Part II. of my “Languages and Races of D_Dardistan in 1866, 1886 and 1893 Being an account of the history, religions, customs, legends, fables, and songs of Gilgit, Chilas, Kandia (Gabrial), Dasin, Chitral, Hunsa, Nagyr, and other parts of the Hindukush, as also a supplement to the second edition of the Hunza and Nagyr handbook and an epitome of part III of the author's "The languages and races of Dardistan"

volume, of which this is a Supplement, namely, the so-called “Hunza and

Nagyr Handbook,” a volume of 247 folio pages.

[Illustration: DR. LEITNER’S TIBET DOG “CHANG.”]

GENEALOGIES AND HISTORY OF DARDISTAN.

I do not propose to do more in this place than give the roughest outline

of this subject, as sketched in 1866 and 1872, and now rapidly brought up

to date. My reason is to prevent those falsifications of History which

are inevitable when a conqueror annexes a new country and the vilest

in it naturally becomes his first friends, and fabricate their family

tree. Therefore, with all its errors, which subsequent enquiries have

corrected, there is an element of actuality in the following accounts

gathered from Dards in 1866, the value of which will become apparent when

I write the history of the events that are drawing Dardistan into the

devastating range of European influences and politics:

_GENEALOGY OF THE GILGIT, YASIN, CHITRAL, NAGYR, HUNZA, AND OTHER

DYNASTIES SINCE 1800._

I.—GILGIT

Gurtam Khan (1800), hereditary ruler of

| Gilgit, whose dynasty can be traced

| to the daughter of Shiribadatt, the

| last, almost mythical, pre-Muhammadan

| Raja of Gilgit. Killed in

| 1810 by Suleyman Shah of Yasin.

+-----------------------+------------------------------+

| | |

Raja Khan (?) died Muhammad Khan reigns till Abbas Ali, killed

| 1814. 1826 and is killed by in 1815 by Suleiman

| Suleyman Shah of Yasin. Shah.

+--------------------------+

Asghar Ali killed on his flight to Nagyr by Suleyman Shah.

Mansur Ali Khan,

(the rightful Raja of Gilgit, probably still a prisoner in Srinagar).

1827.—Azad Shah, Raja of Gakutsh, appointed ruler of Gilgit by Suleyman

Shah whom he kills in 1829.

Tahir Shah of Nagyr conquers Gilgit in 1834

| and kills Azad.

+--------------------------+---------------------------+

| | |

Sakandar Khan, killed Kerîm Khan, (Raja of Gôr), Suleyman Khan.

by Gauhar Aman of (calls in Kashmir troops

Yasin, in 1844. under Nathe Shah in 1844)

was killed in 1848 in Hunza.

+--------------------------+--------------+-------------+

| | | |

Muhammad Khan died Suleyman Khan. Sultan Muhammad. Rustam

in 1859 when on a Khan.

visit to Srinagar. |

| |

Alidád Khan (son of Muhammad Ghulam Hayder.

Khan’s sister).

II.—YASIN DYNASTY.

It is said that both the Yasin and the Chitral dynasties are descended

from a common ancestor “Kathôr.” The Gilgitis call the Yasînis “Poryalé”

and the Chitralis “Katoré.”

_Khushwakt_(?) died 1800(?) from whom the present dynasty derives the

name of “Khushwaktia.” [A Raja of that name and dignity often met me at

Srinagar in 1886.]

He had two sons _Suleyman Shah and Malik Amán Shah_. The former died

about 1829 and left four sons and a daughter whom he married to

Ghazanfar, the Rajah of Hunza. The names of the sons are Azmat Shah the

eldest, Ahmad Shah, Rahîm Khan and Zarmast Khan.

_Malik Amán Shah_ was the father of seven or, as some say, of ten sons,

the most famous of whom was GAUHAR AMAN, surnamed “Adam farosh” (the

man-seller) the third son. The names of the sons are: Khuda Amán Duda

Amán, Gauhar Amán, Khalîl Amán, Akhar Amán (who was killed by his nephew

Malik Amán, eldest son of his brother Gauhar Amán): ISA BAHADUR (son of

Malik Amán Shah by a concubine), Gulsher, Mahter Sakhi, Bahadur Khan (who

was murdered) and Mir Amán(?) of Mistuch(?)

_Gauhar Amán_ left seven sons: MALIK AMÁN (also called Mîr Kammu? now in

Tangîr?) Bahadur Amán, murdered by Lochan Singh, MIR VALI (who killed

Hayward), Mir Gházi, PAHLWAN (who killed Mir Vali), Khan Daurán and

Shajáyat Khan. [The Khushwaktia Dynasty has since been dispossessed by

the kindred dynasty of Chitrál in 1884.]

III.—CHITRAL OR “SHAH KATHORIA” DYNASTY.

SHAH KATHOR, the son of Shah Afzal, (who died about 1800) was a soldier

of fortune who dispossessed the former ruler, whose grandson Vigne saw in

the service of Ahmad Shah, the independent ruler of Little Tibet in 1835.

Cunningham considers that the name of Kathôr is a title that has been

borne by the rulers of Chitrál for 2,000 years.

_Shah Kathor_ had a brother, Sarbaland Khan, whose descendants do not

concern us, and four sons and a daughter married to Gauhar Amán of Yasin.

The names of the sons were: _Shah Afzal_ (who died in 1858), Tajammul

Shah who was killed in 1865 by his nephew Adam-khor—or man-eater—(so

called from his murderous disposition; his real name was Muhtarim Shah),

Ghazab Shah (who died a natural death) and Afrasiab (who was killed). The

murdered Tajammul Shah left two sons namely Malik Shah (who revenged his

father’s death by killing Adam Khôr), and Sayad Ali Shah.

_Shah Afzal_ left AMÁN-UL-MULK, his eldest son, the present ruler of

Chitrál [1872] Adam-khôr (who usurped the rule for a time); Kohkán Beg,

ruler of Drus; a daughter whom he married to Rahmat-ulla-Khan, chief of

Dîr; Muhammad Ali Beg; Yadgar Beg; Bahadur Khan; and another daughter

whom Gauhar-Amán married as well as Shah Afzal’s sister and had Pahlwan

by her.

Amán-ul-Mulk married a daughter of the late Ghazan Khan, chief of Dîr,

by whom he had Sardar (his eldest son), also called Nizam-ul-Mulk.

Amán-ul-Mulk’s other sons are Murad and others whose names will be found

elsewhere. One of his daughters is married to Jehandar Shah, the former

ruler of Badakhshán and the other to the son of the present Chief, Mîr

Mahmud Shah. [Full details are given elsewhere of the Yasin-Chitrál

house.]

IV.—The names of the principal chiefs of the Chilâsis and of the

Yaghistanis (the independent Hill tribes of Darêl, Hôdûr, Tangìr, etc.)

have already been given in my “history” of their “Wars with Kashmir.”

Just as in Chilâs and Kandiá, the administration is in the hands of a

Board of Elders. The Maharaja of Kashmir only obtains tribute from three

villages in Chilaz, _viz._, the villages of Chilás, Takk and Bundar.

V.—NAGYR,[82]

[is tributary to Ahmad Shah of Little Tibet about the beginning of this

century, but soon throws off this allegiance to Ahmad Shah under Alif

Khan.](?)

[See “Historical Legend of the Origin of Gilgit,” pages 9 to 16. The

Nagyr-Hunza Rajas or Thams similarly claim a divine origin and account

for it through the two fairy-brothers who disappeared at Gilgit. See

note on page 111.]

[“Nagyr,” which Col. Biddulph very properly writes “Nager” (like “Pamèr”)

is now spelt “Nag_a_r,” so as to confound it with the Indian “Nagar” for

“town,” from which it is quite different.]

Alif Khan. 1800(?)

Raja Za’far Khan Záhid (the present Raja of Nagyr).

Son (a hostage for his father’s adhesion to Kashmîr, whom I saw

at Gilgit in 1866). The names of his maternal uncles are Shah

Iskandar and Raja Kerîm Khan(?) the elder brother. (The full

genealogy of Hunza Nagyr is given elsewhere.)

VI.—HUNZA

Ghazanfar, died 1865.

Ghazan Khan, present ruler.[83] (1866)

VII.—BADAKHSHAN

_Sultân Shah._

+----------------+--------+

| |

Rejeb Shah. Mirza Kalán.

| |

Ahmad Shah. +-----------+--+----+

| | | |

| NIZAM-UD-DIN Yusuf Saad-ulla

| (surnamed Ali Khan.

+------+---------------+ MIR SHAH). Khan.

| | | |

Rahmat Shah MAHMUD SHAH [1872] +---------+-------+---------+----+

Khan. Badakhshan Shajá-ul JEHANDAR Suleyman Shahzada |

under Kabul) Mulk. SHAH, Shah. Hasan. |

stayed a long the former |

time with his ruler, Abdulla

maternal uncle, independent Khan (by

the ruler of Kunduz, of Kabul a concubine).

whence he (now (1872)

has often been a fugitive;

miscalled “a Sayad infests the

from Kunduz.” Kolab road).

Yusuf Ali Khan had seven sons: Mirza Kalán, surnamed Mir Jan; Hazrat Ján;

Ismail Khan; Akbar Khan; Umr Khan, Sultan Shah; Abdurrahim Khan (by a

concubine).

Saad-ulla Khan had two sons: Baba Khan and Mahmud Khan (by a concubine).

VIII.—DIR

Ghazan Khan (a very powerful ruler. Chitrál is said to have once

| been tributary to him).

Rahmat-ulla Khan and other eight sons (dispersed or killed in

struggles for the Chiefship).

The connection of Little Tibet with the Dard countries had ceased before

1800.

_ROUGH CHRONOLOGICAL SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF DARDISTAN SINCE 1800._

1800.—Gurtam Khan, hereditary ruler of the now dispossessed

Gilgit Dynasty, rules 10 years in peace; is killed in an

engagement with Suleyman Khan, Khushwaktia, great uncle of the

famous Gauhar Amán (or Gormán) of Yasin.

1811.—Muhammad Khan, the son of Gurtam Khan, defeats Suleyman

Khan, rules Gilgit for 15 years in peace and perfect

independence whilst—

1814.—(Sirdar Muhammad Azim Khan, Barakzai, is ruler of

Kashmir).

1819.—Ranjit Singh annexes Kashmir.

1826.—Suleyman Khan of Yasin again attacks Gilgit and kills

Muhammad Khan and his brother, Abbas Ali. Muhammad Khan’s son,

Asghar Ali, is also killed on his flight to Nagyr.

1827.—Suleyman Shah appoints Azad Khan(?), petty Raja of

Gakutsh, over Gilgit as far as Bunji; Azad Khan ingratiates

himself with the people and rebels against Suleyman Shah whom

he kills(?) in 1829.

1829.—Suleyman Shah, head of the Khushwaktia family of Yasin,

dies.

1833.—Gauhar Amán turns his uncle, Azmat Shah, out of Yasin.

1834.—Azad Khan is attacked by Tahir Shah of Nagyr and killed.

Tahir Shah, a Shiah, treats his subjects well. Dies 1839. Vigne

visits Astór in 1835, but Tahir Shah will not allow him to

cross over to Gilgit. At that time the Sikhs had not conquered

any Dard country. Ahmad Shah was independent ruler of Little

Tibet (Baltistan) and under him was Jabar Khan, chief of Astór

(whose descendants,[84] like those of Ahmad Shah himself and

of the Ladak rulers are now petty pensioners under Kashmir

surveillance). (The Little Tibet dynasty had once, under Shah

Murad, about 1660, conquered Hunza, Nagyr, Gilgit and Chitrál,

where that ruler built a bridge near the fort.) Zorawar Singh

conquers Little Tibet in 1840, but no interference in Dard

affairs takes place till 1841 when the Sikhs are called in as

temporary allies by the Gilgit ruler against Gauhar Amán of

Yasin.

1840.—Sakandar Khan, son of Tahir Shah, succeeds to the throne

of Gilgit and rules the country—with his brothers, Kerim Khan

and Suleyman Khan.

1841.—Gauhar Amán of Yasin conquers Gilgit. Its ruler, Sikandar

Khan, asks Sheikh Ghulam Muhi-ud-din, Governor of Kashmir on

behalf of the Sikhs, for help.

1842.—1,000 Kashmir troops sent under Nathe Shah, a Panjabi.

1843.—Sikandar Khan is murdered at Bakrôt at the instigation of

Gauhar Amán.

1844.—Gauhar Amán of Yasin re-conquers the whole country,

selling many of its inhabitants into slavery.

Nathe Shah, joined by Kerim Khan, younger brother of Sikandar

Khan and 4,000 reinforcements, takes Numal Fort, but his

subordinate Mathra Das is met at Sher Kila (20 miles from

Gilgit) by Gauhar Amán and defeated.

1845.—Karim Khan succeeds his brother as ruler (called “Raja,”

although a Muhammadan) of Gilgit and pays a small sum for the

retention of some Kashmir troops in the Gilgit Fort under Nathe

Shah. The Rajas of Hunza, Nagyr and Yasin [Gauhar Amán sending

his brother Khalil Amán to Sheikh Iman-ud-din] now seek to be

on good terms with Kashmir, especially as its representatives,

the tyrannical Nathe Shah and his equally unpopular successor,

Atar Singh, are removed by its Muhammadan Governor.

1846.—Karim Khan, Raja of Gor, another son of Tahir Shah,

calls in Nathe Shah and defeats Gauhar Amán at Basin, close

to Gilgit. A succession of officers of Ghulab Singh then

administer the country in connexion with the Raja of Gilgit

(Wazir Singh, Ranjit Rai, Bakhshu, Ali Bakhsh and Ahmad Ali

Shah, brother or cousin of Nathe Shah). By Treaty (see page

110):

“KASHMIR AND ITS DEPENDENCIES EASTWARD OF THE INDUS” are

made over by the British to the Hindu Ghulab Singh. Gilgit,

which lies to the _westward_ of the Indus, is thus excluded

from the dominions of that Maharaja. Gilgit was also,

strictly speaking, not a dependency of Kashmir, nor was

Chilás.

1847.—The Maharaja restores Nathe Shah, whilst confirming

his cousin Nazar Ali Shah as Military Commandant of Gilgit.

Raja Kerim Khan sends his brother Suleyman Khan on a friendly

mission to Srinagar, where he dies. Vans Agnew arrives at Chalt

on the Gilgit frontier towards Nagyr and makes friends with the

people, who at first thought that he came accompanied by troops.

1848.—Isa Bahadur, the half-brother of Gauhar Amán by a

concubine of Malik Amán Shah, is expelled from Sher Kila, a

Fort belonging to Punyal, a dependency of Yasin, and finds

refuge with the Maharaja, who refuses to give him up. Gauhar

Amán accordingly sends troops under his brother Akbar Amán and

captures the Bargu and Shukayôt Forts in Gilgit territory. The

Rajas of Hunza and Nagyr combine with Gauhar Amán and assisted

by the Gilgit people, with whom Kerim Khan was unpopular

because of his friendship for Kashmir, defeat and kill Nathe

Shah and Kerim Khan. Gauhar Amán captures the Gilgit and

Chaprôt Forts. The Kashmir troops re-invade the country and at

the beginning of

1849.—Wrest all the forts in Gilgit territory from Gauhar Amán,

and make over the rule of that country to Raja Muhammad Khan,

son of Kerim Khan, assisted by the Kashmir representative, Aman

Ali Shah as Thanadar, soon removed for oppression.

1850.—The raids of the Chilâsis on Astór is made the occasion

for invading the country of Chilâs, which, _not_ being a

dependency of Kashmir, is _not_ included in the Treaty of 1846.

(See page 110.) The Maharaja gives out that he is acting under

orders of the British Government. Great consternation among

petty chiefs about Muzaffarabad, regarding ulterior plans of

the Maharaja. The Sikhs send a large army, which is defeated

before the Fort of Chilâs.

1851.—Bakhshi Hari Singh and Dewan Hari Chand are sent with

10,000 men against Chilâs and succeed in destroying the fort

and scattering the hostile hill tribes which assisted the

Chilâsis.

1852.—The Maharaja’s head officers, Santu Singh and Ramdhan,

are murdered by the people of Gilgit whom they oppressed. The

people again assist Gauhar Amán, who defeats and kills Bhup

Singh and Ruknuddin (for details _vide_ Appendix), and drives

the Kashmir troops across the Indus to Astór.

1853.—The Maharaja now confines himself to the frontier,

assigned to him by nature as well as the treaty, at Bunji, on

the east of the Indus, but sends agents to sow discord in the

family of Gauhar Amán. In addition to Isa Bahadur, he gained

over two other brothers, Khalil Amán and Akbar Amán, but failed

with Mahtar Sakhi, although an exile. He also attracted to his

side Azmat Shah, Gauhar Amán’s uncle.

1854.—The Maharaja instigated Shah Afzal of Chitrál to attack

Gauhar Amán, and accordingly in

1855.—Adam Khor, son of Shah Afzal of Chitrál, drove Gauhar

Amán from the possession of Mistuch and Yasin and restricted

him to Punyal and Gilgit.

1856.—The Maharaja sends a force across the Indus under Wazir

Zoraweru and Atar Singh assisted by Raja Zahid Jafar of

Nagyr,[85] and Gauhar Amán thus attacked in front and flank,

retreats from Gilgit and dispossesses Adam Khor from Yasin and

Mistuch.

1857.—Gauhar Amán again conquers Gilgit and drives out Isa

Bahadur, officiating Thanadar of that place. Gauhar Amán and

the Maharaja intrigue against each other in Chitrál, Nagyr,

Hunza, etc.

1858.—Shah Afzal of the Shah Kathor branch, ruler of Chitrál,

dies.

Intrigues in Gilgit against Gauhar Amán, by Muhammad Khan,

son of Raja Karim Khan, assisted by Kashmir. Muhammad Khan is

conciliated by marrying the daughter of Gauhar Amán. The Sai

District of Gilgit beyond the Niludar range is still held by

the Sikhs.

1859.—Mir Shah of Badakhshan and Raja Ghazanfar of Hunza assist

Gauhar Amán in attacking Nagyr, which is under the friendly

Raja Zahid Jafar, and in trying to turn out the Sikhs from Sai

and even Bunji. Azmat Shah, uncle of Gauhar Amán, is expelled

from Chitrál where he had sought refuge.

Aman-ul-Mulk, King of Chitrál, dispossesses his younger

brother, Adam Khor, who had usurped the throne, from the rule

of Chitrál and joins Gauhar Amán against Kashmir.

1860.—The Maharaja instigates Adam Khor and Azmat Shah, who

were in the country of Dir with Ghazan Khan, a friendly chief

to Kashmir, to fight Gauhar Amán—Adam Khor was to have Yasin,

Asmat Shah was to take Mistuch and Sher Kila (Payal) was to be

given to Isa Bahadur, the Maharaja to have Gilgit. Intrigues of

the Maharaja with the Chiefs of Dir, Badakhshan, etc.

Gauhar Amán dies, which is the signal for an attack by the

Maharaja co-operating with the sons of Raja Kerim Khan of

Gilgit. Gilgit falls easily to Lochan Singh, who murders

Bahadur Khan, brother of Gauhar Amán, who was sent with

presents from Malik Amán, also called Mulk Amán, son of Gauhar

Amán. The Sikhs, under Colonels Devi Singh and Hushiara and

Radha Kishen, march to Yasin expelling Mulk Amán from that

country (which is made over to Azmat Shah) as also from

Mistuch. Isa Bahadur is reinstated as ruler of Payal, but Mulk

Amán returns and drives him and Azmat Shah out. The Kashmir

troops fail in their counter-attacks on Yasin, but capture some

prisoners, including Mulk Amán’s wife.

1861.—Malik Amán murders his uncle, Akbar Amán, a partisan of

Kashmir. Badakhshan, Chitrál and Dir ask the Maharaja to assist

them against the dreaded invasion of the Kabul Amirs, Afzal

Khan and Azim Khan. Amán-ul-Mulk tries to get up a religious

war (Jehád) among all the Muhammadan Chiefs. Hunza and Nagyr

make friends. Both Adam Khor and Amán-ul-Mulk, who have again

become reconciled, send conciliatory messages to the Maharaja,

who frustrates their designs, as they are secretly conspiring

against him.

Even Mulk Amán makes overtures, but unsuccessfully.

1862.—Kashmir troops take the Fort of Roshan. A combination is

made against Mulk Amán, whose uncle Gulsher and brother Mir

Ghazi go over to the Maharaja.

1863.—Mulk Amán advancing on Gilgit is defeated in a very

bloody battle at the Yasin Fort of Shamir. Massacre of women

and children by the Kashmir troops at Yasin.

1864.—Mir Vali and his Vazir Rahmat become partisans of the

Maharaja.

1865.—Ghazanfar, the Raja of Hunza and father-in-law of Mulk

Amán, dies, which causes Mirza Bahadur of the rival Nagyr to

combine for an attack on Hunza with Kashmir. Adam Khor murders

his uncle, Tajammul Shah, whose son, Malik Shah, murders

1866.—Adam Khor (some say at the instigation of his elder

brother, Amán-ul-Mulk). Malik Shah seeks refuge with the

Maharaja who will not give him up to Amán-ul-Mulk. Amán-ul-Mulk

then sprung the mine he had long prepared, and when the long

contemplated campaign against Hunza took place in 1866, all

the Mussulman Chiefs who had been adherents of the Maharaja,

including Mir Vali, fell away. The Kashmir troops which had

advanced on Nummal were betrayed, and defeated by the Hunza

people (now ruled by Ghazan Khan, son of Ghazanfar).

All the hill tribes combine against Kashmir and reduce the

Dogras to the bare possession of Gilgit, which however held

out successfully against more than 20,000 of the allied Dards,

headed by Amán-ul-Mulk, Ghazan Khan and Mir Vali. Very large

reinforcements were sent by Kashmir,[86] at whose approach the

besiegers retreated, leaving, however, skirmishers all over the

country.

Wazir Zoraweru followed up the advantage gained by invading

Dareyl. Whilst the place was yet partially invested, Dr.

Leitner made his way to the Gilgit Fort and frustrated two

attempts made against him by the employés of the Maharaja, who

ostensibly were friends.

1867.—Jehandár Shah of Badakhshan is expelled from his country

by the Governor of Balkh and seeks refuge in Kabul, where he

is restored a year afterwards to his ancestral throne by the

influence of Abdurrahman Khan, son of the Amir Afzal Khan and

by his popularity. His rival, Mahmud Shah, leaves without a

struggle. Mir Vali, joining Mulk Amán, made an unsuccessful

attack on Isa Bahadur and Azmat Shah, who beat them off with

the help of Kashmir troops from Gilgit. The consequence was

general disappointment among the Muhammadan Chiefs and the Hill

tribe of Dareyl (which had been subdued in the meantime) and

all opened friendly relations with Kashmir, especially.

1868.—Mir Vali rules Yasin with Pahlwan.[87] Mulk Amán flees to

Chitrál.

1869.—Mulk Amán takes service with Kashmir and is appointed on

salary, but under surveillance, at Gilgit.

1870.—Mr. Hayward visits Yasin in March; is well received by

the Chief, Mir Vali, but returns, as he finds the passes on

to the Pamir closed by snow—visits the country a second time

in July, after exposing the conduct and breach of treaty of

the Kashmir authorities, and is murdered, apparently without

any object, at Darkôt in Yasin, one stage on to Wakhan, by

some men in the service of his former friend, Mir Vali, who,

however, soon flies the country in the direction of Badakhshan,

then seeks refuge with the Akhund of Swat, and finally returns

to Yasin, where he is reported to have been well received by

Pahlwan. Whilst in Chitrál, he was seen by Major Montgomerie’s

Havildar and was on good terms with Amán-ul-Mulk, who is

supposed, chiefly on the authority of a doubtful seal, to

be the instigator of a murder which was not, apparently, to

his interests and which did not enrich him or Mir Vali with

any booty, excepting a gun and a few other trifles. Much of

the property of Mr. Hayward was recovered by the Kashmir

authorities, and a monument was erected by them to his memory

at Gilgit, where there is already a shrine, which is referred

to on pages 47 and 51.

1871.—Jehandár Shah, son of Mir Shah, who had again been turned

out of the rule of Badakhshan in October 1869 by Mir Mahmud

Shah with the help of the Afghan troops of Amir Sher Ali, finds

an asylum in Chitrál with Amán-ul-Mulk (whose daughter had

been married to his son) after having for some time shared the

fortunes of his friend, the fugitive Abdurrahman Khan of Kabul.

(Chitrál pays an annual tribute to the Chief of Badakhshan in

slaves, which it raises either by kidnapping travellers or

independent Kafirs or by enslaving some of its own Shiah and

Kafir subjects—the ruler being of the Sunni persuasion.)

1872.—Late accounts are confused, but the influence of Amir

Sher Ali seems to be pressing through Badakhshán on Chitrál

and through Bajaur on Swat on the one hand and on the Kafir

races on the other. The Maharaja of Kashmir on the one side and

the Amir of Kabul on the other seem to endeavour to approach

their frontiers at the expense of the intervening Dard and

other tribes. Jehandár Shah infests the Kolab road and would

be hailed by the people of Badakhshan as a deliverer from the

oppressive rule of Mahmud Shah, as soon as the Kabul troops

were to withdraw.

So far my “Dardistan,” in which a detailed “History of the Wars with

Kashmir” will be found. The events since 1872 need only to be indicated

here in rough outline, and, unfortunately, confirm my worst anticipations

as to the destruction of the independence of the Dardu tribes, of their

legendary lore, and, above all, of the purity of their languages,

including the prehistoric Khajuná or “Burishki” spoken in Hunza-Nagyr,

and a part of Yasin. What are the admitted encroachments of our Ally, the

Maharaja of Kashmir, have been utilized in our supposed interests, and

we have stepped in to profit, as we foolishly think, by his sins, whilst

he is tricked out of their reward. Falsely alleging that Hunza-Nagyr

were rebellious vassals of Kashmir, when Hunza at all events was under

Chinese protectorate, we have reduced their patriotic defenders to

practical servitude, and, by to-day’s _Times_ (21st November, 1892), are

starting, along with 250 rifles and two guns, some 100 men of a Hunza

levy to Chitrál to put down a trouble which our ill-judged interference

has created in another independent principality, where we have put

aside the rightful heir, Nizám-ul-Mulk, for his younger brother,

Afzul-ul-Mulk, on the pretext that the former was intriguing with the

Russians. I believe this allegation to be absolutely false, for I know

him to be most friendly to British interests. In 1886 he offered to send

a thousand men from Warshigum over the passes to the relief of Colonel

(now General Sir) W. Lockhart, then a temporary prisoner at Panjah Fort

in Affghan hands. As Padishah of Turikoh, Nizám-ul-Mulk was, in his

father’s life-time, the _acknowledged_ heir to the Chitrál throne, and

he was made by his father Raja of Yasin in succession to Afzul, who had

taken it in 1884 from Mir Amán, the maternal uncle of Pehliwán, who

was ruler of Yasin in 1880, when Colonel Biddulph wrote his “Tribes of

the Hindukush,” and with whom the Khushwaqtia dynasty, as such, came

to an end. This Pehliwan killed Mir Wali, the murderer of Hayward, but

Pehliwan made the mistake of attacking Biddulph in 1880, and was ousted

by Mir Amán. With Nizám-ul-Mulk, therefore, begins the rule over Yasin

by the Kathoria Dynasty of Chitrál. He is now a fugitive at Gilgit; had

he been intriguing with Russia he would certainly not have sought refuge

from his brother in the British lion’s mouth at Gilgit. All I can say is

that in 1886 he did not even know the name of Russia, and that when he

wrote to me in 1887 he referred to the advent of the French explorers

Capus, Pepin and Bonvalot, as follows: “they call themselves sometimes

French, and at other times Russians.” In the “Asiatic Quarterly Review”

of January, 1891, there is a paper from Raja Nizám-ul-Mulk on “the

Legends of Chitrál.” He is thus the first Central Asian prince whose

literary effusion has appeared in the pages of a British, or indeed of

any other, Review. His first letters, sent in the hollow of a twig, like

his latter ones sent through British officers, all breathe a spirit

of what might be called the sincerest loyalty to the Queen-Empress,

were he not an absolutely independent ruler. There will be an evil day

of reckoning when the “meddling and muddling,” which has created the

Russian Frankenstein, will be followed by the exasperation of princes and

people, within and beyond our legitimate frontier. To revert to Hunza

and Nagyr, Mr. F. Drew, an Assistant Master of Eton College, who was _in

the service of the Maharaja of Kashmir_, wrote in 1877 in his “Northern

Barrier of India”—which, alas! our practical annexation of Kashmir, and

our interference with the Hindukush tribes are breaking down—as follows:

“Hunza and Nagyr are two small INDEPENDENT RAJASHIPS. Nagyr has generally

shown a desire to be on friendly terms with the Dogras at Gilgit, while

Hunza has been a thorn in their side.” There is not a word here of these

States being tributaries of Kashmir, whilst Colonel Biddulph, who was

our Resident at Gilgit, shows that the last Hunza raid was committed in

1867, and that slavery and kidnapping were unknown in inoffensive, if not

“timid,” Nagyr. My article in the “Asiatic Quarterly Review” of January,

1892, shows that raiding and slavery had been recently revived in

consequence of alike Russian and English advances, and that the fussiness

and ambition of our officials have alone _indicated_ and _paved_ “the

nearest way to India.”

_Woking, 21st November, 1892._

P.S.—In correcting this proof of a paper on the Fairy-land that adjoins

“the Roof of the World,” which our imprudence has drawn within the

range of practical politics, I never anticipated that I should have to

refer to my “rough sketch of the History of Dardistan” brought down to

1872 as a refutation of the history written to order by some of our

leading journals which, to suit the policy of the moment, would make the

Amir of Affghanistan responsible for Badakhshan, and yet blame him for

interfering with Chitrál, as is hinted in a telegram in to-day’s _Times_.

I shall deal with this matter elsewhere. (See also Appendix II.)

_Woking, 29th November, 1892._

[Illustration: Our Manufactured Foes

A student from Tangir.

A Nagyri Peasant.

A Dareyli Herdsman. [_notice fine head and ample forehead_]

(_Already published_) A well-known Hunza Fighter, Brought to England by

Dr. Leitner in 1887.]

[Illustration: KASHMIR SOLDIER (HIGHLANDER), (Wearing a Great Lama’s Hat).

A BALTI COOLIE (LITTLE TIBET). (The Baltis are used as Coolies by the

Kashmir invaders.)]

_HISTORY OF THE DARD WARS WITH KASHMIR_

IN 5 CHAPTERS—(CHAPTER I. CHILÁS)

(_Committed to writing from the statements of a Sazíni Dard who took part

in many of the engagements._)

INTRODUCTION. (JUIN, 1893.)

Chilás has already been referred to in my “rough Chronological Sketch

of the History of Dardistan from 1800 to 1892.”[88] I now propose to

republish “the History of the Wars of the Dard tribes with Kashmir”

beginning with the account given to me by a Sazîni Dard in 1866 of the

first war with the Chilásis.[89] Its importance at the present moment,

consists in the fact that these wars with the Dards were almost all

provoked by Kashmir, as they, practically, now are by ourselves. The

attack on peaceful and pious Nagyr was excused by the usual calumnies

that precede and justify annexation, till their exposure comes too

late either to prevent aggression or to punish their authors, who, if

soldiers, obtain honours, and if writers, an evanescent popularity. Now

that the manuscripts of the Hunza Library have been sold by auction,

that its fairies have been silenced, that its ancient weapons have been

destroyed, that its language and religion have been assimilated to those

of its neighbours, a living chapter has disappeared of the most ancient

traditions of mankind safe in their mountain recesses for ages, till

English and Russian subalterns wanted promotion at the expense of the

safety of their respective Asiatic Empires. In 1866, I already pointed

out that the Legends and Customs of the Dards were gradually vanishing

before the incidental inroads of Orthodox Sunni Muhammadanism and that

their preservation was a duty of the civilized world. Now we have simply

killed them outright as also a number of interesting Aryan republics,

like Chilás and other picturesque and peaceful autonomies. In 1875, Mr.

Drew reported that the abhorrence of the Shin race to the cow, which

probably marked the almost pre-historical separation of the Dáradas, the

lowest of the twice-born, from the Brahmins of Kashmir, was ceasing,

and in 1886 I saw a son of the excellent Raja of Nagyr in European garb

all except the head-dress. Now that his country is practically annexed,

its Chief is called “patriarchal,” just as the Chilásis are now patted

on the back “as brave and by no means quarrelsome” by journals which

a few months ago termed them “raiders,” “kidnappers”, “robbers” and

“slave-dealers,” etc., forgetting that there exist the annual reports of

our Deputy Commissioners of Abbottabad speaking of them since 1856 as a

peaceable people. No doubt _before_ that date, the Sunni Chilásis raided

Shiah Astor, just as the Astoris raided what they could.[90]

The following account, it will be seen, and my own notes, do not, in

the least, palliate the shortcomings of the Dards, but I maintain that

there were _no_ raids since 1856, and that in 1866 _six_ Kashmir Sepoys,

(not 6,000, as alleged by a recent writer) kept the Astor-Bunji road in

a state of perfect safety; there were, no doubt, small detachments of

troops at these places themselves, _not_ to protect the road against the

puritanical peasantry of Chilás, but as Depôts for the _then_ War with

all the united Dard tribes _except Chilás_. Yet we are told by a recent

writer, ignorant of Dard Languages and History, that we took Chilás in

order to protect Kashmir from raids (which had ceased for 42 years),

that we spend less on the safety of the frontier than Kashmir, that the

Nagyr Raja was a slave-dealer, etc., etc. Fortunately, we have official

and other reports written before the passions of the moment obscured

historical truth, and these Reports will long bear witness against the

vandalism and folly by which our Northern Barrier of India was broken

down and a military road was constructed for an invader to the heart of

the Panjab. This road is the one from Abbottabad to Hunza, of which I

obtained the particulars in 1866 (when I was sent on a linguistic Mission

by the Panjab Government to Kashmir and Chilás), but which, for obvious

reasons, I did not publish. Now that the Indian papers constantly urge

and discuss its construction, I have no hesitation in giving the details

of this, as I have of other roads and as _now_ ought to be done of the

various means of communication throughout what was once called, and what

should, and could, for ever have remained, the “neutral zone” between

the British and the Russian spheres of influence or interference. The

first part of the projected road is to Chilás, and extends, roughly

speaking, for 125 miles, namely Abbottabad to Mansehra 16 miles; Mansehra

to Juba 10 miles; thence to Balakôt 12 miles; Kawaie 12, Jared 12,

Kaghan 12, Naran 14, Batakundi 6, Burawaie 6, Sehri 5, Lulusar (where

there is a fine lake 11,000 feet over the sea level) 5, Chilás 15. (For

details see elsewhere.) Of this 15 miles are on independent territory,

so that there was no occasion for the precipitate subjugation of an

inoffensive population, whose sense of security is so great that they

abandon their houses entirely unprotected during the hottest part of the

summer when they leave with their families for the cooler surrounding

hills. In another Dard republic, full of Arabic Scholars, Kandiá,

there are no forts, and weapons may not be carried. Major Abbott, from

whom Abbottabad so deservedly takes its name, reporting to the Lahore

Board of Administration in July 1855, when the Maharaja of Kashmir had

misinformed him of the successful conclusion of his campaign against

Chilás and had asked the British Government, “whether he was to hold it

with garrison, or to punish the people by burning their villages and then

to retreat,” gave as his opinion that the latter course would exasperate

the Chilásis into renewing their incursions, and that on the other hand

“the possession of Chilás by Jummoo would altogether destroy the hopes of

the Syuds of Kaghan. And as the odium of this very unpopular expedition

has been carefully attributed to the British Government by the Maharaja’s

Ministers, so much of advantage may possibly be derived from it.” I must

now allow my Sazîni and other Dards to give an account of Wars which not

only include the struggles for the conquest of Chilás, but detail the

expeditions to Hunzá-Nagyr, the massacre of women and children at Yasin,

the Dareyl and other conflicts, all interspersed with characteristic

anecdotes and the names of men and places that have, or may yet, come to

the front.

ROUTES TO CHILÁS.

The manners, tribal sub-divisions, and occupations of the Chilásis and

the names of the mountains, streams, products, etc., of the country, as

also the road from Takk to Kashmir by the Kanagamunn pass, Diúng, Shiril,

Koja, Ujatt, etc., are detailed in my “Dardistan,” where a Chilási

vocabulary, dialogues, songs, etc., will also be found. There are also

roads from Abbottabad to Chilás through Agrôr, of Black Mountain fame,

practicable for camels. Another road, fit for ponies, goes by Muzafarabad

by Sharidi and the lovely Kishenganga and Sargan Rivers in Kashmir, by

the Kamakduri Galli, to Niát in Chilás. As already mentioned, the easiest

road to our last conquest is by Kaghan through the Takk valley. There

is also the long and dangerous road on the banks of the Indus to Bunji,

which skirts, as its occupation would irritate, the Kohistani tribes

who are Pathans, not Dards, including the rival traders with Gilgit

of Koli-Palus. Thence, on that route, comes Jalkot and the road that

branches off into learned Kandiá, which I have described at length in

the _A.Q.R._ of July 1892. The road, such as it is, constantly crosses

and recrosses the Indus (by rafts), and at the Lahtar river is reached

the boundary between the true Kohistan and the Dard country, which is

there called Shináki, because it is inhabited by the ruling Shiná race.

We then come to pretty Sazín, from which my Sazîní informant. Opposite to

it runs the Tangir valley and country, whence there is a road to Yasin

to which Tangîr owed a sort of loose bond. We then continue by the right

bank of the Indus opposite Sazín, passing Shatiál and on to the Dareyl

stream, which comes from the Dareyl country that eventually joins on to

Gilgit. Crossing the Dareyl stream, we pass Harban on the left bank and a

few miles further on, the Tor village, and arrive at the Hôdur village,

whence we go on to Chilás, after as bad a road of about 200 miles as

it is possible to conceive. Besides, if we touch the independence of

these various republics _en route_, we shall constantly be in a hornets’

nest, and provoke the coalition of the Dard with the Pathan or Afghan

irreconcilable tribes, whereas, by keeping to the Kashmir route or, at

least, confining ourselves to the Kaghan-Chilás road, and prohibiting

our men from going to the right or to the left of it, we may yet resume

friendly relations with the harmless and religious Chilásis and keep the

road open for the eventual advance of Russian troops! In the meanwhile,

let us not destroy villages inhabited by hereditary genealogists, who,

before our advent, were the living historians of an irrecoverable portion

of, perhaps, the earliest Aryan settlements.

I. STRUGGLES FOR THE CONQUEST OF CHILAS.

“About twenty-three years ago there was a very strong fort at Chilás.

Two years before the outbreak of the wars, a man named Lassu came [on

the part of Kashmír?] to the frontier of Chilás. This man’s ancestors

had been in the service of the Dogras and for ninety years had possessed

property and the Sirdarship at Goré (?) (probably Guraïz) in the family.

It is not known why or whether he was dismissed the Kashmîr service, but

he came with his family in 1847 to Chilás and became the cause of all

the subsequent disturbances. This man had been renowned for bravery in

his youth, but when he came was old and feeble, though full of intrigue.

In the valley of Marungá is a place called Neyátt, where he established

himself with about twenty families of Kashmiris and others, who had

followed him from Guraiz. His two brothers were also with him. Where he

fixed his residence there is—at some distance below—a village of the

name of Gôsher, inhabited by the people of Takk. The valley is called

Karúngá at its exit. In these two years he cultivated his fields and the

friendship of the Chilásis. Purchasing also cattle and horses he became

a great chief, to whom the Chilásis used to pay visits of ceremony. He

also used constantly to visit them, and when he had acquired a decisive

influence, he assembled all the Lumberdars of Chilás and said, “What a

pity that Astór being so near, whose inhabitants are all Shiahs, you

should not attack them according to the Shera’ [religious Law].” The

ignorant Chilásis then began to go on plundering excursions in the

direction of Astor, which were often successful. When the Governor of

Astór became unable to resist these attacks, he requested the assistance

of the Maharaja of Kashmîr, who refused it to him, but himself advanced

direct on Chilás with an army. (In this war I was present for about a

month.) One day a battle began in the early morning and lasted till

the evening. The Maharaja’s army drove us right into the Chilás Fort.

We sent off men at once in all directions for help. For two days there

was no other engagement. On the 3rd day came allies of the valley of

Gîne, from Darêl, Jalkôt, Takk and Torr, Harbànn, Shatiál, Sazín, Hudúr,

Kóli, and 200 Tangîris (we were in all about 20 “thousand” men, women

and children, in that great fort[91]). They poured in all day, and by

evening the struggle was renewed in which, as I saw myself, women took

part. As the Sikhs were pressing on to the walls, the women threw

bedsteads and planks on their heads; stones and kitchen-utensils were

also used. The result was not decisive. A stream was flowing into the

fort in which we had four reservoirs kept filled in case of need. Hêmur,

a brave man, whose son Sadur is now a Chief, a Yashkunn,[92] sat there

giving a pumpkin full of water (about half a pint) to a man during the

day and a pint at night, as it was more quiet then. There was a row of

men stationed handing the gourd in and out and taking care that nobody

got more than his share. Often we went without food for two days. The

Chilási women cooked and cast bullets—the other women chiefly fought.

The besiegers diverted the stream from the fort into the valley. We then

drank the water of the reservoirs. This lasted for a month. We only lost

in killed about three or four a day, as we fought behind cover. The

enemy lost from 80 to 120 a day as they were in the open plain. When

their provisions failed and supplies did not reach them, they retired

with the loss of a third of their army, their treasury and goods. (300

women were appointed for the purpose of working and casting bullets all

day.) In the day time we used to exchange shots—at night we would attack

their camp, when they were tired or asleep. The walls were loopholed for

the guns, and altogether the management of the affair was very good.

We looted 100 mule-loads of powder: as much of lead, 40 tents—100 beds

(charpoys), 2 boxes filled with money (Chilkis[93])—50 sound muskets

and 150 injured muskets,—120 brass kettles—50 brass jugs—200 sheets

and 400 brass gharras (pitchers)—100 shawls, good and bad—200 Chaplis

(sandals)—20 chairs—5 loads of sticks—200 lances—200 bayonets—a heap of

100 swords—20 daggers—20 iron hammers, 130 tent pegs of iron and 800 of

wood—2 big guns—3 field guns, and miscellaneous property too numerous and

various to detail. Two days after the flight of the Dogras the people

assembled and began to divide the spoil. We began by giving 10 Chilkis to

each man, but it did not last for all; so, whoever got no money, took a

gun, lance, tent, etc. The big guns were put into the fort. I was shot in

the leg in that siege. We used to bury our dead in their clothes within

two or three days of their death. The Sikhs also used to burn, and the

besieging Muslims in their service to bury, the dead for some time. When,

however, the casualties increased, the besiegers gave up attending to the

dead. It was in the midst of summer; so the stench was very great and

disease also spread in the Sikh camp. Seven days after the flight of the

enemy, the tribes who had come to help left for their own places. The

following is the list of the Sirdars killed in the siege: Deyûri Khan,

a Shîn, one-eyed, Sirdar of Chilás; Hashm Shah, a Shîn, of Chilás; Nasr

Ali Khan, a Yashkunn, of Chilás; Malik Faulád, a Yashkunn, of Harbenn.

The following Sirdars survived: Rahmat Ulla, Shîn, Chilási; Akbari, Shîn,

Lamberdar of Takk; Murad Shah, Yashkunn of Tòrr; Adam Shah, Yashkunn of

Tòrr; Bahádur (Baghdúr), Shîn of Harbánn; Naik Numa, a Kamìn, Harbann;

Faizulla Khan, Shîn, Harbann; Mard Shah, Kamìn of Shatiál; Shah Jehán,

Kamìn of Shatiál; Malek Nazr-ud-din, Shîn of Sazin; Hajem Khan, Shîn

of Sazin; Lala Khan, Yashkkunn of Dareyl; Jeldár, Yashkkunn of Dareyl;

Izzat, Shîn of Phúgotsh (Dareyl); Rahmi, Shîn of Samagiál in Dareyl;

Matshar Khan (a great Sirdár) Shîn, Samagial; Losîn, Shîn of Barzîn;

Mirza Khan, Shîn, Barzîn; Shah Merdán, Shîn of Hudúr; Kazilbik, Yashkunn

of Búder.

[Illustration: TWO CHILÁSIS.

A GILGITI.]

After a year had passed, the Chilasis and the Yaghistánis[94] assembled

at Chilás with the intention of plundering Astór, whose Governors then

was Jabr Khan and Wazir Gurbúnd, subjects of Kashmîr and of the Shiah

faith, and therefore fit objects for the attack of orthodox Mussulmans

(Sunnis). We were in all about 108,000 Yaghistanis (the ideas of number

are very vague in those countries—though not so vague as in Lughmáni

where there is not a separate name for a number above 400, and the

foreign appellation of _hazár_ = 1,000 is the equivalent for 400. _Vide_

Lughmáni and Kandiá Vocabularies in which numeration is by twenties). The

Astóris were only 6,000, but we went in large numbers, as we counted on

having to meet the Dogras of Kashmir.

The following is the List of the confederate Yaghistanis: From Koli,

1,000; Palus, 4,000; Jalkót, 3,000; Sazin, 500; Shatiál, 500; Harbann,

1,000; Takk, 1,000; Chilas, 3,000; Torr, 1,000; Tangir, 4,000; Dareyl,

10,000; Gôrdjan, 5,000 (probably Gôr); Gîne, 100; Bûder, 100; Gormâni,

2,000 (probably auxiliaries from Gauhar-Amán, the ruler of Yasin,

popularly called Gôrmán); Gilgit, 5,000; Sai, 5,000.

(This only brings the allied Dard forces up to 48,200, perhaps only

19,000, as already explained. Since then the Dards have been more than

decimated, and the destruction of Gilgit with all its traditions, etc.,

is one of the saddest results of the Kashmir frontier war. There are,

however, Gilgit emigrants to be found in Sazîn and other places.) We

marched on to the mountains of Astor and Gauhar-Amán with 2,000 men

stopped at Jalkôt (j as in French) in the Sái territory, 6 koss far.

He told us that when the Dogras came up to assist Astor, he would at

once advance with more troops to that place. When we came near Astor,

the Governor was informed of our approach. Most of the Astoris fled,

many leaving their property behind. The 6,000 fighting men remained;

they had, however, sent most of their property away. The people of the

Astor village, Dashkin, had not heard of our arrival; so we surprised

it about midnight, killed 2 men and wounded 9—100 were captured (men

and women). We took 80 cows, 500 goats, clothes to the value of 400

Rupees, 40 hatchets, 100 swords, and 100 muskets. Out of the house of

the Wazîr Gorbúnd we got 8 kettles. There are many Yashkunns at Astor,

three-fourths being of that race and the remainder being half Shîns and

the other half Kamíns.[95] Our arrival at Astor was announced by a man

whom with his companion we surprised seated at the bridge of Sugarkôt.

A man of Shatiál killed the companion by throwing a stone at him; the

other effected his escape and enabled the Astoris to get away with their

property. The reason why we killed so few was because we wanted to make

the people our slaves, either to keep or sell; being Kafirs their lives

are forfeited to the Mussulmans, but it is harder on them to be slaves

than die and therefore we prefer to enslave them. Besides it is more

profitable. In the morning a rumour of the approach of the Maharajah’s

troops reached us. We were greatly surprised at this and retired on to

Hashu Gher (probably the Atsho pir, a very high mountain which overlooks

Bunji, on the Kashmir side of the Indus) by the Burderikôt road—a very

difficult one—on the way to Chilás, which we reached only the 6th day

after our retreat. We then divided the spoil. Some sold their slaves

in Chilás. Most took them to their homes. We did not lose any one in

killed or wounded on this excursion. Jabar Khan of Astor then went to

the Maharaja as a suppliant—saying he and his people were children and

subjects of Kashmir and implored help against the marauders, who, he

urged, should themselves be attacked and punished. The Maharaja advised

him to be quiet for a year, as he would then bring a large army. This

was satisfactory for Jabar Khan, who was intent on revenge. In fact,

14 months later, when he and his minister with 60 men again presented

themselves at Srinagar, in order to urge the fulfilment of the promise,

50,000 men (!!) were sent to Chilás. I was then at Minôr in the Gilgit

territory, but my father and brother went into the war and it is from

them that I have heard the following particulars. When the Sikh General

(whose name I forget) reached the Kashmîr river [the Kishnganga (?)] he

divided the Army into two parts—one to go by way of Guraiz, the other

by the Darau valley which goes straight to Chilas and actually reached

Takk. [From Takk there are 2 valleys—the one of Babuserr; the other of

Marungâ.] The reason of the division of the forces was that the Kashmîr

troops feared to trust their whole body into mountainous country where

they might all be cut up. Two days before the enemy came, we were at

Sîhil, below Takk, 1,000 strong. The Yaghistanis were collecting at

Chilás, but most were still on the roads or starting from their homes.

The news of the approach of the Maharajah’s troops had also frightened

away most of the tribes. Indeed there were only 500 besides the force

at Sîhil. The following came: 100 from Sazîn, 200 from Harbán, 40 from

Chitrál, 60 from Dareyl, 40 from Jalkôt, 100 from Tangîr, 200 from Tórr,

40 from Hudúr, 200 from Takk, 100 from Bûder. 800 had collected in Gôr,

but never came up, but were at Talpènn on the other side of the Indus, 4

kôs from Chilas. The following Chiefs came: Nazar Khan, Kasîm and Masta

Khan of Sazîn. The 2 former were Shîns, the other a Yashkunn. Ravîn,

a Yashkunn of Shatial; Der Jihan, Kamin, of Shatial; Alangîr, Kamin,

of Harbann; Tapa Khan, Kamin, of Harbann; Jeldar Mama and Sheithing

of Dareyl, Shins; Ametî, Yashkunn, Jalkôt; Keremo, Shin, Khairulla,

Yashkunn, Tangîr; Marat Shah Mama, Adam Shah, Great Sirdars of Torr,

Shins; Shahmard Kaka and his brother of Hudûr, Shins; Akbari and Azád,

Kamins, of Takk; Kizilbîk of Bûder, Yashkúnn; Sadar Khan, Yashkúnn, Gôr;

Wazîr Khan, Yashkúnn, Gôr; Ramanni, Yashkúnn, Gôr; Rahmat ulla Khan,

Nasir Ali, and Hasham Shah, Yashkúnns, Chilás.

When the Sikh troops came to the bridge of Sîhil, it was 6 A.M. (before

dawn). We were in ambush and rushed upon them sword in hand. There

was great fighting till the evening—such as had never been before in

Yaghistan. When night broke in, we were beaten and fled back into the

mountains. Then two Sirdars, Ameti Khan and Ser Endáz Khan of Jalkót,

rushed in alone on the army of the infidels and after killing some were

cut down. Ameti’s body fell into the water below the bridge and came up

again after one month at Jalkót on the river side, where Jalkót is. A

boatman of the name of Mehr Gul, came to the place but did not recognise

the body. He told the villagers, who went out with Mira Khan, the uncle

of Ametí, who had not gone to the wars as he was very old. Ametí’s wife

too went to the bank. Nobody recognised the corpse, when the wife knew

him from his pijámas. He was buried and a shrine was built over his

body, which is known by the name of the “shrine of the martyr.” Ametí

had said when about to charge the Sikhs that “if he should be killed

his body would still get to Jalkôt and be buried there.” Many Sirdars

testify to this. During the night, the enemy sleeping from fatigue, Mulla

Shemshêr, and Mulla Khandád and the Pir Padishah Mîa, a great Sayad,

rallied the Yaghistanis and told them of the advantage of assaulting the

infidels at night, which was accounted as a twofold righteousness in

this and the next world. When the Yaghis heard this Fatwa (authoritative

manifesto) their courage increased and they attacked the enemy’s camp

in a body. Our men went on slashing at their heads and other limbs. It

was winter and the blood clotted our hands and froze them to the sword

hilts. Rustam and Afrasiab’s wars would be forgotten as trifles, if I

could describe the terrors of that night. The slaughter lasted all night.

As the day approached and showed the smallness of our numbers we were

again defeated and fled from Sihil to Chilás which is at the distance of

6 kôs (or about 9 miles). We were followed by the enemy. Whenever they

came up to a suitable place, the fight was renewed and hundreds were

killed. At Dasur, Matshuko-Jal and in the valley of Chilás, there being

an open space, a stand was made, especially at the last place, which we

reached at noon and kept our ground fighting till far into the night

(10 o’clock). We were again defeated and fled into the fort, which was

surrounded by the Maharajah’s army. The following days and nights were

occupied in constant fighting. The enemy again cut off the stream. Then

the Yaghis again appointed Hemur to undertake the distribution of water

from the reservoirs and made the women cook and cast bullets for them, as

during the first siege. This siege, however, was greatly protracted—the

water became scarce and whilst formerly a man would get three gourdsful

(two during the night and one in the day) now only one gourdful was

distributed during the whole twenty-four hours. This lasted for three

months. At night assaults were made and shots were exchanged during the

day through the loopholes. When the enemy approached under the walls,

stones, etc., etc., were thrown on him. We did all we could, but were

still beaten—the reason God alone knows. Oh God! when the water became

scarce, the enemy also put poison into the reservoirs; so some died from

thirst and many from poison. When the enemy saw this, he had recourse to

another _ruse_. They tied stems of trees together with ropes and using

them as ladders, tried to mount on the fort, firing all the day. We

had not seen this before and in our surprise lost more men than perhaps

was necessary in defending ourselves. Neither water nor an escape was

destined for us; so the remainder consulted about evacuating the place

and getting into the hills. At midnight two-thirds of the men, taking

the women and children with them, left the Fort and began to fly. The

voices of the children roused the blood-thirsty enemy, who, like a wolf,

came after the lambs. Some of the Sikhs entered the Fort and killed those

they found; when they became exhausted with murdering, they took about

680 men, women and children as prisoners for the Sikh General and 120

were destined for the revenge of Jabar Khan and taken away with their

property. The fort was at once set on fire and burnt down. Such property

as they could take they did take. As for the fugitives, it was a running

slaughter till sunrise, when we reached Kitshóri. Here we rallied and

renewed the fight. Kitshóri is 2 kôs below Chilas and is a village on

the Indus. Our men fought, hungry and tired though they were, till noon

and were considerably thinned in numbers. It seemed now useless to us to

continue the fight, for we said that we should all be at last overpowered

and cut down to a man. We must therefore flee. We, therefore, retraced

our march in the direction of the mountains and were not followed up, as

the enemy did not perhaps, think it worth while, our numbers being so

reduced. The pursuers returned to the Chilás fort. When they got there

they agreed to return to Kashmir. As they reached the place where the

two roads branch off, [one for Astor, the other for Kashmîr] the Sikh

General gave leave to Jabar Khan, who took his prisoners with him. All

were in great joy. The following is the list of the Sirdárs who escaped

the slaughter: Alengir, Habba Khan, and Mîr Matta, of Harbenn; Rahmi, of

Darêl.

Aladdin of Shatial and Ahmeti and Sir Andaz of Jalkôt were killed; also

Azur, and Alahmun of Sazîn. Mard Shah Baba of Torr got away. Azad of Takk

was killed. Nasr Ali, Hashm Shah, Paulad and Anwarí of Chilas were all

killed. They were all Yashkunns. Serrkushu of Tangir was killed. M......

of Somer, a Shîn, my cousin, was killed by a bullet going through his

mouth. 500 were killed and 800 taken prisoners—200 escaped. Among the

prisoners was Sirdar Rahmat Ulla Khan, who was sent to Jammu. When he was

captured, a Sikh went into the fort after his daughter, who threw herself

off the walls in order to escape disgrace and was dashed to pieces on a

stone. There is no doubt that we were the first to be in fault, as we

attacked Astor without provocation and at the instigation of Lassu seven

times before the Maharaja went to war with us. I never joined these

plundering excursions but my cousin, M......, went every time and also

S......, my brother, who is still alive. Once they brought back a man and

6 women to Minôr—the whole razzia having secured 60 prisoners, 800 goats,

etc. Thinking it was “halál” or lawfully acquired property, they divided

it with great glee and they ate the goats also as “halál,” as they had

taken them from Shiahs.

There is a suspicion that Lassu was an agent of Kashmîr sent to foment

this discord and bring about the subjection of Chilás. In former times we

used to assist Astor, being our neighbour. There is also no difference

in our language. That of Khapul (Khapolór) is different. It is Tibetan:

they call a man “shîshek” and for “go there” say “gaz yut” and “bakhmula

gihrit” (there is a mistake here) and for “bury” say “sùmduk” and for

“does he go or not” “yidd mitt.” “Son” they call “bhúman.” [Some of

the words are Kashmîrî.] I remember these words, having once known the

language, as a woman of Khapul, called Miriam, had fallen to the lot of

my brother in the division of the booty. A neighbour of mine also had a

slave of the same place called Kolitsh, who used to come to see us. I was

very young then and could converse with both. A year after, my brother,

in consequence of his greed for money, took her to Kami, a village of

Tangîr and sold her to Batret Shah, Sirdar, the son of Babar Shah, for

8 tolas of gold (each tolah of the value of 9 Rupees 5 annas). This was

a good price as she was very good-looking, but she should not have been

sold.

* * * * *

When the Kashmîr troops attacked Chilas, Lassu joined us secretly and

although himself old and feeble told us what to do—but his two brothers

and two nephews openly fought on our side in the battle of the valley

of Chilás. Indeed at Sihil, Lassu fought himself and used to send the

Sirdars forward with his instructions. In short, as far as he was able,

he tried to injure the Sikhs. When the Sikhs had cut the water off the

fort, he had arranged about putting only one man in charge of it and

fixed the rate at which it should be distributed. He was ever ready

with advice. He used to allow the Sikhs to beat up supplies in villages

and then would cut them up while encumbered with them. This is how we

managed to be fed (the plundered supplies reaching us by a mountain road)

for three months. A relative of Lassu was in the Sikh Camp and told the

General about Lassú’s doings. The attention of the besiegers was then

directed towards capturing him, but in vain, and in both wars he escaped

being taken prisoner or receiving a wound. His younger brother was

shot in the palm of the hand. In short, after the conquest of Chilas,

Lassu again resided with his brothers at Neyátt and kept up his visits

to Chilas. When the Sirdars arranged to offer their submission to the

Maharaja at Jammu, they sent for Lassu and asked him to help them to

recover their friends and relatives who had been taken prisoners to

Kashmir. Lassu refused on the ground that he had left the Maharajah’s

service and had been his bitter enemy ever since and that therefore his

life was not safe if he ventured into his presence. Finally, Lassu was

prevailed upon to go. The following Sirdars went to Jammu to ask for

forgiveness: Hashm Shah, Sattari, Baland Khan, and Daria Khan, of Chilas,

with 36 Botés (poor people); Buyedad, Daru Khan, and Mir, Shîns of Bûder;

Azad and Sakhi, Shîns of Takk; Tatari, Kamìn, and Baghdùr, Shin, also of

Takk.

When the Maharaja saw the suppliants, and also noticed Lassu, it was

as if an arrow had pierced him. He was greatly indignant, having heard

everything from his General about Lassu often defeating his troops and

being the origin of the wars and of the numerous plans by which his

soldiers had been destroyed by thousands—for instance at the ambush at

Sîhil. Finally after a long talk, the Maharaja made the forgiveness of

the Chilasis conditional on the execution of Lassu. The Chilasis said “By

all means, if this man and his ancestors have not been your servants.

You expelled him and we received him. In gratitude for this he may have

given us sometimes advice, but he has never raised his hands against

you. Had he not given us even advice _we_ should have killed him. It

was his duty to do so. Let His Highness therefore pardon him.” The

Maharaja refused, and ordered his General to strike off his head there

and then, put the blood into a plate and give it to him to drink [this

was probably meant metaphorically, as a Hindu would not drink blood,

especially not that of a Muhammadan. However, the Chilasi Chiefs appear

to have understood the threat literally]. The Sirdars all interposed as

they could not witness his death. They offered to pay taxes, if he were

spared. [This was probably the object of this comedy.] Then the Maharaja

fixed an annual tribute of Rs. 2 per house, in lieu of the blood of

Lassu. The Chiefs thought it too much for their poor people, so at last

one Rupee per house was settled. He then dismissed them, but wanted them

again to appear next year with the tribute, viz. Balang Khan, Deryá Khan,

Matshar and Lassu. “When this is done, he added, I will send Lassu with

a khilat[96] to Guraiz and re-instate him as Governor and you shall also

receive presents.” This was accepted and the Chiefs returned with all the

people (men, women and children) who had been taken prisoners. He also

sent a letter to Jabar Khan of Astor to restore the 120 prisoners whom he

had taken to the Chilas Chiefs. This was done and nearly all returned,

excepting the few that had died in course of nature. Thus was Chilas

again re-peopled and is inhabited to the present day.

The following villages in Chilas became subject to Kashmir: Chilas, then

300 houses, now only 200, 100 having died out in consequence of disease

brought on by the bad water of that place, Bûder, 120 houses, Takk,

131 houses. The rest did not submit, nor will they ever do so, as they

have heard about the tyranny and oppression practised in Kashmir. We

Yaghistanis have thus become even greater enemies than before, but are

helpless. To revert to my story. After a year the following Sirdars went

with the tribute to Srinagar, viz.: Deryá Khan, Balang Khan, Satari,

Rahmat-ulla, Matshar and Lassu. The Maharaja gave each a present of 120

Rupees and made them stay a month at Jammu. Lassu was sent with much

honour to Guraiz and reinstated. On the expiration of the month the

Sirdars came to Srinagar and requested leave to go as the harvest-time

had come near. The Maharaja received them kindly and requested that in

future two Chilasis should come with the tribute and remain for a year

as servants (really hostages) when they would be allowed to return and

two others be appointed in their stead. The hostages were to receive some

pay from the Maharaja. The Sirdars then returned each to his own village.

This arrangement is still in force. (For a more chronological account of

the conquest of Chilás vide Historical Sketch, page 72.)

II.—WAR WITH GOUHAR AMAN FOR THE POSSESSION OF GILGIT.

A year later, the same Sikh General was despatched with 3,000 horse and

foot to Astor and fixed a tribute of one-third of the produce on all.

He also established a Thanna at Sógar, a village close to Astor. At the

Thanna he laid in ammunition, etc. Next year he went down with his troops

along the river of Astor to the Indus and established a Thanna at Bûnji,

which is on this side of the Indus and opposite to Sai. Duru was at that

time Governor of Bunji on behalf of Gouhar Aman, the ruler of Yasin and

Gilgit. He also crossed the Indus at Sai and arranged for a Thanna at

Jalkôt, but the Sai country was subject to Gouhar Aman who was residing

at Gilgit. When he heard of the encroachments of Kashmir he sent off men

to Dareyl and Tangîr, asking these tribes to come down on the Sikhs by

the mountain paths near Bunji, whilst he would take the road along the

Indus and attack Sai. He stated that as he and they were Sunnis, a Jihád

[religious war] on the Sikhs became their common duty. 5,000 young men

from Dareyl and Tangîr at once collected and came down to Bunji in 10

days. Gouhar Aman with 3,000 Gilgiti horse and 2,000 coolies, fell on

Sái at 2 o’clock in the afternoon of the day on which the mountaineers

reached in the morning. The following Yaghistani Chiefs came: From

Dareyl—Kalashmir, Lala Khan Izzetti, Bira Khan, Muhammad Khan, Shaithing,

Jaldár; from Tangir—Khairulla, Mansûr, Rustami, Nayûn.

The only son of Gouhar Aman who came was Mulk Aman—Gouhar Aman himself

being detained at Minôr by illness. The following also came: From Nómal

200 men, from Bhagrôt 2,000(!!), from Sakwal 100, and from Minôr 200.

These men carried loads of provisions and ammunition. They reached

the Niludár range on that day, one kos from the Sai District. Thence

preparations were made for an attack—the Sikhs having 8,000 men—the

battle began at Chakarkôt which is three kôs from the Indus. There is

a field there under cultivation where the fight began. It was summer.

The Sikhs had got into the Chakarkôt Fort which was surrounded by the

Gilgitis. Mulk Aman dashed into it with his horsemen. The Chakarkoti

villagers facilitated their entry and opened the gates for him. The fight

lasted all day and night within and without the Fort. The Sikhs were

defeated; most were killed fighting and some jumped off the walls and

were dashed to pieces. 100 only escaped crossing the river [Indus] back

to Bunji. Gouhar Aman only lost 60 horsemen and 40 Dareylis and Tangîris,

also Sirdar Muhammad Khan, a Shin of Darêl. Mulk Aman did not cross over

to Bunji and dismissed the mountaineers, telling them, however, to be in

readiness for renewed fighting. He then returned to Gilgit. A curious

circumstance occurred with two Sikhs who were taken away as prisoners by

the Dareylis. In taking them over the Jámu rocks,[97] which on account

of their difficulty, we call “ákho” (Atsho?), one fell into the Indus

and was never again seen, whilst the other slipped down and rose again

to the surface—an event never known to occur with any one who falls into

the Indus at that place where it is very rapid. He, however, made his way

over to Bunji, and just as he was reaching it, a stone fell on his head

and he was drowned.

* * * * *

A year had scarcely elapsed after the battle of Chakarkòt, when, in

the spring, about 20,000 Kashmir troops with the former General came

to Astor. He sent a letter of defiance to Gauhar Aman, challenging him

to do his worst, to assemble the mountaineers and to meet him on an

open plain. Gauhar Aman at once told the mountaineers that they should

quietly get into Jalkot (Sai District) by way of the valley of Kámberi,

over the mountain Hudurga, to the village Kirinjot, and get out by the

mountains of Puhût. This was done. Gauhar Aman again fell ill at Minôr.

His son just got there in time to meet the Sikhs (10,000 in number) near

the Niludar, the mountain ridge which is between Gilgit and Sai. It was

night, and so both armies encamped; in the morning the fight began. 7,000

Dareylis and Tangîris had come under Jeldar, and Lala Khan of Gaya in

Dareyl and Izzetí, Pátsha Khan of Phogutsh of Dareyl—also Matshar Khan

of Samagiál—Bitori, Kalashmir of another Samagial, Kusuti of Manekyál,

Arzennu of Dareyl—Rústami, Kâmi of Tangîr, Muhammad Mir, Adab Shah of

Gali, Khairulla of Jagôt—Karim, Moya Shah, Mawêshi, Matti of the Deyamur

village—Merdumi of Lúrak—Akbaro of Sheikho—[2,000 came from Tangir, 5,000

from Dareyl]. Gouhar Aman’s son had 3,000 infantry and 6,000 horsemen.

The Sikhs were on the roads below the mountains, whilst the Yaghistanis

were firing from the tops. The Sikhs necessarily wasted their shot in

such an encounter, whilst the mountaineers had it all their own way.

This lasted the whole day. All (10,000!!) were destroyed—only one sepoy

escaped to Bunji to tell the news to the other half of the army. The

General was not present in this as in the Chakarkót battles, but stayed

at Bunji. The Yaghis only lost 2 men, one from Phúgutsh and the other

from Samagial, viz.: Shahbaz, also called “Osmin,” and Uzet Shah. The

mountaineers then accompanied the victorious army back to Minôr and

Gilgit, where they consulted regarding the future safety from the Sikhs.

Gauhar Aman thought that the Gilgit Fort could not stand a siege and that

it should therefore be strengthened and the walls made higher. This view

was shared by the mountaineers who looked upon Gilgit as their centre: so

they all set to work to improve the fort and raised it twenty yards in

height and gave six yards of depth to the walls. Bullocks were constantly

treading down the stones as the walls were being raised. The Zamindars

also helped. The Mountaineers assisted and were fed during the month that

it took to strengthen the place. Then all left, when Gauhar Aman fell

very ill. He sent Mulk Aman, with 5,000 horsemen against Yasin to fight

Mahtar and A’smat Shah, sons of Suleyman Shah, descendants of Pátsha (?),

Shins. They came there on the fourth day and surrounded the place. Mahtar

would not fight, and surrendered on the tenth day, saying that they all

came from one stock and were subjects to Gauhar Aman. A’smat Shah fled to

Swat. Mahtar paid his respects with 1,000 young men and was apparently

received in a friendly manner by Mulk Aman, who said he wanted to talk to

him privately. There is a hall for the princes 100 yards from the Fort,

and to this he led Mahtar and after a conversation of two hours struck

off his head. Then he came out and killed 20 of Mahtar’s relatives and

friends. The rest he put into the Fort, as they were merely Zamindars.

He then asked Gauhar Aman to come to Yasin with his whole family. On the

good news reaching him he assembled the Gilgitis and told them that, as

his illness was sure to carry him off, he wanted to be buried in his own

country where also his ancestors reposed. In reality, he wanted to marry

the widow of Mahtar. When he came near Yasin, some one told him that his

son had married the widow. This rendered him furious and made him think

of killing his son. In this state of mind he reached Yasin, where he said

nothing but ascertained that the widow had been married eight days ago.

He then threw Mulk Aman into a prison which was at the top of the highest

tower of the Yasin fort and ordered that he should not receive sufficient

food. The woman was also placed under surveillance. He left Ghulam as

Wazir of Gilgit. Gauhar Aman remained ill for a year, being unable to

move and one side being shrivelled up. When he felt his death nigh, he

released Mulk Aman and made the woman over to him. A few days after he

died and Mulk Aman had accomplished the funeral rites, he ascended the

throne. When Isa Baghdùr [Isa Bahádur] and the fugitive A’smat Shah

heard this in Swat, they rejoiced as they did not think that Mulk Aman

was a hero like his father. Isa Bahadur of Sher Kila’ had also fled to

Swat having heard of the defeat of the Sikhs and being afraid of being

dispossessed by Gauhar Aman—an idea which was confirmed by Akbar Aman,

the brother on the father’s side of Gauhar Aman—(Isa Bahadur and Akbar

were cousins, sons of two sisters) (Isa Bahadur and Gauhar Amán were

tarburs ‎‏تربور‏‎, namely brothers’ children). There is a road from Swat

to Yasin which is much used and is near. Mulk Aman, wishing to conquer

other countries, enquired who had caused Isa Bahadur’s flight and offered

a reward for the information. Hayátulla, a servant of Gauhar Amán, told

him a month after about his uncle being the cause, as they were related

on the women’s side (the stronger tie; being related on the father’s side

is not a strong bond wherever polygamy is common). This convinced Mulk

Aman, for having taken the throne from his uncle to whom it by right

belonged, he always felt suspicious of him. However, he kept his own

counsel, when one day he invited Akbar Aman to go out shooting with him.

They went about one kôs from the Yasîn fort, where a fine plain comes in

view. Mulk Aman advised all retainers to get down from their horses as

he wanted to rest a little and then start the game which would come in

sight in that place. This they did not do, so he jumped from his horse,

pretending that he saw game in different directions and ran after it.

Then Akbar Aman also got down from his horse. He had scarcely moved about

for a few yards, when a ball, fired by Mulk Aman, struck him dead. Mulk

Aman then returned to govern in peace of mind. This news Isa Bahadur had

also heard in Swat. What with wishing to revenge Akbar and thinking of

the confusion which would be sure to follow the discord of the brothers

of Mulk Aman (Mîr Wali, Pahlivan, etc.) he and Asmár got ready and came

back—but I don’t know whether he came _via_ Kandiá [a hitherto unexplored

District, referred to elsewhere] or by what road. Anyhow he appeared at

Sai with the 20 followers whom he had taken with him from Sher Kila’

on his flight. There he found Sultan, the ex-Wazir of Pohordu Shah, a

descendant of the Queen Johari (Jowâri—_vide_ 1st Song, page 22) who in

ancient times was the ruler of Sai and whose descendants had fled from

Gauhar Aman into the hills. When Gauhar Aman died, all these fugitives

came back and so Sultan turned up at Sai. When Isa and Asmat met him

they contracted an alliance by oath and went together to Jammu by way

of Astor in order to offer their services to the Maharajah. Indeed,

they offered their allegiance, if he would help them with troops. The

Maharajah made them swear on the Koran, because he said, “your religious

bigotry may induce you to turn on me and induce you to be again friends

with Mulk Aman. Besides, you all belong to one family and I alone shall

be the loser.” Then they all agreed and he made them swear on the Koran,

after getting them to wash themselves first; “that they would never ally

themselves or be subject to any one but the Maharaja and consult nobody’s

interests but his.” The three swore most solemnly and assured H. H. that

he need not be under any anxiety in future regarding his army and their

own movements. They then asked leave in order to avail themselves of the

dissensions of the brothers and prevent their becoming friends again.

Then H. H. sent 6,000 infantry and 4 guns (mule-batteries) with Isa,

Sultan and Asmat—Rs. 200 cash were given to Isa and a dress of honour;

Rs. 100 and a gun to Sultan and Rs. 120 and a horse to Asmat Shah. The

Maharaja recommended them always to keep the garrisons at Astor and

Bunji, which were each 5,000 strong, at half their strength and to take

the rest in order to prevent surprises and the loss of places which were

difficult to acquire and to reduce to taxation. He thus allowed them

to take 11,000 troops with them in all—_viz._ 6,000 men whom he sent

direct and 5,000 from the garrisons of Astor and Bunji. Thus they started

with the General and the Jítan Sahib (Adjutant?) for Astor. There they

remained a month to see whether the roads ahead were safe. They sent

a Kashmiri, called Abdulla, into Yaghistan, _via_ Sai, Minôr, Gilgit,

Yasin, Dareyl, Tangîr, Hunza, Nagyr, etc., to enquire what the tribes

were doing and going to do. He went to Gilgit and instead of fulfilling

his mission himself, he sent Norôz, a Zemindar and a subject of Mulk

Aman, who, of course, went to Yasin and told Mulk Aman all he had heard

from Abdulla and that Isa and his allies were advancing. On his return

he told Abdulla that he had seen the tribes, that they had no idea that

anything was impending and that Isa might advance with safety at once.

Abdulla returned to Astor, whilst Mulk Aman summoned the Darêl and Tangîr

tribes, saying that unless they fought now they would lose their country.

He also sent a messenger to Ghazanfar, Raja of Hunza and one to Shah

Murad, Wazir of Nagyr (?) telling them to forget their enmity with him in

the advance of a common foe to their country and religion (although the

people of Hunza and Nagyr are Shiahs, necessity made Mulk Aman, a Sunni,

call them Mussulmans) and asking them to meet him with their young men

at Gilgit. Ghazanfar promised to come on the ninth day and asked him to

go ahead. Mulk Aman, however, waited nine days and when nobody came, he

advanced with the friendly hill tribes of Darêl and Tangîr to Gilgit.

Isa Bahadur and his allies, altogether 9,500 men, started from Astor,

2,500 soldiers joined them at Bunji and they all advanced to within the

distance of one kôs from the Gilgit Fort, which they surrounded. Wazir

Zoraveru commanded in this war on the part of the Sikhs—there were also

Sirdar Muhammad Khan of Swat, the Sirdar Jitani (Adjutant) and others

whose names I forget. On behalf of the tribes there were: (1) from

DAREYL: Lalá Khan, Jeldár Bura Khan of Gayá—with 1,000 Zemindars;—Izzeti

and Muhammad Khan of Phugotsh with 700 Zemindars—Matshar Khan and Mahman

from Karini (lower) Samegial with 1,000 men—Mirza Khan and Kalashmir

from Upper Samegial and 1,000 men—Kasûti from Karini Manikyal with

1,000 men—Hamza Khan and Arzennu from Upper Manikyal and 900 men—Bitori

of Yatsho and 40 men—Suryó from Jutyal and 60 men—Tubyó and Syad Amir

of Dudishal and 30 men—altogether 5,846 from Dareyl. (2) from TANGIR:

Mardumì (is still alive), Talipu of Lurak and 40 men—Moza Shah and

Maweshi (still alive) of Dîyamar and 400 men—Khairulla and Mansur (still

alive) of Julkôt and 140 Zemindars—Adab Shah and Mansur (still alive),

of Gali and 60 men,—Néyo and Rustam Khan of Kami (still alive) and 400

men—Multan of Korgah (still alive) and 60 men—Akbaru of Sheikho and 40

men—altogether 1,153 men and Chiefs. With Mulk Aman there came from

YASIN: his brother Mir Vali Khan, the Wazirs Rahmat and Nasir—Hayatalla,

Habib—Padisha Mia, Balhi, Syad Khan (of Swat) with 100 Pathans—Muhammad

Hussain, a great Chief of Yasin and 10,000 men, horse and foot, from

Yasin and friendly countries.

At the dictation of Pehliwan, son of the sister of Aman-ul-Mulk, ruler

of Chitral or little Kashghár, a messenger of the name Balli—was sent to

Chitrál, saying that Hunza and Nagyr had broken their promise and that,

now that their father was dead, all his enemies had assembled to destroy

them, 11,000 infidels, described as ‎‏كافر نابكار ڈوگره بي اِعتبار‏‎,

or useless unbelievers and perfidious Dogras, had already surrounded

Gilgit with the help of faithless Isa, the fugitive Asmat and the traitor

Sultan. “When we shall be dead, what is the use of you, a relative,

striking your forehead with a stone (as a sign of grief)”? Balli taking

forced marches reached Aman-ul-Mulk speedily, who, at once sent Lakhtar

Khan, his nephew, son of Adam Khor (whom he had caused to be killed) with

8,000 men of sorts to Gilgit and wrote to promise further help, if Balli

were sent again. Indeed it was said that Aman-ul-Mulk might come himself.

So there advanced to the rescue of Gilgit the united forces of Mulk Aman

and the auxiliaries from Chitrál. Mulk Aman then told the Dareylis and

Tangîris to lay in ambush behind Parmas and Basîn in the valley, as the

Sikh troops were there. He himself at 6 o’clock in the evening went to

attack these places. About 1,000 Sikhs were there, not suspecting any

danger, in their tents. The attack was sudden and 120 were at once

despatched to the lowest regions [of hell]; 100 Sikhs were captured.

Then he called out to his young horsemen that having done so much they

should attack the besiegers and that the infantry would follow them.

He himself rode ahead, thereby inspiring his troops with courage. The

enemy was attacked, but was now ready for them. A fierce struggle began

and the Sikhs were forced on to the fortress with the loss of twenty

youths and a loss of three Dareylis on our side, who had rashly followed

the Sikhs into the fort. Then Mulk Aman halted in front of the fort and

attacked it in the early morning and called out. “If you want to fight,

well and good—if not, I will let you depart for Astor.” Isa Bahadur

replied: “We will certainly not do so till we uproot the foundations of

your houses.” Saying this, he fired his musket and killed Hayatulla (who

had been the cause of his uncle’s death). Then volleys were exchanged.

So the fight lasted for a month, during the day—Mulk Aman retiring to a

short distance at night—the Sikhs, however, picking off stragglers at

night also. On the 27th day after the siege, the Raja of Hunza reached

with 12,000 soldiers, but did not join the fight. 6,000 soldiers, in

addition to the 8,000 already sent, also came from Chitrál who, at once,

assisted in the siege. There was plenty of wheat which had been cut and

heaped up by the Gilgit Zemindars who had fled at the approach of the

Sikhs. The soldiers of Aman-ul-Mulk would take the sheaves, crush them

with stones and boil them in water. Food was taken at night. Three days

later, when the besiegers still held out, the Chitrál forces thought of

returning. On the last day, Makhsat, a servant of Asmat Shah, renowned

all over Yaghistan as an incomparable hero, came out of the fort with

sword and buckler and called out. “Is there any one who will fight [me]

the mountain eating lion?” Then Balli, the servant of Mulk-Aman, replied:

“Come out and fight with me in the open space, for brave men do not

boast.” So he, snatching a sword and shield, met him. After boasts and

insults on both sides, they closed; but Makhsat’s sword could only find

Balli’s shield to strike, whilst Balli, in protecting himself always

found an exposed part of Makhsat to hit. At last Balli struck a blow

which not only cut through Makhsat’s shield, but falling on his right

shoulder caused the sword to pass out on his left side, thus dividing

the body into two pieces. On seeing this, Mulk Aman considered that a

sufficient victory had been gained and passed on to Yasin, accompanied

by the Allies. Of the prisoners he had captured at Barmas, in order to

wreak his revenge, having been disappointed in taking the Gilgit fort,

he selected twenty four of the officers and ordered them to be executed

at Kuffarkôt, four kôs from Gilgit near the Indus. This was accordingly

done by some men in Lakhtar Khan, the Chitrál General’s army. When their

souls had reached the angels of Hell, Mulk Aman ordered the rest also

to be killed, for, he said, these infidels have made martyrs of many

of our friends and countrymen. Lakhtar Khan interposed on the ground

that they were helpless, now that their officers were dead, and made a

claim to carry them off himself, as a satisfaction for the losses of

his army. “I want,” he said, “to bring them to my country and sell them

for red gold to the Tájiks. Thus I shall obtain compensation for the

blood of martyrs that has been shed and they will be punished by being

sold from place by the Tájiks.” Then Mulk Aman conferred the desired

present on Lakhtar Khan, but kept one (the only officer who was spared)

who was called “Commandân Bahádur” and presented him to Jaldár Khan of

Gayá (Dareyl), as many martyrs [so called because they were Muhammadans,

who had been killed in the war with the “infidel” Dogras] had fallen

from that District. When the troops had gone back for another kôs (from

Kuffárkôt) to a place called Serga—a very deep valley—Jaldár Khan told

the “Commandán” to come near him, as he was in his charge. He caught

hold of his hand and led him along. He then noticed a talisman round the

Sikh’s neck and wanted to snatch it away, forgetting that he was exposing

himself to an attack by the movement. The “Commandan” saw a sword hanging

on Jaldár’s shoulder, so he let Jaldár take his talisman and drawing

the sword struck off his head. When the Dareylis saw the death of their

chief, they rushed upon the murderer and secured him. Separating in

groups to consult as to the best means of putting him to death, the

people of Gayá (Jaldár’s village) advised his arms and legs being tied to

four horses and his body being torn to pieces by the horses being set off

at a gallop. This proposal was not favourably received by Khoshál Khan,

the brother of Jaldár. The people of Samegiál suggested that his tongue

should be torn out with red-hot pincers, then to flay him alive, cover

his body afterwards with salt and pepper and finally to burn him and make

him over to the ruler of Jahannam [Hell]. This suggestion being favoured

by Khoshál Khan, it was ordered to be carried out. Thus the “Commandán

Bahádur” died. The Dareylis then rushed on his ashes and half-burnt flesh

and taking a handful, secured it in their clothes as a reminiscence of

the event. I have mentioned this affair at length, because Jaldár was

a very celebrated man for his hospitality, eloquence, good manners and

administrative capacity. Rich and poor obeyed him, for he was wise and

his death was a great advantage to the Sikhs.

Mulk Aman set out for Yasin, as I have said, and dismissed the

Yaghistanis. Lakhtar Khan also asked for his leave through Pahliwan,

Mulk Aman’s brother and offered to let the army remain if he himself was

allowed to go. This was permitted and the army remained with Pahliwan,

his mother’s brother (a sister of Adamkhor of Chitrál was Gauhar-Aman’s

wife and Gauhar Aman’s sister was Adamkhor’s wife). The following is the

list of the chiefs killed before Gilgit: [The Sikhs lost 221 killed,

wounded and prisoners.] Wazirs Nuseir and Hayatulla of Yasin; Jaldár Khan

of Gayá (Dareyl); Talîpu of Tangîr; Béra Khan of Gaya; Mirza Khan of

Hunîni Samagiál; Sirdar of Hunîni Samagiál; and Padshah Mia of Yasin.

_Dareyl_ lost 203 Zemindars; _Tangîr_ 101 men; _Gakutsh_ [or _Galkûtsh_]

50; _Tshér_, 40; _Sherôt_ 52; _Shukoyôt_ 30; _Guluphúr_ 44. Mulk Aman

lost 160 of his retainers; (altogether 376 of his subjects.) The

Chitrális lost 410, altogether 1,090 were killed on our side. [For a

more chronological account of the conquest of Gilgit vide “Chronological

History of Dardistan,” pages 70-75.]

III.—WAR ON YASIN AND THE MASSACRE OF ITS INHABITANTS. [1860]

When Lakhtar Khan informed the ruler of Chitrál of all that had occurred,

Aman-ul-Mulk sent a messenger to the ruler of Yasin with the advice to

fortify Gakutsh, lest that too should be lost by him and he should be

blamed for not advising him in time. He also thought that the Sikhs would

not advance before they had strengthened their hold on Gilgit. Therefore

he asked for his army to be sent back; next year he promised to send a

larger force, as then an attack from the Sikhs might be possible. Mulk

Aman delayed the messenger for ten days, but sent Sirdar Mustaán, son

of General Hayat-ulla of Yasin, with the Chitrál army to Aman-ul-Mulk.

They were 5,880 horse; 7,720 foot and 12 mules with ammunition. Mulk Aman

then remained at Yasin, feeling quite safe and established a Thanna of

five men at Gakutsh, one day’s march from Yasin, in order to scour the

country and enquire from travellers and Zemindars about the movements of

the Sikhs. He advised them to treat informants well and let him know in

time, lest Aman-ul-Mulk’s warning should come true. The outpost kept a

good look-out, entertained travellers and daily sent in news of the state

of affairs. Five months afterwards Wazir Zoraweru of Kashmir sent Wazir

Mukhtár with twenty young men to Gakutsh to surprise the Thanna at night,

and establish themselves as an outpost and intercept all travellers

from or to Yasin. He also sent after them Sabûr, a Kashmiri, with ten

Hindu Sipahis and Attaì, Kashmiri, with ten Muhammadan Sipahis, and

ordered Attaì to establish himself at 100 yards above Gakutsh and Sabur

at the same distance below Gakutsh and intercept the roads. Three days

afterwards, Zoraweru, Isa Bahadur, Ghulam Haydar, Mizra Wazir, Baghdur

Shah, Zohrab Khan, Asmat Shah and Saif Ali, the Commandant, with 9,000

infantry and 3,000 cavalry, advanced on Gakutsh. We must now leave them

on the road and see what the surprise party is doing. They came there

shortly after mid-night, surrounded the Thanna and captured the five men.

Mukhtar then established himself as Thannadar and Attaì and Sabûr took

up their appointed posts and captured all travellers of whatever age and

sex, sending them in to the Thanna; in all, three women, four children,

two foreign youths and one Yasini were captured. When the army came to

Gakutsh, Zoraweru left the Thanna as it was, and advanced the same day

without stopping, so as to prevent all notice of his march reaching

Yasin before he himself arrived, marching all night, and at about 4

o’clock came to Chamûgar, a village, about twenty nine kôs from Yasin.

Accidentally, Muhammad Hussain, a Sayad, had gone out hunting that day.

His horse rearing without any apparent cause he looked round and saw

clouds of dust at Chamûgar. He, at once, suspected what was taking place,

galloped back to Yasin and called out before Mulk Aman’s house: “Why are

you sitting at your ease? the enemy is on you—now do anything if you

can.” Mulk Aman at once got his horses saddled and fled with his family

over the mountains in the direction of Chitrál. When the army came near

Yasin, Isa Bahadur, who knew the country, ordered it to be divided into

three corps, one of which marched straight on Yasin—the second to go to

the right of Yasin by the village of Martal and the third to go to the

left of the place, so that the inhabitants should not be able to escape.

When the Sikhs entered Yasin with Asmat Khan preceding them (who got all

his friends and relatives out of the way) acts of oppression occurred

which I have heard related by the people of Kholi and which have never

been surpassed by any nation of infidels. In traditions much is told,

but all is nothing compared with the following atrocities which surpass

the doings of demons, jins and witches. We, say the Kholi informants,

with our own sinful eyes saw these ferocities practised by Mussulmans on

Mussulmans. That blood thirsty Kafir, Isa Bahadur, ordered the houses to

be entered and all the inhabitants, without regard to sex or age, to be

killed. We swear that Isa Bahadur descended from his horse and distinctly

ordered the soldiers to snatch the babes from their mothers’ arms and

kill them, so that his heart might be set at ease. He then put one knee

on the ground, putting his hands on his knees and waiting for the babes.

As they were brought to him, he put one of their small legs under his

foot and tore the other off with his hand. Even the Sikh soldiery could

not bear looking on this spectacle. However, this accursed infidel,

(infidel, although he was a Sunni) kept on tearing them to pieces. The

slaughter lasted five days and nights. The blood of the victims flowed

in streams through the roads: there is not a word of exaggeration in

all this. After these dreadful five days were over, Zoraweru sent for

Asmat Shah and enquired after his relatives, whom he had put in safety.

They were brought forward and Yasin committed to their charge, but what

was left of Yasin!?[98] Thus 2,000 men, women, and children above ten

years of age and a countless number of infants and babes became martyrs

at the hands of the bloody Sikhs—3,000 persons (chiefly women) a very

few children as also a few old men were kept as prisoners and brought

in three days to Gilgit, Zoraweru being elated with excessive joy which

he manifested in various ways _en route_. When he came to Gilgit, Isa

Bahadur and Asmat Shah, selecting 1,000 of the more beautiful women, took

them to Jammu with 3,000 soldiers. They were so delighted that they took

double marches in order to be early with their good news. At a public

assembly at Jammu, these scoundrels narrated, with much boasting and

eloquence, their own achievements and those of the Sikhs and spoke with

the loud tone in which victories are reported.

When they had finished, the Maharaja asked them whether their hearts were

pleased with all these doings. Isa Bahadur said that all his heart’s

desire had not been accomplished, though he certainly had experienced a

slight satisfaction in the fate of the people of Yasin, who had been his

enemies in the times of Gauhar Aman. “God be praised,” he said, “that

I have lived to revenge myself on them.” The Maharaja enquired what

else there remained to afford him complete satisfaction. “Perhaps,” he

said, “I may be able to meet your views.” Isa Bahadur replied. “Alas,

Mulk Aman with all his family has escaped unhurt to Chitrál! I should

have liked to have treated him as the Commandán Sahib who killed Jaldár

was treated, and to have taken his wife for myself and to have killed

his children, as I did the infants of Yasin and, moreover, to burn

them. Then alone will my heart be at ease. However, in consequence of

Your Highness’s good fortune, much has been done. If your shadow only

continues to protect me, I may, some day, be able to have my heart’s

desire on Mulk Aman.” The Maharaja then bestowed on him a splendid and

complete dress of honor, a horse and Rs. 500. He also gave Rs. 100, a

dress and a horse to Asmat Shah. He finally placed the 3,000 soldiers

whom he had brought under his command and made him Governor of Sher Kila

(where he is still). Isa Bahadur, after the usual deprecatory forms

of politeness used at oriental Courts, suggested that, in the midst

of Yaghistan, he would not be able to hold his own even with 30,000

soldiers, unless the Maharaja placed Pahlivan, the son of the sister of

Aman-ul-Mulk at the head of the Government of Yasin even without troops,

as he had all the prestige of Aman-ul-Mulk on his side. At last, the Lord

of Srinagar said that he agreed to it, if Isa Bahadur could manage to

get Pahlivan appointed to Yasin, a matter which, naturally, was out of

his own control. Isa Bahadur then asked for troops, not against Chitrál,

whose interests would now be conciliated, but against the Dareylis and

the other hill tribes. So the Maharaja gave him the troops, warning him

at the same time to be on his guard against Pahlivan tampering with his

troops and so causing a general revolt against the Maharaja’s authority.

His Highness then ordered Asmat Shah to go to Yasin in order to keep a

watch on the movements of Pahlivan and to inform Wazîr Zoraweru of all

that was going on. Asmat Shah feared that his life would not be safe at

Yasin and wished for some other employment. The Maharaja then said his

salary should be Rs. 40 per mensem[99] and he should go with Isa Bahadur,

as Thanadar of Gakûtsh. Isa Bahadur, however, thought that it could not

be done and that it would be better to send him to Basîn. This was agreed

to and the two got ready to depart. The Maharaja advised him to take the

2,000 prisoners left at Gilgit back with him to Sher Kila, so that the

place might be well populated, a plan that would not only give him more

income from the produce of fields but provide him with assistance against

an enemy. “Leave,” he added, “your first wife at Gilgit, (as a hostage,

no doubt, for Isa’s fidelity to the Maharaja) and take your second wife

and her children with you to Shêr.” So they returned to Gilgît, Asmat

Shah setting up with his family at Basîn, where he is still and receives

his pay. Isa Bahadur also settled at Shêr in the manner suggested by the

Maharaja. He then sent Daulat Shù, a Zemindar of Gulmutti, eight kôs

from Shêr, to Aman-ul-Mulk of Chitrál asking him to appoint Pahlivan as

Governor of Yasin, who would be quite safe there. Daulat Shù was sent

because he knew the roads and had often gone to Chitrál. He reached

the place in seven days. Aman-ul-Mulk replied that he could not send

Pahlivan, unless Isa Bahadur also agreed to MIR VALI and Wazir Rahmat.

He gave Daulat Shù a parting present of a gun, sword and horse. Daulat

Shù told Isa Bahadur of the result of his mission. Isa at once set off

for Gilgit to consult with Zoraweru. He represented to him that unless

Aman-ul-Mulk was allowed to have his way, he himself could not hold his

own at Sher Kila. Zoraweru, upon this, gave him full permission to act

as he liked, taking the responsibility on his own shoulders in the event

of the Maharaja asking any questions, as the only means of securing some

peace. Isa then again despatched Daulat Shù in all haste, who reached

Chitrál in five days, with the message that Aman-ul-Mulk should do him

the favour of sending the three men he had suggested. Aman-ul-Mulk

entertained Daulat Shù for twenty days, during which time he assembled

2,000 young men and sent them to Yasin with Pahlivan, Mir Vali and

Rahmat. He made those three take an oath on the Koran that they would

never intrigue against each other, “for, if you do, you will fall an easy

prey to Isa Bahadur.” When they reached Yasin, they sent on Daulat Shù

to Isa Bahadur. The first thing they did was to get the fugitive Yasinis

back to their country which they ruled as in former days. Isa Bahadur was

glad at this and gave eight tolahs of gold to the messenger.[100]

IV.—WAR WITH NAGYR AND HUNZA. [1864]

Dardistan in 1866, 1886 and 1893 Being an account of the history, religions, customs, legends, fables, and songs of Gilgit, Chilas, Kandia (Gabrial), Dasin, Chitral, Hunsa, Nagyr, and other parts of the Hindukush, as also a supplement to the second edition of the Hunza and Nagyr handbook and an epitome of part III of the author's "The languages and races of Dardistan" · 第 4 / 8 章

Part II. of my “Languages and Races of Dardistan,” and to the main