90

JOSEPH SOLD INTO EGYPT, 91

THE PLAGUE OF FROGS, 92

THE SUN AND MOON STAND STILL, 93

JONAH IS SWALLOWED BY A FISH, 94

DANIEL CAST INTO THE DEN OF LIONS, 95

SARAH PROMISED A SON, 96

THE OLD HOUND, 99

THE BURIAL OF JACOB, 100

SOLOMON’S TEMPLE, 102

JACK THE GIANT KILLER AND THE GIANT, 104

THE TRIAL OF SIR JOHN BARLEYCORN, KNT., 117

THE LAST DAY, 144

Scottish Chapbook Literature.

INTRODUCTORY.

Nothing has yet been done in the way of providing an exhaustive history

of Scottish chapbook literature, but the wish for such a work has

not remained unexpressed. So long ago as the late twenties of last

century, when the chapman was still a person of considerable importance,

and chapbooks—properly so called—were in wide circulation, it was

believed that Sir Walter Scott would undertake the task. When it became

evident that the author of _Waverley_ was not to do anything, a hope

was expressed that William Motherwell might become the historian of

the vulgar literature. That poet entertained the idea himself, but

subsequently abandoned it owing to paucity of materials and want of

leisure. Other writers may have thought to do something, but up to the

present time nothing of a general nature has been accomplished. Certain

departments of our chapbook literature, however, have not lacked their

editors and historians. The _Humorous Prose Chapbooks of Scotland_[1]

found an able editor in Professor Fraser, although the work done is but

a portion of his original scheme; and George Mac Gregor—notwithstanding

that his volumes are not much more than a paraphrase of Professor

Fraser’s books—accomplished a notable work in _The Collected Writings of

Dougal Graham_.[2] The volumes published by Robert Lindsay of Glasgow[3]

are valuable for the specimens of chapbooks which they contain; and

Robert Hays Cunningham has compiled a not unmeritorious work in his

_Amusing Prose Chapbooks Chiefly of Last [the Eighteenth] Century_.[4]

But these are only fragments. It is true that Dougal Graham was the chief

writer of secular Scottish chapbooks, and that the humorous production

found a wider circle of readers than the sermon or the serious poem,

but the Skellat Bellman of Glasgow and the comic effusion are not, on

that account, wholly representative of Scotland’s cheap literature of a

by-gone day. It is to be regretted that too often that section of our

chapbooks has been held up as typical of the whole, and that our fathers

have not received the credit which is due them for their appreciation

of history and theology. The more serious chapbooks—such as those which

recounted the deeds of Wallace and the achievements of Bruce, and those

which contained the fiery eloquence of the Covenanters, and, later, of

the Erskines—have been almost entirely overlooked. The song chapbooks,

too, of which there were myriads, have only been referred to incidentally

when they happened to be humorous. It is to be hoped—though every hour

that passes makes the task more difficult of accomplishment—that some day

a history of our national chapbooks will be written, so that a record may

be preserved of a most interesting chapter of our literary annals.

Many difficulties beset a writer on this subject, and probably the

greatest is to define exactly what a chapbook is. In _Chambers’s

Encyclopædia_ publications of the chapbook order are defined as

“a variety of old and scarce tracts of a homely kind, which

at one time formed the only popular literature. In the trade

of the bookseller they are distinguishable from the ordinary

products of the press by their inferior paper and typography,

and are reputed to have been sold by chapmen or pedlars.”

This may be _Encyclopædia_ information, but it is hardly accurate, and

was apparently written by one who knew nothing about the subject. The

chapbook is much more than, and is sometimes very different from what

is here defined. In a general sense it is anything from a broadside to

a decent-sized volume, and it received its name, “chapbook,” not on

account of its size or its contents, but in virtue of the fact that it

was chiefly circulated by the pedlars who sought to carry civilization

and soft goods into hamlets and farm-towns far from the madding crowd.

These men were known as chapmen. The derivation of the word shews that

a “chapman” was simply a “cheap-man”; and chap literature may therefore

be truthfully set down as “cheap literature.”[5] In these days of

“World’s Classics” and Sixpenny Reprints, “Penny Poets” and “Halfpenny

Novelettes,” chapbooks are unknown, while cheap literature is more in

evidence than ever it was. But though it is true that chapbook literature

derived its name from the fact that it was vended by chapmen, it in

reality existed before it was added to the pedlar’s pack of multifarious

goods, just as it flourished apart from the chapman altogether, and

continued to survive after he had ceased to vend it to any extent.

The chapman, although still with us, and hated no less fervently than

ever, is not in these days the indispensable travelling merchant of

by-gone years. At the time when the telegraph and the telephone were

undreamt of, and “iron horses” were things to be discussed with bated

breath and wondering eyes, the smaller towns and villages of Scotland

dwelt in complete isolation from each other. News—even bad news—travelled

slowly; the stage-coach—where there was one—lumbered along, a prey to

bad roads and drunken drivers; and the average Scot who desired to go

from home expressed a lofty contempt for a conveyance, and increased his

mileage by what was facetiously termed “shanks’ machine.” In such times

and circumstances, the pedlar was a necessity. His pack of needles and

laces, buttons and tapes, handkerchiefs and cravats, and other trifles,

formed the stock from which many a matron replenished the store, that

supplied her with the means of passing the long winter nights.

That the chapman’s life was not all lavender, is evident from the

literature and the successor he has left behind. Various references in

Dougal Graham’s booklets prove that his lot was not a happy one. By

many people he was tolerated as a necessary evil, and in _The Loss of

the Pack_—a chapbook which doubtless had a wide circulation—we learn

something of the esteem (or, rather, want of esteem) in which the

travelling merchant was held. The author of that poem says:—

“It fires, it boils my vera blude,

And sweets me at ilk pore,

To think how aft I’m putten wud,

When drawing near a door:

Out springs the mastiff, through the mud,

Wi’ fell Cerberian roar,

And growling, as he really would

Me instantly devour,

Alive that day.

“‘Ye’re come frae Glasgow, lad, I true;’

(The pert guidwife presumes;)

‘Ye’ll be a malefactor, too,

Ye’ll hae your horse and grooms;

What de’il brings siccan chaps like you

To lea’ your wabs and looms?

Wi’ beggars, packmen, and sic crew,

Our door it never tooms

The live-lang day.’”

But this angry outburst on the part of “the pert guidwife” at an end, she

lapses into kindlier speech and indicates the more humane side of the

pedlar’s life:

“‘Nae doubt ye’ll e’en right hungry be,

I see your belly’s clung:

I ha’e some parritch here to gi’e

As soon’s a sang ye’ve sung;

Come, lilt it up wi’ blithesome glee;

Ye’re supple, smart, and young,

And gin ye please our John and me,

Ye’se get the kirnan rung

To lick, this day.’”

It was the “lilting up wi’ blithesome glee” that constituted the pedlar’s

passport to every farm-town. The songs he sang and the stories he told

brought him bed and breakfast and sometimes helped to lighten his pack.

When newspapers were unknown the chapman was a moving “Intelligencer,”

who carried the doings of the outer world into remote parts, and extended

the horizon of many who otherwise might have been inclined to think that

the earth was their own and the fulness thereof.

The chapman did not change much in the course of years, The frontispiece

to Mr. John Ashton’s _Chapbooks of the Eighteenth Century_[6] is a

portrait of a pedlar reproduced from _The Cries and Habits of the City

of London_, published in 1709. The attire of the man in the picture is

that of the period to which he belongs, but beyond that there is nothing

to distinguish him from the street-vendor of to-day. There he stands,

with his tray of nick-nacks and cheap jewellery suspended in front of him

like the street-pedlar to be seen at any time in the busy thoroughfares

of Edinburgh, Glasgow, or Dundee. The city hawker, like his brother who

vended in rural parts, was not slow to recognise a valuable and saleable

commodity in broadsides and booklets. These he added to his goods, and

ere long gave them a name derived from himself.

Just when he did this is somewhat difficult to say. Broadsides and

booklets similar to those which at a subsequent period formed the

staple of chapbook literature were issued from the Scottish presses at

a very early date. Indeed, the earliest printed examples of our popular

poetry are comprised in a series of black-letter chapbooks published by

“Walter Chepman and Androw Myllar, Edinburgh, in the year M.D.VIII.” In

the previous year these two printers—burgesses of Edinburgh—received a

patent under the hand of James IV. which entitled them to establish a

printing-press. The instrument set forth that Chepman and Myllar had, at

the request of His Majesty,

“for our plesour, the honour, and profitt of our Realme and

leigis, takin on thame to furnis and bring hame ane prent, with

all stuff belangand thereto, and expert men to use the samyne,

for imprenting within our Realme of the bukis of our Lawis ...

and all utheris bukis that salbe sene necessar, and to sel the

sammyn for competent pricis,” etc.

The printers duly implemented their bargain, and started business in the

Cowgate,[7] from which place these black-letter chapbooks issued. A few

years later Scotland was in the throes of the fight for Protestantism.

The press was called into use both for and against the new order.

“During the heat of the Reformation,” says one writer, “there were

many ‘ballatis, sangis, blasphematious rhymes, alsweill of kirkmen as

temporal and utheris tragedies’ published.” Robert Lekprevick, another

early Scottish printer, issued many broadsides of a political and

ecclesiastical character in the interests of Protestantism. So partisan

were these productions that Sir Robert Maitland was constrained to say in

his verses “On the Malice of Poets”—

“Sum of the poyets, and makars, that are now,

Of grit despyte, and malice are sa fow

That all lesingis, that can be inventit,

They put in writ, and garris thame be prentit.”

The chief of the broadside authors of this period was Robert Sempill.

Along with him may be mentioned Sir William Kirkcaldy of Grange and

Sir John Maitland, Lord Thirlestane and the Earl of Glencairn, John

Davidson and Nicol Burne. Reference should also be made to the brothers

Wedderburn of Dundee, whose _Gude and Godlie Ballates_[8] were so

popular in their day, and are believed originally to have been issued

singly in broadside form. Writers of the Reformation period, too—notably

Buchanan and Knox—issued tractates not dissimilar in appearance from the

chapbooks of a later age. But these, in one sense at least, were not

chapbook literature. They may have done much, in an indirect way, to

fire the imagination of “the rascal multitude,” but they must have been

sealed books to many of the commonalty, with whom reading was an unknown

accomplishment.

The Scottish printers were not long at work ere their labours were viewed

with apprehension. The Scots Parliament, jealous, doubtless, of the power

of the press, early instituted a press-censorship. On 1st February,

1551-52, it ordained—

“That na Prentar presume, attempt or tak upone hand to prent

ony bukis _ballatis_, _sangis_, _blasphematiounis rymes_, or

tragedies, outhir in Latin or Englis toung in ony tymes to cum,

unto the tyme the samin be sene, vewit, and examit be sum wyse

and discreit persounis depute thairto ... and thaireftir ane

licence had and obtenit ... under the pain of confiscatioun of

all the Prentaris gudis, and banisshing him of the Realme for

ever.”

Notwithstanding these restrictions, the art of printing developed in many

directions.

As time went on, education became more general and broadsides more

numerous. The single sheet was the vehicle by which many authors sought

to reach the public. Ballads and songs, old and new, genuine and

fictitious, made their appearance in broadside form, and thus ceased to

be dependant on oral tradition for their existence. It is not too much

to suppose that these broadsides circulated among all classes. Their

cost could not have been great, and if they were vended at fairs and

markets, as is not unlikely, they may be accepted as the earliest form

of our chapbook literature. In many ways they resembled the productions

common in later times, and as Mr. T. F. Henderson says in his _Scottish

Vernacular Literature_,[9]

“they indicate the existence in Scotland, in the seventeenth

century or earlier, of a great variety of forgotten lyrics,

most of them coloured with the ingenuous indelicacy which, more

or less, tinges all our early literature, and some of them very

much akin to the ditties collected by Burns.”

This, the vulgar literature of an earlier age, would seem to have met at

the hands of our fathers a fate similar to that which we have awarded to

the chapbook literature of later times, and which our children may mete

out to the cheap ephemeral publications of these days.

During the seventeenth century and down to the time of Allan Ramsay,

broadsides were in general circulation, and by their means popular

interest in our national song was kept alive. Many of our most

widely-known lyrics appeared originally in song-sheets. The earliest

version of “Auld Lang Syne” was so published, and so also was “Maggie

Lauder,” “The Blythesome Bridal,” and numberless others. Habbie Simpson,

the famous piper of Kilbarchan, was immortalised by Robert Sempill of

Beltrees and the broadside press; and thousands all over Scotland learned

how—

“At fairs he played before the spear-men

All gaily graithed in their gear, man:

Steel bonnets, jacks, and swords so clear, then,

Like ony bead:”

and then, with the author, asked—

“Now, wha will play before such weir-men,

Sen Habbie’s dead?”

This, and other productions by Sempill and his contemporaries,

popularised the single sheet publication, and Allan Ramsay seems

instinctively to have turned to the broadside printer when he added

poetry to the prosaic duties of a wig-maker. He soon became the laureate

of the Edinburgh streets, and his biographer tells us that “the women

of Edinburgh were wont to send out their children with a penny to buy

‘Ramsay’s last piece.’”[10] These broadsides of the author of _The Gentle

Shepherd_ were published in the early years of the eighteenth century,

but before this date chapbooks of eight, sixteen, twenty-four, and

sometimes a greater number of pages, had become common.

Mr. John Ashton, in his Introduction to the volume of English _Chapbooks

of the Eighteenth Century_, says that in England the chapbook proper

did not exist before the year 1700.[11] There is ample evidence that

it was known in Scotland before that date. In 1644 we find the famous

Glasgow divine, Zachary Boyd, complaining to the General Assembly, in

the vigorous language of the period, that “their schools and country

were stained, yea pestered, with idle books, and their children fed on

fables, love-songs, baudry ballads, heathen husks, youth’s poison;” and a

complaint of this kind clearly indicates that chapbook literature, in the

form of “idle books” and “fables,” “love-songs,” and “baudry ballads,”

was in general, if not approved, circulation. The troubles which came

upon the country with the Restoration, and the long period of unrest

that preceded the Revolution of 1688, doubtless turned men’s thoughts

to more serious matters. The Covenanting divines who were ejected from

their pulpits by Claverhouse and his dragoons, sought to spread the truth

according to their light by means of the press, and numerous sermons

were issued in chapbook form. Admirers of the “Scots Worthies,” too,

prepared tracts relating to them, their sufferings, and their prophecies,

which, we may suppose, were read with avidity in quiet corners by their

followers, and treasured almost as carefully as the Bible, for their

peculiar interpretation of which they were ready to lay down their lives.

“The internal evidence of the chapbooks relating to Peden, Cargill,

and other worthies of the ‘Killing-time,’” writes George Mac Gregor,

“indicates that their first editions were published within a few years at

least of the events recorded in them.”[12]

The Revolution of 1688 may be said to mark the beginning of the period

which may be called the chapbook era. There were earlier indications, as

has been pointed out, but from that date the commonalty were supplied

with booklets and broadsides in gradually increasing numbers, and the

work of their distribution was taken up more generally and thoroughly

by the scores of pedlars who did their best to keep village joined to

village and hamlet in touch with hamlet.

“Books and pamphlets,” writes Mr. J. M. Barrie in the chapter,

“A Literary Club,” which appears in _Auld Licht Idylls_, “were

brought into the town by the flying stationers, as they were

called, who visited the square periodically, carrying their

wares on their backs, except at the Muckly [an occasional

fair], when they had their stall and even sold books by

auction. The flying stationer best known in Thrums was

Sandersy Riach, who was stricken from head to foot with palsy,

and could only speak with a quaver in consequence. Sandersy

brought to the members of the club all the great books he could

get second-hand, but his stock in trade was _Thrummy Cap_ and

_Akenstaff_, _The Fishwives of Buckhaven_, _The Devil upon Two

Sticks_, _Gilderoy_, _Sir James the Rose_, _The Brownie of

Badenoch_, _The Ghaist of Firenden_, and the like.”[13]

The chapbook period—if one may set limits where points are difficult to

adjust—may be said to have extended from 1688 to 1830. From the date of

the Revolution chapbooks gradually increased in number and importance,

down to 1746, when Dougal Graham published his metrical _History of the

Rebellion_. Graham was a new and distinct force in Scottish chapbook

literature. The popularity of this class of reading was greatly enhanced

by his many productions, and during the next thirty years the gradual

increase of the earlier period gave place to a circulation that went

up by leaps and bounds. By 1775 they doubtless had attained their

widest limits, and for the next fifty years their prestige remained

unchallenged. With the later twenties of the nineteenth century, however,

the literature shewed signs of decay. Probably the fact that little new

was being added accounted in some degree for this, but doubtless the

chief reason was the introduction of other literature of a cheap kind.

Gradually chapbooks lost the potent sway they had had. Societies and

publishers set themselves to issue series little calculated to offend

public taste in the way the broad publications of Graham had done, or,

rather, were beginning to do. One firm, that of Messrs. D. Webster &

Son of Edinburgh, considering it desirable to print the old chapbooks

“in a more correct and neat form,” began the issue of a series under

the high-sounding title, “Caledonian Classics of the Common People.”

But even “apt alliteration’s artful aid” failed to do much, and this

series, in common with others, did not meet with unbounded success.

Popular taste demanded something entirely different from what had been,

and the chapbooks, though still lingering for many years, were gradually

superseded by, or became merged in, the cheap literature with which we

are familiar to-day.

It has been said that the chapbook varied in size. Leaving out of

consideration what are known as broadsides, it was a publication of

any extent from eight pages to two hundred pages, and sold at prices

ranging from a penny to a shilling. Sometimes, in the larger and more

expensive productions, there was an attempt at artistic printing, but, as

a general rule, chapbook literature did little credit to the followers

of Caxton. The paper was invariably of the coarsest kind. The heavy

duty on that article of manufacture kept it dear, and accounts for the

rude appearance of many of these productions. A study of a number of

chapbooks from any one press reveals some of the difficulties with which

the printer had to contend. For one thing, his type not unfrequently

gave out. An edition of Allan Ramsay’s _Collection of Scotch Proverbs_

forms one of the chapbooks of G. Caldwell of Paisley. This book naturally

entailed a heavy drain on “capitals,” and it is amusing to notice

with what frequency the compositor had to fall back on “italics” or

“lower-case” letters when his Roman capitals failed him. Sometimes the

paper ran short. In these days, the proverbial editorial blue-pencil

is called into use to effect a judicious condensation. The chapbook

printer scorned such a method. His reader must have everything, and the

last page or so was occasionally set in a smaller size of type, so that

all the author’s work might appear. At other times, the story was too

short to fill the desired number of pages, and trifles of any kind were

introduced to fill up space. In this last-mentioned respect, the editor

of the present day still follows the chapbook publisher. In the matter

of illustrations, some amazing results were achieved. Anything in the

way of ornament was called into service, and one picture had frequently

to do duty in many chapbooks. So long as an illustration did not deal

with a specific subject, the matter was of little moment; but when it

came to the portrait of one man—and that man probably a creature of the

artist’s imagination—doing duty for several authors, the result was as

amusing as it was absurd. A few examples may be mentioned. A number of

religious chapbooks, issued in Glasgow and “printed for the booksellers,”

were adorned with an illustration on the title page. This was a clergyman

of the conventional type, clad in gown and bands, and wearing a

full-bottomed wig. There was apparently only one woodcut in the printer’s

stock, and it did duty in turn for John Welch and Donald Cargill, William

Secker and Ebenezer Erskine, Thomas Wilcocks and Isaac Watts. No less

amusing was the combination effected on another occasion. A _History of

Wallace, the renowned Scottish Champion_, was issued at Glasgow, without

date, “printed for the booksellers.” At the first glance the illustration

on the cover did not seem quite accurate. It was the portrait of a man

wearing a crown. Now, not even the Scottish Rights Association or the

“Britain _v._ England” patriots ever claimed a crown for Wallace, and

there was evidently an error somewhere. A scrutiny of certain other

chapbooks explained the matter. The portrait requisitioned to adorn the

_History of Wallace_ had done duty in another chapbook as an illustration

of Henry the Second of England! For the humour of the thing, one could

wish that it had been Edward Longshanks. Less glaringly absurd were

some other combinations. A portrait of a man in Highland costume—with

an unmistakable claymore and an abbreviated kilt—adorned a history of

Prince Charlie. Accompanied by other text, it served to represent Rob

Roy. A Highland piper, seated on a stool or “creepie,” and playing

lustily on his pipes, embellished the front page of _Odds and Ends_,

and a footnote, which referred to one of the anecdotes contained in the

publication, set forth that he was “the Piper who was carried away for

dead during the Plague in London, but revived before interment.” Without

the explanatory footnote, he adorned _The Scotch Haggis_; somewhat

appropriately he embellished the _History of James Allan, the Celebrated

Northumberland Piper_, and he also played in _The Long Pack, or the

Robbers Discovered_. So far as the artist was concerned, Dick Turpin and

O’Donnel, the Irish assassin, wore a garb and features common to each

other in the chapbook, and in real life alien to them both. These facts

are not without consolation to those of us who have had to submit to the

not very tender mercies of the newspaper artist. A comparison of a number

of song-chapbooks, with the same imprint, shows that the early printer

was alive to the possibilities of variation, and that he frequently “rung

the changes” on certain pieces. When a song was put into type, it was

seemingly kept “standing” for some time, and made to serve in several

chapbooks ere the type was distributed. This afforded the printer an easy

and cheap method of producing a number of publications, and meant that if

any one wanted a collection of songs, he had to buy a greater quantity of

books than would have been the case if the contents of each sheet had

been entirely different.

The chapbook printer did not greatly concern himself with questions of

literary ownership. He was, in this way, as great a thief and pirate as

the men whose exploits he sometimes recounted in penny pamphlets. Readers

of Allan Ramsay will remember that, in his _Address to the Town Council

of Edinburgh_, the poet bewails the action of “Lucky Reid.” He begins by

saying:—

“Your poet humbly means and shaws,

That, contrair to just rights and laws,

I’ve suffered muckle wrang,

By Lucky Reid and ballad-singers,

Wha thumb’d with their coarse, dirty fingers,

Sweet Adie’s funeral sang;

They spoil’d my sense, and staw my cash,

My muse’s pride murgully’d,

And printing it like their vile trash,

The honest lieges whilly’d.”

“Lucky” Reid was the relict of John Reid, who had a printing

establishment in Bell’s Wynd, Edinburgh, and who did an extensive

business in the production of popular literature. She, Ramsay explains

in a footnote to his poem, “with the hawkers,” reprinted his pastoral on

Addison, without his knowledge, “on ugly paper, full of errors.” Having

made his plaint to the civic fathers, he pleads that he may be allowed

“to guide his gear” himself, when—

“clean and fair the type shall be,

The paper like the snaw,

Nor shall our town think shame wi’ me,

When we gang far awa.”

Ramsay’s was only one of many complaints that might have been made on the

score of literary piracy. Byron may have heard of such things when he

coined his phrase about Barrabas.

While the vast majority of chapbooks were issued singly, and were what

may be called fugitive productions, there were one or two publications

which took the form of series. One of these, issued at Edinburgh and

undated, was known as the _Select Collection_, and ran to a good many

numbers. Each part consisted of eight pages. Another, also undated, was

named _The Edinbury (sic) Gleaner: being a Collection of Anecdotes, etc.,

for the Amusement of Youth_. The title-page stated that it was “To be

published in numbers, with a beautiful wood engraving, price 3 Pence, by

W. Smith, Bristo Port, Edina.” It consisted of sixteen pages, and, in the

preface setting forth the aims of the publication, the editor invited

contributions from readers. In these days of two guineas per column and

five pounds per page, it is interesting to hear the terms on which this

old-world editor was prepared to accept MSS.

“As the work is to be published in numbers,” he says, in

somewhat halting English, “the editor hereby intimates to any

person who has any entertaining piece by them (either in prose

or verse), that they will send such pieces to him (free of

postage); and if he approves of the same, and print it, they

shall receive a few copies without any expence whatever.”

Verily, publication was its own reward.[14]

The chapbook literature of Scotland, in addition to those

productions—sermons, poems, songs, and sketches—which were of native

origin, included many chapbooks of English authorship. They issued from

Scottish presses, were vended by Scottish chapmen at Scottish fairs

and markets and all over Scotland, but they were not Scottish books.

While it is impossible to say how many chapbooks found readers north of

Tweed, it is worth noting that Robert Hays Cunningham, in his _Amusing

Prose Chapbooks Chiefly of the Last [the Eighteenth] Century_, which is

a Scottish production and is doubtless intended to be representative,

only includes four that are distinctly Scottish in a collection of

twenty-five. These four are _The Comical Sayings of Paddy from Cork_

(Scottish in authorship, as it was written or compiled by Dougal Graham);

_The Penny Budget of Wit and Package of Drollery_ (a collection of mainly

Scottish anecdotes); _Mansie Wauch, Tailor in Dalkeith_ (a condensation

of Delta’s famous work); and _The Life and Astonishing Adventures of

Peter Williamson, who was carried off when a Child from Aberdeen and

sold for a Slave_. But none of the others in Cunningham’s collection

was unknown to our fathers, though they are all of English origin. _The

Comical History of the King and the Cobbler_, _Mother Bunch’s Closet

Newly Broke Open_, _The History of the Blind Beggar of Bethnal Green_,

are three among many that were familiar as household words; while

_Jack the Giant Killer_ and _Blue Beard_, _Simple Simon_ and _Dick

Whittington_, have descended in all their grotesque glory to our own time.

In any survey of Scottish chapbook literature, it is almost essential

that English productions should be excluded or only referred to

incidentally. English chapbooks supplemented our national supply, but

did not enrich it. “Scottish chapbooks,” writes Professor Fraser, with

perhaps just a touch of the perfervid Scot, were “superior in every

respect to kindred productions in England, Ireland, and France.” With a

pronouncement such as that from a man who knew the subject so intimately

as Fraser did, we may well consider the Scottish publications in

themselves and apart—as far as we may—from the booklets of the sister

kingdom.

Chapbook literature has been divided into many sections. Professor Fraser

proposed to deal with the subject under five headings; John Ashton (and

his arrangement is applicable to Scottish as well as English chapbooks)

divided it into ten sections; and Cunningham, finding both of these

proposals inadequate for his needs, set out the literature in no fewer

than thirteen divisions. Probably an arrangement something like that of

Fraser’s is as good as any. We shall therefore glance briefly at our

chapbook literature under the following five sections:—

I.—HUMOROUS.

II.—INSTRUCTIVE.

III.—ROMANTIC.

IV.—SUPERSTITIOUS.

V.—SONGS AND BALLADS.

I.

HUMOROUS.

The humorous booklet undoubtedly occupied foremost place in public

favour. It frequently depicted a phase of life which was familiar to

readers, and dealt with men whose acquaintance they had made in the

flesh. The stories that were recounted may have been broad—coarse,

sometimes, as the paper on which they were printed—but they were always

true to actual life as the commonalty saw it. “John Cheap, the Chapman,”

was to be found at every fair and in every hamlet, and “Leper the Tailor”

was a visitor at every farm-town. What is more reasonable, then, than

that books which dealt with these worthies should be bought rapidly

and read with delight? In addition to their enjoying first place in

popularity, the humorous chapbooks are unique in that we know something

of some of their authors. Much of our vulgar literature, like a great

deal of our ballad minstrelsy, is the work of innominate writers.

Certain songs have been traced to particular poets, sermons invariably

appeared with their authors’ names, but the great bulk of general

chapbook literature was published anonymously. And, with the exception

of the most characteristic of the humorous booklets, the authorship has

continued in obscurity.

Dougal Graham, the Skellat Bellman of Glasgow, is the chief of chapbook

writers, and he must always occupy a prominent place in any history of

our vulgar literature. He was born at Raploch (a hamlet that nestles at

the foot of the rock on which Stirling Castle stands), in or about the

year 1724, and we are told that he was

“The wittiest fellow in his time,

Either for prose or making rhyme.”

In view of his subsequent career, there was something appropriate in

the place of his birth. He was born within sight of the Jousting Flats,

where the ancient fraternity of chapmen of the counties of Stirling and

Clackmannan were wont for centuries to engage in sports: he was born

under the shadow of the Palace of the Stuart Kings, and this may have

given him that interest in the “Auld Hoose” which impelled him to follow

Prince Charlie through victory and defeat to Culloden, and to write his

_History of the Rebellion_; and he was almost a native of Stirling,

one of the towns which were subsequently to become centres of chapbook

enterprise. Little or nothing is known of Graham’s early life. It is

believed that he was for some time engaged in farm-service at Campsie,

and that at an early period he relinquished that employment, for which,

from his deformity, he must have been unsuited, and turned pedlar. He

was pursuing this calling when Prince Charlie raised his standard in the

West Highlands. Meeting the Pretender’s army in the neighbourhood of

Stirling, he joined it—in the capacity of sutler or camp-follower, it

is surmised—and was with it in all its subsequent marchings. He himself

tells us, in the preface to his _History of the Rebellion_, that he was

“an eye-witness to most of the movements of the armies, from the rebels

first crossing the Ford of Frew to their final defeat at Culloden.” Then

Dougal’s faith failed him. “Life,” he says, in his own rugged phraseology,

“was preciouser to him

Than all the Princes in Christendom;”

and, cutting himself apart from Jacobite and Royalist, he returned to his

native Stirlingshire. From this time onwards, for more than thirty years,

he was the moving spirit in the production and sale of Scottish chapbook

literature.[15]

One of the earliest and best of Graham’s books is _The Whole Proceedings

of Jockey and Maggy_, which is believed to have been published in

1755.[16] It is written with considerable dramatic power, and gives a

striking and faithful representation of rustic life and manners in the

eighteenth century. We are introduced to Jockey and Maggy at a fair

in a neighbouring town, and, accompanying them on the way home, learn

something of how a country wooing is effected. They agree to accept each

other for “better or worse,” and thereafter communicate the fact to their

mothers, who immediately set about preparing for the wedding. The main

feature in a marriage of that time was the feast, and the author gives us

a delightful glimpse of what comprised it.

“The wooing being over,” he writes, “and the day being set,

Jockey’s mither killed the black boul horn’d yeal Ewe, that

lost her lamb the last year, three hens an’ a gule-fitted cock

to prevent the ripples, five peck o’ maut maskit in the meikle

kirn, a pint o’ trykle to mak’ it thicker an’ sweeter an’

maumier for the mouth; 5 pints o’ whisky, wherein was garlic

and spice, for the raisin’ o’ the wind an’ the clearing o’

their water.”

[Illustration: _The Wedding of Jockey and Maggy—from “The Whole

Proceedings of Jockey and Maggy,” by Dougal Graham._]

Then follows a description of the bridal procession.

“The friends and good neighbours went a’ wi’ John to the

kirk, where Maggy chanced to meet him, and was married by the

minister. The twa companies joined the gither and cam hame

in a croud; at every change-house they chanced to pass by,

Providence stopt their proceedings with full stoups, bottles

and glasses, drinking their healths, ‘wishing them much joy,

ten girls and a boy.’ Jockey, seeing so many wishing well to

his health, coupt up what he got to augment his health, and

gar him live lang, which afterwards coupt him up and proved

detrimental to the same.

“So hame cam they to the dinner, where his mither presented

to them a piping-het haggis, made o’ the creish o’ the black

boul horn’d Ewe, boil’d in the meikle bag, mixt with bear-meal,

onions, spice and mint.”

The heavy dinner, with the drink he had consumed on the way home,

proved too much for the bridegroom, who had to be assisted to bed. Then

the respective qualities of the young spouses were discussed by their

parents; they disagreed, words came to blows, and the marriage feast

ended in a regular Donnybrook.

“His friends and her friends being in a mixt multitude, some

took his part, some took her’s; and there did a battle begin

in the clap of a hand, being a very fierce tumult, which ended

in blood; they struck so hard with stones, sticks, beetles,

and barrow-trams; pigs, pots, stoups and trunchers were flying

like bombs and granadoes. The crook bouls and tangs were all

employed as weapons of war, till doon cam the bed, with a great

mou of peats! So this disturbet their bedding.

“The hamsheughs were very great, until auld uncle Rabby came in

to redd them; and a sturdy auld fallow he was. He stood stively

with a stiff rumple, and by strength of his arms rave them

sindry, flinging the tane east and the tither west, until they

stood a’ round about like as many breathless forfoughten cocks,

and no ane durst steer anither for him; Jockey’s mither was

driven o’er a kist, and brogit a’ her hips on a round heckle;

up she gat, and rinning to fell Maggy’s mither wi’ the ladle,

swearing she was the mither o’ a’ the mischief that happened,

Uncle Rabby ran in between them, he having a lang nose, like a

trumpet, she recklessly came o’er his lobster neb a drive wi’

the ladle till the blood sprang oot, an’ ran down his auld grey

beard and hang like snuffy bubbles at it. O! then he gaed wood,

and looked as waefu’ like as he had been a tod-lowrie come frae

worrying the lambs, wi’ his bloody mouth. Wi’ that he gets an

auld flail, and rives awa’ the supple, then drives them a’ to

the back o’ the door, but yet nane wan oot; then wi’ chirten

an’ chappen down comes the clayhallen and the hen bawk, wi’

Rab Reid the fiddler, who had crept up aside the hens for the

preservation of his fiddle.”

As a description of the humours of rustic life, _Jockey and Maggy’s

Courtship_ is difficult to excel. Scenes such as those depicted were

not uncommon, and they belong to a time when the whole machinery of

ecclesiastical law was brought into motion to impart decency and order

to “blithesome bridals.” But even strait-laced Scotland would not be

Kirk-ridden, and the eighteenth century Scot enjoyed life to the full,

and sinned, sometimes to his heart’s content, in spite of scowling Holy

Willies and stools of repentance. The remainder of _Jockey and Maggy’s

Courtship_ deals with some of the sins of Jockey’s youth and their

consequences. He had loved one of his mother’s maids not wisely but too

well, and this coming to the ears of the Kirk-Session he is summoned to

answer for his misdeeds. But he proves intractable, and aided and abetted

by his mother, who delivers herself of a denunciatory harangue against

the repentance stool, he refuses to come under the censure of the Church.

We get an interesting glimpse of what Church discipline really was, and

of the material with which the elders of the Kirk had to deal. In his

mother, Jockey had a stout defender and voluble advocate, but death put

an end to her pleading, and he was left to fight his battle alone. Then

he yielded to the order of the Kirk, and submitted to public correction.

“Upon Sunday thereafter, John comes with Uncle Rabby’s auld

wide coat, a muckle grey-tailed wig, and a big bonnet that

covered his face, so that he seemed more like an old Pilgrim

than a young fornicator; mounts the creepy[17] wi’ a stiff,

stiff back, as he had been a man of sixty. Every one looked at

him, thinking he was some old stranger that knew not the stool

of repentance by another seat, so that he passed the first

day unknown but to very few; yet on the second it came to be

known, and the whole parish, with many more, came to see him,

which caused such a confusion that he was absolved and got his

children baptized the next day.”

Love, Courtship, and Marriage are the themes most frequently dealt with

in Graham’s chapbooks. They were subjects at which a great deal of fun

might be poked, and in which everybody was more or less interested. Books

treating of them were assured a ready sale.

_The Coalman’s Courtship to the Creelwife’s Daughter_ is one which

deserves to be mentioned alongside _Jockey and Maggy’s Courtship_. Sawny,

a young coalman, is, like his friend Jockey, desirous of securing a wife,

but, not being informed in the art of courtship, he applies to his mother

for counsel and advice. That worthy dame—contrary to the general belief

that mothers never wish their sons to marry—enters heartily into the

project, and lays all her advice and experience at Sawny’s disposal.

She advises him

“to go in wi’ braw good manners, and something manfu’; to put

on a Sunday’s face and sigh as he were a saint; to sit down

beside her as he were a Mess John; to keek aye till her, now

and then, with a stolen look, and haud his mouth as mim and

grave as a May paddock.”

She also enjoins him “to crack weel o’ their wealth and hide their

poverty.”

Sawny was a “blate wooer.” Having considered the matter, he thought it

would be judicious to approach his sweetheart by means of her mother.

After selling his coals one day, he attires himself in his best and

proceeds in quest of Katie’s mother. They meet, and, over a gill and a

“het pint,” old Be-go promises her daughter to Sawny. Having obtained

the mother’s consent, he, a few days later, sets out on a visit to his

intended bride, to ascertain whether she is agreeable to his proposal. An

amusing dialogue ensues.

_Sawny._—“Now, Katty, do you ken what am come about?”

_Kate._—“Oh yes, my mither telt me; but I’m no ready yet. I hae

twa gowns to spin and things to mak’.”

_Sawny._—“Tute, things to mak’! ye hae as mony things as ye’ll

need, woman; canna ye spin gowns in oor ain hoose wi’ me, as

weel as here wi’ an auld girning mither?”

_Kate._—“But, dear Saunders, ye maun gie a body time to think

on’t—’twad be ill-far’d to rush thegither just at the first.”

_Sawny._—“And do ye think I hae nothing a-do but come here

every ither day hoiting after you! it’ll no do; I maun be

either aff wi’ ye or on wi’ ye; either tell me or tak’ me, for

I ken o’ ither twa, an’ some o’ ye I will hae; for, as am a

sinner, my mither is gaun to be married, too, an’ she can get a

bit man o’ ony shape or trade.”

_Kate._—“’Deed then, Saunders, since ye’re in sic a haste, ye

maun e’en tak’ them that’s readiest, for am no ready yet.”

_Sawny._—“A, dear woman, when your mither and my mither’s

pleased, and am willing to venture on ye, what a sorrow ails

ye?”

_Kate._—“Na, na, I’ll think on’t twa or three days; it’s o’er

lang a term to see without a thought.”

_Sawny._—“Wode, I think ye’re a cumstrarie piece o’ stuff; it’s

true enough ye’re mither said of ye, that ye’re no for a poor

man.”

_Kate._—“And what mair said she o’ me?”

_Sawny._—“Wode, she said you could do naething but wash mugs

and scoure gentleman’s bonny things; but hissies that is bred

amang gentle houses minds me o’ my mither’s cat, but ye’re far

costlier to keep, for she wastes nayther saep nor water, but

spits in her lufe and washes ay at her face, and wheens o’ ye

can do naether thing;” and up he gets.

_Kate._—“O, Saunders, but ye be short; will ye no stay till my

mither come hame?”

_Sawny._—“I’ve staid lang aneugh for onything I’ll be the

better; and am nae sae short as your tottom o’ a taylor that I

could stap in my shoe.”

Chagrined at being repulsed where no repulse was dreamt of, and having

fired off this parting shot at his rival, the “tottom of a taylor,” Sawny

made his way home feeling, like many a slighted lover before and since,

that he might now take melancholy farewell of the earth, the moon, and

the stars.

“‘O death, death!’ he exclaimed, ‘I thought the jade wad a

jumped at me; no comfort or happiness mair for poor me. O,

mither, gae mak’ my kist and bake my burial bread, for I’ll die

this night or soon the morn.’”

But a broken heart is only fatal on rare occasions. With the dawn came

Katie’s mother, anxious to smooth matters, and effect the union so much

desired by Sawny, and perhaps not altogether unwished by the independent

sweetheart of yesterday.

“In comes auld Be-go, his good mither,” says the author, “who

had left her daughter in tears for the slighting of Sawny, and

hauls him and his mither away to get a dinner of dead fish,

where a’ was agreed upon, and the wedding to be upon Wednesday;

no bridal folks but the mithers and themselves twa.”

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