82. D, n, r, t at the end of proclitics (_ad_, _in_, _per_, _et_) are
really medial consonants and must be distinguished from final n, r, t
in independent words (_nōmen_, _frater_, _amat_); final d occurs only
in proclitics. The consonants will be treated in alphabetical order:--
B appears as b in Iacǫb, p in Iǫp, both learned.
C apparently fell after all vowels in some dialects; in others it
fell only after back vowels, and became i after a and front vowels:
_eccu’hŏc_ (§ 55, W) ＞ acǫ (§ 43, 2), _ecce hŏc_ ＞ aissǫ çǫ sǫ, _hŏc_ ＞
ǫ meaning ‘it’ (while ǫc, ‘yes’ probably comes from ✱_hocque_: cf. A.
Thomas in _Rom._, XXXVII, 322); _fac_ ＞ fai, _illác_ (§ 16, 4) ＞ lai
la, _ecce hac_ ＞ sai sa; _dīc_ ＞ di, _ecce hīc_ ＞ eici, _sīc_ ＞ si.
Düi ＜ _dūc_ may perhaps be explained as due to the analogy of _düire_
and of _fai_. Cf. § 63, (6).
D in _apud_ fell early: see § 65, P, 2. In the proclitics _ad_, _quĭd_,
the d disappeared before a consonant, and before a vowel became in most
dialects ð ＞ z (cf. § 65, D): a, quẹ; að az, quẹð quẹz.
L fell in _in sĭmul_ ＞ essẹm. It remained in the learned Abęl,
tribunal. It is believed by some that _sivals_, ‘at least’, comes from
_sī vel_.
M fell in Vulgar Latin at the end of a word of more than one syllable
(§ 55, M): _crēdam_ _crēda_ ＞ crẹza, _dōnum_ _dōnu_ ＞ dọn, _fŏrtem_
_fŏrte_ ＞ fǫrt; _Adam_ is learned. At the end of an independent
monosyllable, it fell in some dialects and in others became n (cf.
§ 65, N): _jam_ ＞ ia, _rĕm_ ＞ rẹ rẹn (Marcabru uses rẹy for the
rhyme), _sŭm_ (verb) ＞ sọ sọn. At the end of proclitics, m was
probably kept at first before vowels and labials, while it became n
before dentals, ŋ before gutturals, and disappeared before spirants;
but the n forms (helped by the analogy of _en_, _non_) and those
without a final consonant replaced m before vowels and partly before
labials, and probably took the place of ŋ before gutturals; we find,
then, sometimes m before labials, but either no consonant or n before
all other sounds: _quĕm_ ＞ que, _sŭm_ (verb) ＞ sọ sọn, _sŭm_ (=
_sŭum_) ＞ sọ sọn sọm, ✱_tŭm_ (= _tŭum_) ＞ tọ tọn tọm.
N fell in Vulgar Latin at the end of a word of more than one syllable
(§ 55, M): _nōmen_ _nōme_ ＞ nọm. At the end of proclitics we generally
find n before a vowel, a form without n before spirants, both forms
before other consonants, but often m before a labial: _ĭn_ ＞ en (_en
amar_, _en cant_), e (_e Fransa_, _e ls_), em (_em breu_); _nōn_ ＞ non
(_non es_, _non ges_), no (_no falh_, _no tol_), nom (_nom plagues_).
R remained: _amātor_ ＞ amaire, _cŏr_ ＞ cǫr, _marmor_ ＞ marbre (_marme_
shows dissimilation), _sŏror_ ＞ sǫrre (_sor_ through proclitic use). So
in proclitics: _per_ ＞ per, _sŭper_ ＞ sọbre.
1. A Provençal final r began to fall in the west and south in
the 14th century: cf. § 65, R, 1.
S remained: _amīcus_ ＞ amics, _cŏrpus_ ＞ cǫrs, _facias_ ＞ fassas,
_fŏrtes_ ＞ fǫrtz, _ŏpĕras_ ＞ ǫbras, _sŭbtus_ ＞ sọtz. Between a
palatal, or an n that did not fall, and an s, a t developed in some
dialects: _annos_ ＞ anz, _fīlios_ ＞ filz; cf. § 63, (1), (8).
1. Final s began to fall or to become i in many dialects as
early as the 14th century: cf. § 65, S, 1. In _mai_, beside
_mais_, the fall was earlier.
2. Final ts ＞ t, in the second person plural of verbs, in parts
of Limousin and Dauphiné: _habētis_ ＞ avęt. Cf. § 64. In all
first person plural forms (except esmes) final s fell very
early: _amāmus_ _amāmu’_ ＞ amám. Cf. § 167.
3. Through the influence of such common adverbs as _entz_ ＜
_ĭntus_, _fors_ ＜ _fŏris_, _ios_ ＜ _deōrsum_, _mais_ ＜ _magis_,
_mens_ ＜ _mĭnus_, _nemps_ ＜ _nĭmis_, _plus_ ＜ _plūs_, _sotz_
＜ _sŭbtus_, _sus_ ＜ _sūrsum_, s, coming to be regarded as
an adverbial ending, was often added to the suffix _-men_
(_belamens_), to many other adverbs, as _ensem-s_, _era-s_,
_onca-s_, _poissa-s_, and to some prepositions, as _sen-s_ (cf.
_tras_, _vers_, etc.). By the analogy of such double forms, we
have _for_, _men_ beside _fors_, _mens_.
4. _Magis_, used as a proclitic, probably became in Vulgar
Latin ✱_mais_ and ✱_mas_, whence Provençal _mais_ and _mas_.
For _mai_, see 1 above.
T, in independent words, fell very early, except in the preterit of
verbs; there it was retained in most dialects in weak preterits of the
first and third conjugations, in many dialects in weak preterits of the
fourth, but disappeared in strong preterits: _amat_ ＞ ama, _cantābat_
＞ cantava, _dar_’ ✱_hat_ ＞ darạ, _dōnet_ ＞ dọn, _stat_ ＞ estạ,
_partībat_ ＞ partia, _placet_ ＞ platz, _tenēr_’ + _-ē_(_b_)_at_ ＞
tenria, _vĕnit_ ＞ ven; _donāvit_ ＞ donęt donę, _vēndĭdit_ ✱_vendĕ́dit_
＞ vendęt vendę, _partīvit_ _partīt_ ＞ partị partịt, _placuit_ ＞
plac, _vīdit_ ＞ vi. In the proclitics _et_ and ✱_ot_ (= _aut_), the t
fell before consonants; before vowels it became d, which, under the
influence of _ad_ and _quĭd_, developed like an original d: _et_ ＞ e,
eð ez; ✱_ot_ ＞ o, oð oz; later, e and o came to be used often before
vowels also.