And coloured silk spinning animal bind do = could.
_Mió_ _dudélo_ _tshût_ _biló_!
My milk-sweet late has become!
_The Husband_:
_Anì_ _Azari_ _rey_[26]
That Azari, [is] a Deodar cedar[?]
_Rajóy_, _nà_ _sómmo_? _anì_ _Azareo_ _rôk_ _bilôs_.
Kingly, is it not so [my] love! That Azari illness I have.
_Anì_ _Wazíreyn_ _shuyi_ _gas-mall_, _na_ _sommo_!
This Wazîr’s child princess, not [so] love?
_Bálli_ _dapújo_ _gî_ _bem_; _anì_ _pâr_
Then from my waist (girdle) taking I’ll sit; this beyond
_tshísheyn_.
the mountains.
_Súri_ _war_ _tshîsheyn_ _djondjì_[27] _tzáe_ _bijôte_.
Sun this side’s mountain birch tree(?) to you both.
_Somm_ _tshinèm_; _anù_ _shëò_ _qoáreyn_ _kinì_—_ga_
Alike I love; This white hawk black and
_Tshikki_[28] _méy_ _begà_ _beìh_; _balli_ _pashéjo_
fragrant bag mine being sit; Then on my turban
_gi_ _beyim_.
wearing I will sit.
_Translation of “A Woman’s Song.”_
_The deserted wife sings_:—My Pathan! oh kukúri, far away from me has he
made a home; but, aunt, what am I to do, since he has left his own! The
silk that I have been weaving during his absence would be sufficient to
bind all the animals of the field. Oh, how my darling is delaying his
return!
_The faithless husband sings_:—[My new love] Azari is like a royal
Deodar; is it not so, my love? for Azari I am sick with desire. She is
a Wazeer’s princess; is it not so, my love? Let me put you in my waist.
The sun on yonder mountain, and the tree on this nigh mountain, ye both I
love dearly. I will recline when this white hawk and her black fragrant
tresses become mine; encircling with them my head I will recline [in
happiness.]
6. THE JILTED LOVER’S DREAM.
[IN THE ASTORI DIALECT.]
_Tshunni_ _nazdik_ _mulayi_.[29]
(Oh) Little delicate [maid] woman.
_Barêyo_ _báro_, _na_.[30]
The husband old is, [is he not?]
_Hapótok_ _thyayé_ _gé_.
With a bear done it going, [you have “been and gone and done it.”]
_Sómmi_ _rátijo_ _Sómmi_ _shakejo_ _Mey nish harayé_
In the sleep of night The sleep from the arm. My sleep awake
_gé_. _Mashàq_ _phirì_ _phùt_ _talósto_.
has gone. Turning round again opening hastily I saw.
_Méy laktéy_ _píribann_ _tshîtsho_ _häun_. _Datshîno_ _hata-jó_
My darling waistband variegated was. Right hand-from
_aina_ _giní_, _Tshakéoje_ _wazze_. _Nu_ _kabbo_ _hata-jó_
mirror taking, Looking she came. This left hand-from
_surmá_ _giní_. _Paléoje_ _wazze_.
antimony taking, Applying she came.
The above describes the dream of a lover whose sweetheart has married one
older than herself; he says:
_Translation._
“That dear delicate little woman has a frightful old husband.
“Thou hast married a bear! In the dead of night, resting on my arm,
“My sleep became like waking. Hastily I turned and with a quick
glance saw
“That my darling’s waistband shone with many colours,
“That she advanced towards me holding in her right a mirror into
which she looked,
“That she came near me applying with her left the antimony to her
eyes.”
7. MODERN ASTORI SONG.
This Song was composed by Rajah Bahadur Khan, now at Astŏr, who fell in
love with the daughter of the Rajah of Hunza to whom he was affianced.
When the war between Kashmir and Hunza broke out, the Astoris and Hunzas
were in different camps; Rajah Bahadur Khan, son of Rajah Shakul Khan, of
the Shíah persuasion,[31] thus laments his misfortunes:
_Lotshúko_ _sabäin_ _kên_ _nimâz_ _thé_ _duwá_
Early in morning’s time [usual] prayers done supplication
_them_ _Qabûl thé_, _Rahîma_ _Garìbëy_ _duwa_
I make Accept, oh merciful [God] of the poor the prayer.
_Dòn_ _mahî_—_yeen_ _dim_
[her] teeth [are] of fish bone = like ivory, [her] body
_puru_—_yeen_ _tshamûye_ _tshîké_ _hane_ _me_ _armán_
[like a] reed[32] [her] hair musk is. My longing
_tûte_ _hane_ _Bulbúl_ _shakàr_.
to you is [Oh] nightingale sweet!
_Chorus_ falls in with “_hai, hai, armân bulbúl_” = “oh, oh, the longing
[for the] nightingale!”[33]
_Translation._
After having discharged my usual religious duties in the early morning,
I offer a prayer which, oh thou merciful God, accept from thy humble
worshipper. [Then, thinking of his beloved.] Her teeth are as white as
ivory, her body as graceful as a reed, her hair is like musk. My whole
longing is towards you, oh sweet nightingale.
Chorus: Alas, how absorbing this longing for the nightingale.
8. GURAIZI SONGS.
This district used to be under Ahmad Shah of Skardo, and has since
its conquest by Ghulab Singh come permanently under the Maharajah of
Kashmîr. Its possession used to be the apple of discord between the
Nawabs of Astor and the Rajahs of Skardo. It appears never to have
had a real Government of its own. The fertility of its valleys always
invited invasion. Yet the people are of Shîná origin and appear much
more manly than the other subjects of Kashmîr. Their loyalty to that
power is not much to be relied upon, but it is probable that with the
great intermixture which has taken place between them and the Kashmîri
Mussulmans for many years past, they will become equally demoralized.
The old territory of Guraiz used in former days to extend up to Kuyam
or Bandipur on the Wular Lake. The women are reputed to be very chaste,
and Colonel Gardiner told me that the handsomest women in Kashmîr came
from that district. To me, however, they appeared to be tolerably plain,
although rather innocent-looking, which may render them attractive,
especially after one has seen the handsome, but sensual-looking, women
of Kashmîr. The people of Guraiz are certainly very dirty, but they are
not so plain as the Chilásis. At Guraiz three languages are spoken:
Kashmîri, Guraizi (a corruption of a Shiná dialect), and Panjabi—the
latter on account of its occupation by the Maharajah’s officials. I found
some difficulty in getting a number of them together from the different
villages which compose the district of Guraiz, the Arcadia of Kashmir,
but I gave them food and money, and after I got them into a good humour
they sang:
GURAIZI HUNTING SONG.
_Guraizi._ _English._
_Pere, tshaké, gazàri meyaru_ = Look beyond! what a fine stag!
Beyond, look! a fine stag.
Chorus. _Pére, tshaké, djôk maar = Chorus. Look beyond! how
âke dey._ gracefully he struts.
Beyond, look! how he struts!
_Pére, tshaké, bhapûri bay bâro_ = Look beyond! he bears twelve
Beyond, look! shawl wool 12 loads. loads of wool.
Chorus. _Pére, tshaké, djôk maarâke = Chorus. Look beyond! how
dey._ gracefully he struts.
Beyond, look! how he does strut!
_Pére, tshaké, dòni shilélu_ = Look beyond! his very teeth
Beyond, look! [his] teeth are of are of crystal.
crystal [glass]
Chorus. _Pére, tshaké, djôk maarâke = Chorus. Look beyond! how
dey._ gracefully he struts.
This is apparently a hunting song, but seems also to be applied to
singing the praises of a favourite.
There is another song, which was evidently given with great gusto, in
praise of Sheir Shah Ali Shah, Rajah of Skardo.[34] That Rajah, who is
said to have temporarily conquered Chitrál, which the Chilasis call
Tshatshál,[35] made a road of steps up the Atsho mountain which overlooks
Bûnji, the most distant point reached before 1866 by travellers or the
Great Trigonometrical Survey. From the Atsho mountain Vigne returned,
“the suspicious Rajah of Gilgit suddenly giving orders for burning the
bridge over the Indus.” It is, however, more probable that his Astori
companions fabricated the story in order to prevent him from entering an
unfriendly territory in which Mr. Vigne’s life might have been in danger,
for had he reached Bûnji he might have known that the Indus never was
spanned by a bridge at that or any neighbouring point. The miserable
Kashmîri coolies and boatmen who were forced to go up-country with the
troops in 1866 were, some of them, employed, in rowing people across, and
that is how I got over the Indus at Bûnji; however to return from this
digression to the _Guraizi Song_:
9. PRAISE OF THE CONQUEROR SHEIR SHAH ALI SHAH.
_Guraizi._ _English._
Sheir Shah Ali Shah = Sheir Shah Ali Shah.
Nōmega djong = I wind myself round his name.[36]
Ká kōlo shing phuté = He conquering the crooked Lowlands.
Djar súntsho taréga = Made them quite straight.
Kâne Makponé = The great Khan, the Makpon.
Kâno nom mega djong = I wind myself round the Khan’s name.
Kó Tshamūgar bòsh phuté = He conquered bridging over [the Gilgit
river] below Tshamûgar.
Sar[37] súntsho taréga = And made all quite straight.
I believe there was much more of this historical song, but unfortunately
the paper on which the rest was written down by me as it was delivered,
has been lost together with other papers.
“Tshamūgar,” to which reference is made in the song, is a village on the
other side of the Gilgit river on the Nagyr side. It is right opposite to
where I stayed for two nights under a huge stone which projects from the
base of the Niludâr range on the Gilgit side.
There were formerly seven forts at Tshamūgar. A convention had been made
between the Rajah of Gilgit and the Rajah of Skardo, by which Tshamūgar
was divided by the two according to the natural division which a stream
that comes down from the Batkôr mountain made in that territory. The
people of Tshamūgar, impatient of the Skardo rule, became all of them
subjects to the Gilgit Rajah, on which Sher Shah Ali Shah, the ruler of
Skardo, collected an army, and crossing the Makpon-i-shagaron[38] at
the foot of the Haramûsh mountain, came upon Tshamūgar and diverted the
water which ran through that district into another direction. This was
the reason of the once fertile Tshamūgar becoming deserted; the forts
were razed to the ground. There are evidently traces of a river having
formerly run through Tshamūgar. The people say that the Skardo Rajah
stopped the flow of the water by throwing quicksilver into it. This is
probably a legend arising from the reputation which Ahmad Shah, the most
recent Skardo ruler whom the Guraizis can remember, had of dabbling in
medicine and sorcery.[39]
CHILASI SONGS.
[The Chilasis have a curious way of snapping their fingers, with which
practice they accompany their songs, the thumb running up and down the
fingers as on a musical instrument.]
10. CHILASI.
Tù hùn Gítshere bódje sòmmo dímm bamèm
Mèy shahínni pashalóto dewà salám dáute
Rás; Aje góje bómto méy dùddi aje nush
Hargìnn Zúe déy mo bejómos
Samat Khánay sóni mó báshémm tutàk
Mùugà deyto; mó dabtar dèm
11.
A. Tshekòn thónn; tikki wéy nush, oh Berader
Adòn; thōn; madéy nush; ey Berader
B. Hamírey tshûki, púki thàs, palútos
Ni rátey ló ne bĕy, oh Berader!
The last word in each sentence, as is usual with all Shín songs, is
repeated at the beginning of the next line. I may also remark that I have
accentuated the words _as pronounced in the songs_ and not as put down in
my Vocabulary.
_Translation._
MESSAGE TO A SWEETHEART BY A FRIEND.
You are going up to Gitshe, oh my dearest friend,
Give my compliment and salute when you see my hawk.
Speak to her. I must now go into my house; my mother is no more
And I fear the sting of that dragon,[40] my step-mother—
Oh noble daughter of Samat Khan; I will play the flute
And give its price and keep it in my bosom.
The second song describes a quarrel between two brothers who are resting
after a march on some hill far away from any water or food wherewith to
refresh themselves.
_Younger brother._—Am I to eat now, what am I to say, there is, oh
my brother, neither bread nor water.
Am I to fetch some [water] what am I to say, there is no masak
[a water-skin], oh my brother!
_Elder brother._—The lying nonsense of Hamir (the younger brother)
wounds me deeply (tears off the skin of my heart).
There will be no day to this long night, oh my brother!
12. THE TRANSITORINESS OF THIS WORLD.
_Kàka_, _mosè_ _djò_ _râum_ | _Mèy_ _dássga_ _nè bèy_ | _Tàbàm_
Brother! I what am to say? | My choice it is not | In the
_aresà_ _dáro_ | _Módje_ _làshga_ _nè béy_ | _Dajála_
whole of the present time | To me shame is not | The next
_éle_ _jilto_ | _Jáko_ _udàsóne_ _han_
world near has come | People despairing will be
_2nd Verse._
_Watàn_ _dáro_ _zár_ | _Tu_ _mashahúre_ _billé_ | _Ash_
In my country famous | You famous have become | To-day
_bajóni_ _dégi_ _bárri_ _musafiri_ | _Zari_ _mójo_
to get you prepared on a great journey | Openly me
_lai langíddi_ = _íje_ | _Djíll_ _mey_ _hawallí_ | _Sín qatída_
much pains | My soul is in your keeping | The river
_phúne_ | _Sudà_ _chogarong_
is flowing, the large flower | Of silver colour.[41]
A PRAYER OF THE BASHGELI KAFIRS.
[_In the Kalásha dialect._]
The ideas and many of the words in this prayer were evidently acquired by
my two Kafirs on their way through Kashmir:
“Khudá, tandrusti dé, prushkári rozì de, abattì kari, dewalat man. Tu
ghóna asas, tshik intara, tshik tu faidá káy asas. Sat asmán tì, Stru
suri mastruk mótshe dé.”
_MANNERS AND CUSTOMS._
A. AMUSEMENTS.
The Chaughan Bazi or Hockey on horseback, so popular everywhere north of
Kashmir, and which is called Polo by the Baltis and Ladakis, who both
play it to perfection and in a manner which I shall describe elsewhere,
is also well known to the Ghilgiti and Astori subdivisions of the Shina
people. On great general holidays as well as on any special occasion of
rejoicing, the people meet on those grounds which are mostly near the
larger villages, and pursue the game with great excitement and at the
risk of casualties. The first day I was at Astor, I had the greatest
difficulty in restoring to his senses a youth of the name of Rustem Ali
who, like a famous player of the same name at Mardo, was passionately
fond of the game, and had been thrown from his horse. The place of
meeting near Astor is called the Eedgah. The game is called TOPE in
Astor, and the grounds for playing it are called SHAJARAN. At Gilgit
the game is called BULLA, and the place SHAWARAN. The latter names are
evidently of Tibetan origin.
The people are also very fond of target practice, shooting with bows,
which they use dexterously but in which they do not excel the people
of Nagyr and Hunza. Game is much stalked during the winter. At Astor
any game shot on the three principal hills—_Tshhamô_, a high hill
opposite the fort, _Demídeldèn_ and _Tshólokot_—belong to the Nawab of
Astor—the sportsman receiving only the head, legs and a haunch—or to his
representative, then the Tahsildar Munshi Rozi Khan. At Gilgit everybody
claims what he may have shot, but it is customary for the Nawab to
receive some share of it. Men are especially appointed to watch and track
game, and when they discover their whereabouts notice is sent to the
villages from which parties issue, accompanied by musicians, and surround
the game. Early in the morning, when the “Lóhe” dawns, the musicians
begin to play and a great noise is made which frightens the game into the
several directions where the sportsmen are placed.
The guns are matchlocks and are called in Gilgiti “_turmàk_” and in Astór
“tumák.” At Gilgit they manufacture the guns themselves or receive them
from Badakhshan. The balls have only a slight coating of lead, the inside
generally being a little stone. The people of Hunza and Nagyr invariably
place their guns on little wooden pegs which are permanently fixed to
the gun and are called “Dugazá.” The guns are much lighter than those
manufactured elsewhere, much shorter and carry much smaller bullets than
the matchlock of the Maharajah’s troops. They carry very much farther
than any native Indian gun and are fired with almost unerring accuracy.
For “small shot” little stones of any shape—the longest and oval ones
being preferred—are used. There is one kind of stone especially which is
much used for that purpose; it is called “Balósh Batt,” which is found
in Hanza, Nagyr, Skardo, and near the “Demídeldèn” hill already noticed,
at a village called Pareshinghi near Astor. It is a very soft stone and
large cooking utensils are cut out from it, whence the name, “Balósh”
Kettle, “Batt” stone, “Balósh Batt.” The stone is cut out with a chisel
and hammer; the former is called “Gútt” in Astori and “Gukk” in Gilgiti;
the hammer “toá” and “Totshúng” and in Gilgiti “samdenn.” The gunpowder
is manufactured by the people themselves.[42]
The people also play at backgammon, [called in Astóri “Patshis,” and
“TAKK” in Gilgiti,] with dice [called in Astóri and also in Gilgiti
“dall.”]
Fighting with iron wristbands is confined to Chilasi women who bring them
over their fists which they are said to use with effect.
The people are also fond of wrestling, of butting each other whilst
hopping, etc.
To play the Jew’s harp is considered meritorious as King David played it.
All other music good Mussulmans are bid to avoid.
The “Sitara” [the Eastern Guitar] used to be much played in Yassen, the
people of which country as well as the people of Hunza and Nagyr excel
in dancing, singing and playing. After them come the Gilgitis, then the
Astoris, Chilasis, Baltis, etc. The people of Nagyr are a comparatively
mild race. They carry on goldwashing which is constantly interrupted by
kidnapping parties from the opposite Hunza. The language of Nagyr and
Hunza is the Non-Aryan Khajuná and no affinity between that language and
any other has yet been traced. The Nagyris are mostly Shiahs. They are
short and stout and fairer than the people of Hunza [the Kunjûtis] who
are described[43] as “tall skeletons” and who are desperate robbers. The
Nagyris understand Tibetan, Persian and Hindustani. Badakhshan merchants
were the only ones who could travel with perfect safety through Yassen,
Chitral and Hunza.
DANCES[44]
Fall into two main divisions: “slow” or “Búti Harip” = Slow Instrument
and Quick “Danni Harip,” = Quick Instrument. The Yassen, Nagyr and Hunza
people dance quickest; then come the Gilgitis; then the Astóris; then the
Baltis, and slowest of all are the Ladakis.
When all join in the dance, cheer or sing with gesticulations, the dance
or recitative is called “thapnatt” in Gilgiti, and “Burró” in Astóri.
When there is a solo dance it is called “nàtt” in Gilgiti, and “nott” in
Astóri.
“Cheering” is called “Halamush” in Ghilgiti, and “Halamùsh” in Astóri.
Clapping of hands is called “tza.” Cries of “_Yú_, Yú dea; tza theá, Hiú
Hiú dea; Halamush thea; shabâsh” accompany the performances.
There are several kinds of Dances. The PRASULKI NATE, is danced by ten or
twelve people ranging themselves behind the bride as soon as she reaches
the bridegroom’s house. This custom is observed at Astor. In this dance
men swing above sticks or whatever they may happen to hold in their
hands.
[Illustration: A DANCE AT GILGIT (DR. LEITNER AND HIS PANJABI ATTENDANTS
LOOKING ON).]
The BURÓ NATT is a dance performed on the Nao holiday, in which both men
and women engage—the women forming a ring round the central group of
dancers, which is composed of men. This dance is called THAPPNATT at
Gilgit. In Dareyl there is a dance in which the dancers wield swords and
engage in a mimic fight. This dance Gilgitis and Astòris call the _Darelâ
nat_, but what it is called by the Dareylis themselves I do not know.
The mantle dance is called “GOJA NAT.” In this popular dance the dancer
throws his cloth over his extended arm.
When I sent a man round with a drum inviting all the Dards that were to
be found at Gilgit to a festival, a large number of men appeared, much
to the surprise of the invading Dogras, who thought that they had all
run to the hills. A few sheep were roasted for their benefit; bread and
fruit were also given them, and when I thought they were getting into
a good humour, I proposed that they should sing. Musicians had been
procured with great difficulty, and after some demur, the Gilgitis sang
and danced. At first, only one at a time danced, taking his sleeves well
over his arm so as to let it fall over, and then moving it up and down
according to the cadence of the music. The movements were, at first,
slow, one hand hanging down, the other being extended with a commanding
gesture. The left foot appeared to be principally engaged in moving or
rather jerking the body forward. All sorts of “pas seuls” were danced;
sometimes a rude imitation of the Indian Nátsh; the by-standers clapping
their hands and crying out “Shabâsh”; one man, a sort of Master of
Ceremonies, used to run in and out amongst them, brandishing a stick,
with which, in spite of his very violent gestures, he only lightly
touched the bystanders, and exciting them to cheering by repeated calls,
which the rest then took up, of “Hiù, Hiù.” The most extraordinary dance,
however, was when about twelve men arose to dance, of whom six went on
one side and six on the other, both sides then, moving forward, jerked
out their arms so as to look as if they had all crossed swords, then
receded and let their arms drop. This was a war dance, and I was told
that properly it ought to have been danced with swords, which, however,
out of suspicion of the Dogras, did not seem to be forthcoming. They
then formed a circle, again separated, the movements becoming more and
more violent till almost all the bystanders joined in the dance, shouting
like fiends and literally _kicking_ up a frightful amount of dust, which,
after I had nearly become choked with it, compelled me to retire.[45] I
may also notice that before a song is sung the rhythm and melody of it
are given in “solo” by some one, for instance
Dānă dāng dānŭ dăngdā
nădañg dānŭ, etc., etc., etc.
B. BEVERAGES.
BEER.
Fine corn (about five or six _seers_ in weight) is put into a kettle with
water and boiled till it gets soft, but not pulpy. It is then strained
through a cloth, and the grain retained and put into a vessel. Then it
is mixed with a drug that comes from Ladak which is called “Papps,” and
has a salty taste, but in my opinion is nothing more than hardened dough
with which some kind of drug is mixed. It is necessary that “the marks of
four fingers” be impressed upon the “Papps.” The mark of “four fingers”
make one stick, 2 fingers’ mark ½ a stick, and so forth. This is scraped
and mixed with the corn. The whole is then put into an earthen jar with
a narrow neck, after it has received an infusion of an amount of water
equal to the proportion of corn. The jar is put out into the sun—if
summer—for twelve days, or under the fire-place—if in winter—[where a
separate vault is made for it]—for the same period. The orifice is almost
hermetically closed with a skin. After twelve days the jar is opened and
contains a drink possessing intoxicating qualities. The first infusion
is much prized, but the corn receives a second and sometimes even a
third supply of water, to be put out again in a similar manner and to
provide a kind of Beer for the consumer. This Beer is called “Mō,” and is
much drunk by the Astóris and Chilasis [the latter are rather stricter
Mussulmans than the other Shiná people]. After every strength has been
taken out of the corn it is given away as food to sheep, etc., which they
find exceedingly nourishing.
WINE.[46]
The Gilgitis are great wine-drinkers, though not so much as the people
of Hunza. In Nagyr little wine is made. The mode of the preparation
of the wine is a simple one. The grapes are stamped out by a man who,
fortunately before entering into the wine press, washes his feet and
hands. The juice flows into another reservoir, which is first well
laid round with stones, over which a cement is put of chalk mixed
with sheep-fat which is previously heated. The juice is kept in this
reservoir; the top is closed, cement being put round the sides and only
in the middle an opening is made over which a loose stone is placed.
After two or three months the reservoir is opened, and the wine is used
at meals and festivals. In Dareyl (and not in Gilgit, as was told to
Vigne,) the custom is to sit round the grave of the deceased and eat
grapes, nuts and Tshilgōzas (edible pine). In Astor (and in Chilâs?) the
custom is to put a number of Ghi (clarified butter) cakes before the
Mulla, [after the earth has been put on the deceased] who, after reading
prayers over them, distributes them to the company who are standing round
with their caps on. In Gilgit, three days after the burial, bread is
generally distributed to the friends and acquaintances of the deceased.
To return to the wine presses, it is to be noticed that no one ever
interferes with the store of another. I passed several of them on my road
from Tshakerkōt onward, but they appeared to have been destroyed. This
brings me to another custom which all the Dards seem to have of burying
provisions of every kind in cellars that are scooped out in the mountains
or near their houses, and of which they alone have any knowledge. The
Maharajah’s troops when invading Gilgit often suffered severely from
want of food when, unknown to them, large stores of grain of every kind,
butter, ghi, etc., were buried close to them. The Gilgitis and other
so-called rebels, generally, were well off, knowing where to go for food.
Even in subject Astor it is the custom to lay up provisions in this
manner. On the day of birth of anyone in that country it is the custom
to bury a stock of provisions which are opened on the day of betrothal
of the young man and distributed. The ghi, which by that time turns
frightfully sour, and [to our taste] unpalatable and the colour of which
is red, is esteemed a great delicacy and is said to bring much luck.
The chalk used for cementing the stones is called “San Bàtt.” Grapes
are called “Djatsh,” and are said, together with wine, to have been
the principal food of Ghazanfar, the Rajah of Hunza, of whom it is
reported that when he heard of the arrival of the first European in Astor
(probably Vigne) he fled to a fort called Gojal and shut himself up in it
with his flocks, family and retainers. He had been told that the European
was a great sorcerer, who carried an army with him in his trunks and who
had serpents at his command that stretched themselves over any river in
his way to afford him a passage. I found this reputation of European
sorcery of great use, and the wild mountaineers looked with respect and
awe on a little box which I carried with me, and which contained some
pictures of clowns and soldiers belonging to a small magic lantern. The
Gilgitis consider the use of wine as unlawful; probably it is not very
long since they have become so religious and drink it with remorse. My
Gilgitis told me that the Mughullí—a sect living in Hunza, Gojal, Yassen
and Punyal[47]—considered the use of wine with prayers to be rather
meritorious than otherwise. A Drunkard is called “Máto.”
C. BIRTH CEREMONIES.
As soon as the child is born the father or the Mulla repeats the “Bâng”
in his ear “Allah Akbar” (which an Astóri, of the name of Mirza Khan,
said was never again repeated in one’s life!). Three days after the
reading of the “Bâng” or “Namáz” in Gilgit and seven days after that
ceremony in Astor, a large company assembles in which the father or
grandfather of the newborn gives him a name or the Mulla fixes on a
name by putting his hand on some word in the Koran, which may serve
the purpose or by getting somebody else to fix his hand at random on a
passage or word in the Koran. Men and women assemble at that meeting.
There appears to be no pardah whatsoever in Dardu land, and the women are
remarkably chaste.[48] The little imitation of pardah amongst the Ranis
of Gilgit was a mere fashion imported from elsewhere. Till the child
receives a name the woman is declared impure for the seven days previous
to the ceremony. In Gilgit 27 days are allowed to elapse till the woman
is declared pure. Then the bed and clothes are washed and the woman is
restored to the company of her husband and the visits of her friends. Men
and women eat together everywhere in Dardu land. In Astór, raw milk alone
cannot be drunk together with a woman unless thereby it is intended that
she should be a sister by faith and come within the prohibited degrees of
relationship. When men drink of the same raw milk they thereby swear each
other eternal friendship. In Gilgit this custom does not exist, but it
will at once be perceived that much of what has been noted above belongs
to Mussulman custom generally. When a son is born great rejoicings take
place, and in Gilgit a musket is fired off by the father whilst the
“Bâng” is being read.
D. MARRIAGE.
In Gilgit it appears to be a more simple ceremony than in Chilâs and
Astór. The father of the boy goes to the father of the girl and presents
him with a knife about 1½ feet long, 4 yards of cloth and a pumpkin
filled with wine. If the father accepts the present the betrothal is
arranged. It is generally the fashion that after the betrothal, which is
named: “_Shéir qatar wíye, ballí píye_, = 4 yards of cloth and a knife
he has given, the pumpkin he has drunk,” the marriage takes place. A
betrothal is inviolable, and is only dissolved by death so far as the
woman is concerned. The young man is at liberty to dissolve the contract.
When the marriage day arrives the men and women who are acquainted with
the parties range themselves in rows at the house of the bride, the
bridegroom with her at his left sitting together at the end of the row.
The Mulla then reads the prayers, the ceremony is completed and the
playing, dancing and drinking begin. It is considered the proper thing
for the bridegroom’s father, if he belongs to the true Shín race, to pay
12 tolas of gold of the value [at Gilgit] of 15 Rupees Nanakshahi (10
annas each) to the bride’s father, who, however, generally, returns it
with the bride, in kind—dresses, ornaments, &c., &c. The 12 tolas are not
always, or even generally, taken in gold, but oftener in kind—clothes,
provisions and ornaments. At Astór the ceremony seems to be a little more
complicated. There the arrangements are managed by third parties; an
agent being appointed on either side. The father of the young man sends
a present of a needle and three real (red) “múngs” called “lújum” in
Chilâsi, which, if accepted, establishes the betrothal of the parties.
Then the father of the bride demands _pro formâ_ 12 tolas [which in Astór
and Chilâs are worth 24 Rupees of the value of ten annas each.]
All real “Shín” people must pay this dowry for their wives in money,
provisions or in the clothes which the bride’s father may require. The
marriage takes place when the girl reaches puberty, or perhaps rather
the age when she is considered fit to be married. It may be mentioned
here in general terms that those features in the ceremony which remind
one of Indian customs are undoubtedly of Indian origin introduced into
the country since the occupation of Astór by the Maharaja’s troops.
Gilgit which is further off is less subject to such influences, and
whatever it may have of civilization is indigenous or more so than is the
case at Astór, the roughness of whose manners is truly Chilâsi, whilst
its apparent refinement in some things is a foreign importation.
When the marriage ceremony commences the young man, accompanied by twelve
of his friends and by musicians, sits in front of the girl’s house. The
mother of the girl brings out bread and Ghi-cakes on plates, which she
places before the bridegroom, round whom she goes three times, caressing
him and finally kissing his hand. The bridegroom then sends her back
with a present of a few rupees or tolas in the emptied plates. Then,
after some time, as the evening draws on, the agent of the father of the
boy sends to say that it is time that the ceremony should commence. The
mother of the bride then stands in the doorway of her house with a few
other platefuls of cakes and bread, and the young man accompanied by his
bridesman [“Shunèrr” in Astóri and “Shamaderr” in Gilgiti,] enters the
house. At his approach, the girl, who also has her particular friend,
the “Shaneróy” in Astóri, and “Shamaderoy” in Gilgiti, rises. The boy is
seated at her right, but both in Astór and in Gilgit it is considered
indecent for the boy to turn round and look at her. Then a particular
friend, the “Dharm-bhai”[49] of the girl’s brother asks her if she
consents to the marriage. In receiving, or imagining, an affirmative,
he turns round to the Mulla, who after asking three times whether he,
she and the bridegroom as well as all present are satisfied, reads the
prayers and completes the ceremonial. Then some rice, boiled in milk, is
brought in, of which the boy and the girl take a spoonful. They do not
retire the first night, but grace the company with their presence. The
people assembled then amuse themselves by hearing the musicians, eating,
&c.
It appears to be the custom that a person leaves an entertainment
whenever he likes, which is generally the case after he has eaten enough.
It must, however, not be imagined that the sexes are secluded from
each other in Dardistan. Young people have continual opportunities of
meeting each other in the fields at their work or at festive gatherings.
Love declarations often take place on these occasions, but if any evil
intention is perceived the seducer of a girl is punished by this savage,
but virtuous, race with death. The Dards know and speak of the existence
of “pure love,” “pâk âshiqi.” Their love songs show sufficiently that
they are capable of a deeper, than mere sexual, feeling. No objection to
lawful love terminating in matrimony is ever made unless the girl or the
boy is of a lower caste. In Gilgit, however, the girl may be of a lower
caste than the bridegroom. In Astór it appears that a young man, whose
parents—to whom he must mention his desire for marrying any particular
person—refuse to intercede, often attains his point by threatening to
live in the family of the bride and become an adopted son. A “Shîn” of
true race at Astor may live in concubinage with a girl of lower caste,
but the relatives of the girl if they discover the intrigue revenge the
insult by murdering the paramour, who, however, does not lose caste by
the alliance.
The bridegroom dances as well as his twelve companions. The girl ought
not to be older than 15 years; but at 12 girls are generally engaged.[50]
The Balti custom of having merely a _claim to dowry_ on the part of the
woman—the prosecution of which claim so often depends on her satisfaction
with her husband or the rapacity of her relatives—is in spite of the
intercourse of the Baltis with the Shîn people never observed by the
latter; not even by the Shîn colonists of little Tibet who are called
“Brokhpá.”
When the bridegroom has to go for his bride to a distant village he is
furnished with a bow. On arriving at his native place he crosses the
breast of his bride with an arrow and then shoots it off. He generally
shoots three arrows off in the direction of his home.
At Astór the custom is sometimes to fire guns as a sign of rejoicing.
This is not done at Gilgit.
When the bridegroom fetches his bride on the second day to his own home,
the girl is crying with the women of her household and the young man
catches hold of her dress in front (at Gilgit by the hand) and leads
her to the door. If the girl cannot get over embracing her people and
crying with them quickly, the twelve men who have come along with the
bridegroom (who in Astóri are called “hilalée” = bridegrooms and “garóni”
in Gilgiti) sing the following song:—
INVITATION TO THE BRIDE.
_Nikàstalì_ _quáray kusúni_ (_“astali” is added to the fem. Imp_).
Come out hawk’s daughter.
_Nikastali_ _ke_ _karaníliè_ (“_balanîle_,” in Gilgiti).
Come out why delayest thou!
_Nikastali_ _máleyn_ _gutíjo_.
Come out (from) thy father’s tent.
_Nikastali_ _ke_ _karaníliè_.
Come out why delayest thou.
_Né ro_ _tsharéyn_ _baráye_.
Do not weep waterfall’s fairy.
_Né ro_ _teyn_ _róng_ _boje_.
Do not weep thy colour will go.
_Né ro_ _jaro_ _shidati_.
Do not weep brethren’s beloved.
_Né ro_ _téy_ _róng_ _boje_.
Do not weep thy colour will go.
_Né ro_ _maleyn_ _shidati_.
Do not weep father’s beloved.
_Né ro_ _téy_ _róng_ _boje_.
Do not weep thy colour will go.
_Translation._
Come out, O daughter of the hawk!
Come out, why dost thou delay?
Come forth from thy father’s tent,
Come out and do not delay.
Weep not! O fairy of the waterfall!
Weep not! thy colour will fade;
Weep not! thou art the beloved of us all who are thy brethren,
Weep not! thy colour will fade.
O Weep not! thou beloved of fathers, [or “thy father’s darling.”]
For if thou weepest, thy face will grow pale.
Then the young man catches hold of her dress, or in Gilgit of her arm,
puts her on horseback, and rides off with her, heedless of her tears and
of those of her companions.
E. FUNERALS.
Funerals are conducted in a very simple manner. The custom of eating
grapes at funerals I have already touched upon in my allusion to Dureyl
in the chapter on “Wine.” Bread is commonly distributed together with
Ghî, etc., three days after the funeral, to people in general, a custom
which is called “Nashí” by the Astóris, and “Khatm” by the Gilgitis.
When a person is dead, the Mulla, assisted generally by a near friend
of the deceased, washes the body which is then placed in a shroud.
Women assemble, weep and relate the virtues of the deceased. The body
is conveyed to the grave the very day of the decease. In Astor there is
something in the shape of a bier for conveying the dead. At Gilgit two
poles, across which little bits of wood are placed sideways and then
fastened, serve for the same purpose. The persons who carry the body
think it a meritorious act. The women accompany the body for some fifty
yards and then return to the house to weep. The body is then placed in
the earth which has been dug up to admit of its interment. Sometimes the
grave is well-cemented and a kind of small vault is made over it with
pieces of wood closely jammed together. A Pîr or saint receives a hewn
stone standing as a sign-post from the tomb. I have seen no inscriptions
anywhere. The tomb of one of their famous saints at Gilgit has none. I
have heard people there say that he was killed at that place in order
to provide the country with a shrine. My Gilgiti who, like all his
countrymen, was very patriotic, denied it, but I heard it at Gilgit from
several persons, among whom was one of the descendants of the saint. As
the Saint was a Kashmiri, the veracity of his descendant may be doubted.
To return to the funeral. The body is conveyed to the cemetery, which
is generally at some distance from the village, accompanied by friends.
When they reach the spot the Mulla reads the prayers standing as in
the “Djenazá”—any genuflexion, “ruku” رکوعand prostration are, of
course, inadmissible. After the body has been interred the Mulla recites
the Fatiha, [opening prayer of the Koran] all people standing up and
holding out their hands as if they were reading a book. The Mulla prays
that the deceased may be preserved from the fire of hell as he was a
good man, etc. Then after a short benediction the people separate. For
three days at Gilgit and seven days at Astor the near relatives of the
deceased do not eat meat. After that period the grave is again visited
by the deceased’s friends, who, on reaching the grave, eat some ghí and
bread, offer up prayers, and, on returning, slaughter a sheep, whose
kidney is roasted and divided in small bits amongst those present. Bread
is distributed amongst those present and a little feast is indulged in,
in memory of the deceased. I doubt, however, whether the Gilgitis are
very exact in their religious exercises. The mention of death was always
received with shouts of laughter by them, and one of them told me that a
dead person deserved only to be kicked. He possibly only joked and there
can be little doubt that the Gilgit people are not very communicative
about their better feelings. It would be ridiculous, however, to deny
them the possession of natural feelings, although I certainly believe
that they are not over-burdened with sentiment. In Astór the influence of
Kashmir has made the people attend a little more to the ceremonies of the
Mussulman religion.
In Chilâs rigour is observed in the maintenance of religious practices,
but elsewhere there exists the greatest laxity. In fact, so rude are the
people that they have no written character of their own, and till very
recently the art of writing (Persian) was confined to, perhaps, the Rajas
of these countries or rather to their Munshis, whenever they had any.
Some of them may be able to read the Koran. Even this I doubt, as of
hundreds of people I saw only one who could read at Gilgit, and he was a
Kashmiri who had travelled far and wide and had at last settled in that
country.
F. HOLIDAYS.
The great holiday of the Shîn people happened in 1867, during the
month succeeding the Ramazan, but seems to be generally on the sixth
of February. It is called the “Shinó náo,” “the new day of the Shîn
people.” The Gilgitis call the day “Shinó bazóno,” “the spring of the
Shîn people.” [The year, it will be remembered, is divided into bazono
= spring; walo = summer; shero = autumn; yono = winter.] The snow is
now becoming a little softer and out-of-door life is more possible. The
festivities are kept up for twelve days. Visits take place and man and
wife are invited out to dinner during that period. Formerly, when the
Shîns had a Raja or Nawab of their own, it used to be the custom for
women to dance during those twelve days. Now the advent of the Sepoys and
the ridiculous pseudo-morality of the Kashmir rule have introduced a kind
of Pardah and the chaste Shîn women do not like to expose themselves to
the strangers. Then there is the Naurôz, which is celebrated for three,
and sometimes for six, days.
There are now five great holidays in the year:
The I’d of Ramazân.
The Shinó-Náo.
The Naurôz.
Kurbanī I’d.
The Kùy Náo,[51] { Astóri.
Dúmniká, { Gilgiti.
On the last-named holiday the game of Polo is played, good clothes are
put on, and men and women amuse themselves at public meetings.
The Shîn people are very patriotic. Since the Maharaja’s rule many of
their old customs have died out, and the separation of the sexes is
becoming greater. Their great national festival I have already described
under the head of “Historical Legend of Gilgit” (pages 14 to 16).
G. THE RELIGIOUS IDEAS OF THE DARDS.
If the Dards—the races living between the Hindu-Kush and Kaghán—have
preserved many Aryan customs and traditions, it is partly because they
have lived in almost perfect seclusion from other Muhammadans. In
Chilâs, where the Sunni form of that faith prevails, there is little to
relieve the austerity of that creed. The rest of the Muhammadan Dards
are Shiahs, and that belief is more elastic and seems to be more suited
to a quick-witted race, than the orthodox form of Islam. Sunniism,
however, is advancing in Dardistan and will, no doubt, sweep away many
of the existing traditions. The progress, too, of the present invasion
by Kashmir, which, although governed by Hindus, is chiefly Sunni, will
familiarize the Dards with the notions of orthodox Muhammadans and will
tend to substitute a monotonous worship for a multiform superstition. I
have already noticed that, in spite of the exclusiveness of Hinduism,
attempts are made by the Maharaja of Kashmir to gather into the fold
those races and creeds which, merely because they are not Muhammadan,
are induced by him to consider themselves Hindu. For instance, the Siah
Posh Kafirs, whom I venture also to consider Dards, have an ancient form
of nature-worship which is being encroached upon by Hindu myths, not
because they are altogether congenial but because they constitute the
religion of the enemies of Muhammadans, their own bitter foes who kidnap
the pretty Kafir girls and to kill whom establishes a claim among Kafirs
to consideration. In the same way there is a revival of Hinduism in the
Buddhist countries of Ladak and Zanskar, which belong to Kashmir, and
ideas of caste are welcomed where a few years ago they were unknown. As
no one can become a Hindu, but any one can become a Muhammadan, Hinduism
is at a natural disadvantage in its contact with an advancing creed and,
therefore, there is the more reason why zealous Hindus should seek to
strengthen themselves by amalgamation with other idolatrous creeds. To
return to the Mussulman Dards, it will be easy to perceive by a reference
to my ethnographical vocabulary what notions are Muhammadan and what
traces there remain of a more ancient belief. The “world of Gods” is not
the mere اخرة which their professed religion teaches, nor is the
“serpent world” a Muhammadan term for our present existence. Of course,
their Maulvis may read “religious lessons” and talk to them of Paradise
and Hell, but it is from a more ancient source that they derive a kindly
sympathy with the evil spirits “Yatsh;” credit them with good actions,
describe their worship of the sun and moon, and fill the interior of
mountains with their palaces and songs. Again, it is not Islam that tells
them of the regeneration of their country by fairies—that places these
lovely beings on the top of the Himalayas and makes them visit, and
ally themselves to, mankind. The fairies too are not all good, as the
Yatsh are not all bad. They destroy the man who seeks to surprise their
secrets, although, perhaps, they condone the offence by making him live
for ever after in fairy-land. Indeed, the more we look into the national
life of the Dards the less do we find it tinctured by Muhammadan distaste
of compromise. Outwardly their customs may conform to that ceremonial,
but when they make death an opportunity for jokes and amusement we cannot
refuse attention to the circumstance by merely explaining it away on the
ground that they are savages. I have noticed the prevalence of caste
among them, how proud they are of their Shîn descent, how little (with
the exception of the more devout Chilâsis) they draw upon Scripture for
their personal names, how they honour women and how they like the dog, an
animal deemed unclean by other Muhammadans. The Dards had no hesitation
in eating with me, but I should not be surprised to hear that they did
not do so when Mr. Hayward visited them, for the Hinduized Mussulman
servants that one takes on tours might have availed themselves of their
supposed superior knowledge of the faith to inform the natives that they
were making an improper concession to an infidel. A good many Dards,
however, have the impression that the English are Mussulmans—a belief
that would not deter them from killing or robbing a European traveller in
some districts, if he had anything “worth taking.” Gouhar-Amán [called
“Gôrmán” by the people] of Yasin used to say that as the Koran, the word
of God, was sold, there could be no objection to sell an expounder of
the word of God, a Mulla, who unfortunately fell into his hands. I did
not meet any real Shîn who was a Mulla,[52] but I have no doubt that,
especially in Hunza, they are using the services of Mullas in order to
give a religious sanction to their predatory excursions. I have said
that the Dards were generally Shiahs—perhaps I ought not to include
the Shiah Hunzas among Dards as they speak a non-Aryan language unlike
any other that I know[53]—and as a rule the Shiahs are preyed upon by
Sunnis. Shiah children are kidnapped by Sunnis as an act both religious
and profitable. Shiahs have to go through the markets of Bokhara denying
their religion, for which deception, by the way, they have the sanction
of their own priests.[54] Can we, therefore, wonder that the Mulái Hunzas
make the best of both worlds by preferring to kidnap Sunnis to their
own co-religionists? A very curious fact is the attachment of Shiahs to
their distant priesthood. We know how the Indian Shiahs look to Persia;
how all expect the advent of their Messiah, the Imám Mahdi; how the
appointment of Kazis (civil functionaries) is made through the Mujtehid
[a kind of high priest] and is ratified by the ruling power, rather than
emanate direct from the secular authorities, as is the case with Sunnis.
The well-known Sayad residing at Bombay, Agha Khan, has adherents even
in Dardistan, and any command that may reach them from him [generally
a demand for money] is obeyed implicitly. Indeed, throughout India and
Central Asia there are men, some of whom lead an apparently obscure
life, whose importance for good or evil should not be underrated by the
authorities. [See my “Hunza and Nagyr Handbook, 1893.”]
What we know about the religion of the Siah-Posh Kafirs [whom I include
in the term “Dards”] is very little. My informants were two Kafir lads,
who lived for some weeks in my compound and whose religious notions had,
no doubt, been affected on their way down through Kashmir. That they go
once a year to the top of a mountain as a religious exercise and put a
stone on to a cairn; that the number of Muhammadan heads hung up in front
of their doors indicates their position in the tribe; that they are said
to sit on benches rather than squat on the ground like other Asiatics:
that they are reported to like all those who wear a curl in front; that
they are fair and have blue eyes, that they drink a portion of the blood
of a killed enemy—this and the few words which have been collected of
their language is very nearly all we have hitherto known about them.
What I have been able to ascertain regarding them, will be mentioned
elsewhere.[55]
H. FORMS OF GOVERNMENT AMONG THE DARDS.
Chilâs, which sends a tribute every year to Kashmir for the sake of
larger return-presents rather than as a sign of subjection, is said to be
governed by a council of elders, in which even women are admitted.[56]
When I visited Gilgit, in 1866, it was practically without a ruler, the
invading troops of Kashmir barely holding their own within a few yards
of the Gilgit Fort—a remarkable construction which, according to the
report of newspapers, was blown up by accident in 1876, and of which the
only record is the drawing published in the _Illustrated London News_ of
the 12th February 1870.[57] There is now (1877) a Thanadar of Gilgit,
whose rule is probably not very different from that of his rapacious
colleagues in Kashmir. The Gilgitis are kept quiet by the presence of
the Kashmir army, and by the fact that their chiefs are prisoners at
Srinagar, where other representatives of once reigning houses are also
under surveillance. Mansur Ali Khan, the supposed rightful Raja of
Gilgit is there; he is the son of Asghar Ali Khan, son of Raja Khan, son
of Gurtam Khan—but legitimate descent has little weight in countries
that are constantly disturbed by violence, except in Hunza, where the
supreme right to rob is hereditary.[58] The Gilgitis, who are a little
more settled than their neighbours to the West, North and South, and who
possess the most refined Dardu dialect and traditions, were constantly
exposed to marauding parties, and the late ruler of Yasin, Gouhar-Amán,
who had conquered Gilgit, made it a practice to sell them into slavery on
the pretext that they were Shiahs and infidels. Yasin was lately ruled
by Mir Wali, the supposed murderer of Mr. Hayward, and is a dependency
of Chitrál, a country which is ruled by Amán-ul-mulk. The Hunza people
are under Ghazan Khan, the son of Ghazanfar,[59] and seem to delight in
plundering their Kirghiz neighbours, although all travellers through that
inhospitable region, with the exception of Badakhshan merchants, are
impartially attacked by these robbers, whose depredations have caused the
nearest pass from Central Asia to India to be almost entirely deserted
(1866). At Gilgit I saw the young Raja of Nagyr, with a servant, also a
Nagyri. He was a most amiable and intelligent lad, whose articulation
was very much more refined than that of his companion, who prefixed a
guttural to every Khajuná word beginning with a vowel. The boy was kept
a prisoner in the Gilgit Fort as a hostage to Kashmir for his father’s
good behaviour, and it was with some difficulty that he was allowed to
see me and answer certain linguistic questions which I put to him. If he
has not been sent back to his country, it would be a good opportunity for
our Government to get him to the Panjab in the cold weather with the view
of our obtaining more detailed information than we now possess regarding
the Khajuná, that extraordinary language to which I have several times
alluded. [This was done on my second official mission to Kashmir in 1886.]
The name of _Rá_, _Rásh_, _Raja_, applied to Muhammadans, may sound
singular to those accustomed to connect them with Hindu rulers but it
is the ancient name for “King” at Gilgit (for which “Nawab” seems a
modern substitute in that country)—whilst Shah Kathor[60] in Chitrál,
Tham in Hunza and Nagyr, Mitérr (Mihtar) and Bakhté in Yasin and Trakhné
in Gilgit offer food for speculation. The Hunza people say that the
King’s race is Mogholote (or Mogul?); they call the King _Sawwash_ and
affirm that he is Aishea (this probably means that he is descended from
Ayesha, the wife of Muhammad).[61] Under the king or chief, for the time
being, the most daring or intriguing hold office and a new element of
disturbance has now been introduced into Dardistan by the Kashmir faction
at every court [or rather robber’s nest] which seeks to advance the
interests or ulterior plans of conquest of the Maharaja, our feudatory.
Whilst the name of Wazir is now common for a “minister,” we find the
names of the subordinate offices of Trangpá, Yarfá, Zeytú, Gopá, etc.,
etc., which point to the reminiscences of Tibetan Government and a
reference to the “Official Designations” in Part II. of my “Dardistan”
will direct speculation on other matters connected with the subject.
I need scarcely add that under a Government, like that of Chitrál,
which used to derive a large portion of its revenue from kidnapping,
the position of the official slave-dealer (Diwánbigi)[62] was a high
one. Shortly before I visited Gilgit, a man used to sell for a good
hunting dog (of which animal the Dards are very fond), two men for a
pony and three men for a large piece of pattú (a kind of woollen stuff).
Women and weak men received the preference, it being difficult for them
to escape once they have reached their destination. Practically, all
the hillmen are republicans. The name for servant is identical with
that of “companion;” it is only the prisoner of another tribe who is
a “slave.” The progress of Kashmir will certainly have the effect of
stopping, at any rate nominally, the trade in _male_ slaves, but it will
reduce all subjects to the same dead level of slavery and extinguish
that spirit of freedom, and with it many of the traditions, that have
preserved the Dard races from the degeneracy which has been the fate of
the Aryans who reached Kashmir and India. The indigenous Government is
one whose occasional tyranny is often relieved by rebellion. I think
the Dard Legends and Songs show that the Dards are a superior people
to the Dogras, who wish to take their country in defiance of treaty
obligations,[63] and I, for one, would almost prefer the continuance of
present anarchy which may end in a national solution or in a _direct
alliance_ with the British, to the _épicier_ policy of Kashmir which,
without shedding blood,[64] has drained the resources of that Paradise
on earth and killed the intellectual and moral life of its people. The
administration of justice and the collection of the taxes in Dardistan
are carried on, the former with some show of respect for religious
injunctions, the latter with sole regard to whatever the tax-gatherer can
immediately lay his hand upon.
I. HABITATIONS.
Most of the villages, whose names I have given elsewhere, are situate
on the main lines of roads which, as everywhere in Himalayan countries,
generally coincides with the course of rivers. The villages are sometimes
scattered, but as a rule, the houses are closely packed together. Stones
are heaped up and closely cemented, and the upper story, which often is
only a space shielded by a cloth or by grass-bundles on a few poles, is
generally reached by a staircase from the outside.[65] Most villages are
protected by one or more wooden forts, which—with the exception of the
Gilgit fort—are rude blockhouses, garnished with rows of beams, behind
which it is easy to fight as long as the place is not set on fire. Most
villages also contain an open space, generally near a fountain, where
the villagers meet in the evening and young people make love to each
other.[66] Sometimes the houses contain a subterranean apartment which
is used as a cellar or stable—at other times, the stable forms the
lower part of the house and the family live on the roof under a kind
of grass-tent. In Ládak, a little earth heaped up before the door and
impressed with a large wooden seal, was sufficient, some years ago, to
protect a house in the absence of its owner. In Dardistan bolts, etc.,
show the prevailing insecurity. I have seen houses which had a courtyard,
round which the rooms were built, but generally all buildings in
Dardistan are of the meanest description—the mosque of Gilgit, in which
I slept one night whilst the Sepoys were burying two or three yards away
from me, those who were killed by the so-called rebels, being almost
as miserable a construction as the rest. The inner part of the house
is generally divided from the outer by a beam which goes right across.
My vocabulary will show all the implements, material, etc., used in
building, etc. Water-mills and windmills are to be found.
Cradles were an unknown commodity till lately. I have already referred
to the wine and treasury cellars excavated in the mountains, and which
provided the Dards with food during the war in 1866, whilst the invading
Kashmir troops around them were starving. Baths (which were unknown till
lately) are sheltered constructions under waterfalls; in fact, they are
mere sheltered douche-baths. There is no pavement except so far as stones
are placed in order to show where there are _no_ roads. The rooms have a
fire-place, which at Astor (where it is used for the reception of live
coals) is in the middle of the room. The conservancy arrangements are
on the slope of the hills close to the villages, in front of which are
fields of Indian corn, etc.
J. DIVISIONS OF THE DARD RACES.
The name of Dardistan (a hybrid between the “Darada” of Sanscrit writings
and a Persian termination) seems now to be generally accepted. I include
in it all the countries lying between the Hindu Kush and Kaghan (lat. 37°
N. and long. 73° E. to lat. 35° N., long. 74° 30´ E.). In a restricted
sense the Dards are the race inhabiting the mountainous country of
Shináki, detailed further on, but I include under that designation not
only the Chilâsis, Astóris, Gilgitis, Dareylis, etc., but also the people
of Hunza, Nagyr, Yasin, Chitrál and Kafiristan.[67] As is the case with
uncivilized races generally, the Dards have no name in common, but
call each Dard tribe that inhabits a different valley by a different
name. This will be seen in subjoined Extract from my Ethnographical
Vocabulary. The name “Dard” itself was not claimed by any of the race
that I met. If asked whether they were “Dards” they said “certainly,”
thinking I mispronounced the word “dáde” of the Hill Panjabi which means
“wild” “independent,” and is a name given them by foreigners as well as
“yaghi,” = rebellious [the country is indifferently known as Yaghistan,
Kohistan and, since my visit in 1866 as “Dardistan,” a name which I see
Mr. Hayward has adopted]. I hope the name of Dard will be retained, for,
besides being the designation of, at least, _one_ tribe, it connects the
country with a range known in Hindu mythology and history. However, I
must leave this and other disputed points for the present, and confine
myself now to quoting a page of Part II. of my “Dardistán” for the
service of those whom the philological portion of that work has deterred
from looking at the descriptive part.
“SHIN are all the people of Chilâs, Astór, Dareyl or _Darèll_, Gôr,
Ghilghit[68] or _Gilìt_. All these tribes do not acknowledge the
‘Guraizis,’ a people inhabiting the Guraiz valley between Chilâs and
Kashmîr, as _Shîn_, although the Guraizis themselves think so. The
Guraizi dialect, however is undoubtedly Shiná, much mixed with Kashmiri.
“The Shîns[69] call themselves ‘Shin, Shiná lôk, Shinâki,’ and are very
proud of the appellation, and in addition to the above-named races
include in it the people of Tòrr, Hárben, Sazîn, [districts of, or rather
near, Chilâs]; Tanyire [Tangîr] belonging to Darell; also the people of
Kholi-Palus whose origin is Shîn, but who are mixed with Afghans. Some
do not consider the people of Kholi-Palus as Shîn.[70] They speak both
Shiná and Pukhtu [pronounced by the Shîn people ‘Postó.’] The Baltis, or
Little Tibetans, call the Shîn and also the Nagyr people ‘Brokhpá,’ or,
as a term of respect, ‘Brokhpá bábo.’[71] Offshoots of the ‘Shîn’ people
live in Little Tibet and even the district of Dras, near the Zojilá
pass on the Ladâk road towards Kashmîr, was once Shîn and was called by
them _Huméss_. I was the first traveller who discovered that there were
Shîn colonies in Little Tibet, viz.: the villages of Shingôtsh, Sáspur,
Brashbrialdo, Bashó, Danàl djúnele, Tâtshin, Dorôt (inhabited by pure
Shîns), Zungôt, Tortzé (in the direction of Rongdu) and Durò, one day’s
march from Skardo.”[72]
The Chilásis call themselves _Boté_.[73]
” ” ” their fellow-countrymen of Takk =
“_Kané_” or _Takke-Kané_.
[the _Matshuké_ are now an extinct race, at all events in
Dardistan proper.]
The Chilâsis call Gilgitis = _Gilîtí_.
” ” ” Astóris = _Astoríjje_.
” ” ” Gôrs = _Goríje_.
” ” ” Dureylis = _Darêle_.
” ” ” Baltis = _Palóye_. Gil. = _Polôle_.
” ” ” Ladáki = _Botì_. Pl. of Bôt.
” ” ” Kashmiris = _Kashîre_.
” ” ” Dogras = _Sikkì_ [Sikhs] now “Dôgréy.”
” ” ” Affghans = _Patáni_.
” ” ” Nagyris = _Khadjunì_.
” ” ” Hunzas = _Hunzíje_.
” ” ” Yasînis = _Poré_.
” ” ” Punyalis = _Punyé_.
” ” ” Kirghiz = _Kirghìz_.
NOTE.—The Kirghiz are described by the Chilâsis as having flat faces and
small noses and are supposed to be very white and beautiful, to be Nomads
and to feed on milk, butter and mutton.
The Chilâsis call the people between Hunza and the Pamêr [our Pamir] on
the Yarkand road = Gójál.
There are also other Gojáls under a Raja of Gojál on the Badakhshán road.
The Chílâsis call the Siah Pôsh Kâfirs = Bashgalí (Bashgal is the name of
the country inhabited by this people who enjoy the very worst reputation
for cruelty). They are supposed to kill every traveller that comes within
their reach and to cut his nose or ear off as a trophy.[74]
The Chilâsis were originally four tribes; viz.:
The Bagoté of Buner.
The Kané of Takk.
The Boté of the Chilâs fort.
The Matshuké of the Matshukó fort.
The Boté and the Matshuké fought. The latter were defeated, and are said
to have fled into Astor and Little Tibet territory.
A Foreigner is called “ósho.”
Fellow-countrymen are called “malêki.”
The stature of the Dards is generally slender and wiry and well suited
to the life of a mountaineer. They are now gradually adopting Indian
clothes, and whilst this will displace their own rather picturesque dress
and strong, though rough, indigenous manufacture, it may also render them
less manly. They are fairer than the people of the plains (the women of
Yasin being particularly beautiful and almost reminding one of European
women), but on the frontier they are rather mixed—the Chilâsis with
the Kaghanis and Astóris—the Astóris and Gilgitis with the Tibetans,
and the Guraizis with the Tibetans on the one hand and the Kashmiris on
the other. The consequence is that their sharp and comparatively clear
complexion (where it is not under a crust of dirt) approaches, in some
Districts, a Tatar or Moghal appearance. Again, the Nagyris are shorter
than the people of Hunza to whom I have already referred. Just before
I reached the Gilgit fort, I met a Nagyri, whose yellow moustache and
general appearance almost made me believe that I had come across a
Russian in disguise. I have little hesitation in stating that the pure
Shîn looks more like a European than any high-caste Brahmin of India.
Measurements were taken by Dr. Neil of the Lahore Medical College, but
have, unfortunately, been lost, of the two Shîns who accompanied me to
the Panjab, where they stayed in my house for a few months, together
with other representatives of the various races whom I had brought down
with me.[75] The prevalence of caste among the Shîns also deserves
attention. We have not the Muhammadan Sayad, Sheykh, Moghal, and Pathan
(which, no doubt, will be substituted in future for the existing caste
designations), nor the Kashmiri Muhammadan equivalents of what are
generally mere names for occupations. The following List of Dard Castes
may be quoted appropriately from Part II. of my “Dardistan”:—
K. CASTES.
“Raja (highest on account of position).
“Wazîr (of SHÎN race, and also the official caste of ‘Róno’).
“SHIN the highest caste; the Shiná people of pure origin, whether they be
Astóris, Gilgitis, Chilâsis, etc., etc.[75]
“They say that it is the same race as the ‘Moghals’ of India. Probably
this name only suggested itself to them when coming in contact with
Mussulmans from Kashmir or the Panjab. The following castes are named in
their order of rank (for exact details, see “Hunza Handbook”):
“_Yáshkunn_ [the great = a caste formed by the intermixture (?)
land-owning race between the Shîn and a lower [aboriginal?]
found in possession race. A Shîn may marry a Yáshkunn woman
by the invading [called ‘Yáshkûni;’] but no Yáshkunn can
Shîns.] marry a Shînóy = Shîn woman.
“_Tatshön_ = caste of carpenters.
“_Tshâjjá_ = weavers. The Gilgitis call this caste:
‘_Byêtshoi_.’
“_Akár_ = ironmonger.
“_Kûlál_ = potter.
“_Dôm_[76] = musician }
“_Kramìn_ = tanner? } (the lowest castes).
“_N.B._ The _Brokhpâ_ are a mixed race of Dardu-Tibetans, as indeed are
the Astoris [the latter of whom, however, consider themselves very pure
Shîns]; the _Guráïzis_ are probably Dardu-Kashmiris; but I presume that
the above division of caste is known, if not upheld, by every section
of the Shîná people. The castes most prevalent in Guraiz are evidently
Kashmiri as:
“Bhat. Lôn. Dâr. Wây. Râter. Thôkr. Bagâ.”
_LEGENDS RELATING TO ANIMALS._[77]
1.—A BEAR PLAYS WITH A CORPSE.
It is said that bears, as the winter is coming on, are in the habit of
filling their dens with grass and that they eat a plant, called “ajalí,”
which has a narcotic effect upon them and keeps them in a state of torpor
during the winter. After three months, when the spring arrives, they
awake and go about for food. One of these bears once scented a corpse
which he disinterred. It happened to be that of a woman who had died a
few days before. The bear, who was in good spirits, brought her to his
den, where he set her upright against a stone and fashioning a spindle
with his teeth and paws gave it to her into one hand and placed some wool
into the other. He then went on growling “mû-mû-mû” to encourage the
woman to spin. He also brought her some nuts and other provisions to eat.
Of course, his efforts were useless, and when she after a few days gave
signs of decomposition he ate her up in despair. This is a story based on
the playful habits of the bear.
2.—A BEAR MOURNS A GIRL.
Another curious story is related of a bear. Two women, a mother and her
little daughter, were one night watching their field of Indian corn
“makai,” against the inroads of these animals. The mother had to go to
her house to prepare the food and ordered her daughter to light a fire
outside. Whilst she was doing this a bear came and took her away. He
carried her into his den, and daily brought her to eat and to drink. He
rolled a big stone in front of the den, whenever he went away on his
tours, which the girl was not strong enough to remove. When she became
old enough to be able to do this he used daily to lick her feet, by which
they became swollen and gradually dwindled down to mere misshapen stumps.
The girl eventually died in childbirth, and the poor bear after vain
efforts to restore her to life roamed disconsolately about the fields.
3.—ORIGIN OF BEARS.
It is said that bears were originally the offspring of a man who was
driven into madness by his inability to pay his debts, and who took to
the hills in order to avoid his creditors.[78]
4.—THE BEAR AND THE ONE-EYED MAN.
The following story was related by a man of the name of Ghalib Shah
residing at a village near Astór, called Parishing. He was one night
looking out whether any bear had come into his “tromba” field.[79] He
saw that a bear was there and that he with his forepaws alternately took
a pawful of “tromba,” blew the chaff away and ate hastily. The man was
one-eyed [shéo = blind; my Ghilgiti used “Kyor,” which he said was a
Persian word, but which is evidently Turkish] and ran to his hut to get
his gun. He came out and pointed it at the bear. The animal who saw this
ran round the blind side of the man’s face, snatched the gun out of his
hand and threw it away. The bear and the man then wrestled for a time,
but afterwards both gave up the struggle and retired. The man, after he
had recovered himself went to look for the gun, the stock of which he
found broken. The match-string by which the stock had been tied to the
barrel had gone on burning all night and had been the cause of the gun
being destroyed. The son of that man still lives at the village and tells
this story, which the people affect to believe.
5.—WEDDING FESTIVAL AMONG BEARS.
A Mulla, of the name of Lal Mohammad, said that when he was taken a
prisoner into Chilás,[80] he and his escort passed one day through one
of the dreariest portions of the mountains of that inhospitable region.
There they heard a noise, and quietly approaching to ascertain its cause
they saw a company of bears tearing up the grass and making bundles of
it which they hugged. Other bears again wrapped their heads in grass,
and some stood on their hind-paws, holding a stick in their forepaws
and dancing to the sound of the howls of the others. They then ranged
themselves in rows, at each end of which was a young bear; on one side
a male, on the other a female. These were supposed to celebrate their
marriage on the occasion in question. My informant swore to the story and
my Ghilgiti corroborated the truth of the first portion of the account,
which he said described a practice believed to be common to bears.
6.—THE FLYING PORCUPINE.
There is a curious superstition with regard to an animal called
“Harginn,” which appears to be more like a porcupine than anything else.
It is covered with bristles; its back is of a red-brownish and its belly
of a yellowish colour. That animal is supposed to be very dangerous, and
to contain poison in its bristles. At the approach of any man or animal
it is said to gather itself up for a terrific jump into the air, from
which it descends unto the head of the intended victim. It is said to
be generally about half a yard long and a span broad. Our friend Lal
Mohammad, a saintly Akhunzada, but a regular Münchhausen, affirmed to
have once met with a curious incident with regard to that animal. He was
out shooting one day when he saw a stag which seemed intently to look in
one direction. He fired off his gun, which however did not divert the
attention of the stag. At last, he found out what it was that the stag
was looking at. It turned out to be a huge “Harginn,” which had swallowed
a large Markhor with the exception of his horns! There was the porcupine
out of whose mouth protruded the head and horns of the Markhor!! My
Ghilgiti, on the contrary, said that the Harginn was a great snake “like
a big fish called Nang.” Perhaps, Harginn means a monster or dragon, and
is applied to different animals in the two countries of Ghilghit and
Astor.
7.—A FIGHT BETWEEN WOLVES AND A BEAR WHO WANTED TO DIG THEIR GRAVE.
A curious animal something like a wolf is also described. The species
is called “Kō.”[81] These animals are like dogs; their snouts are of a
red colour, and are very long; they hunt in herds of ten or twenty and
track game which they bring down, one herd or one Kō, as the case may
be, relieving the other at certain stages. A Shikári once reported that
he saw a large number of them asleep. They were all ranged in a single
long line. A bear approached, and by the aid of a long branch measured
the line. He then went to some distance and measuring the ground dug it
out to the extent of the line in length. He then went back to measure the
breadth of the sleeping troop when his branch touched one of the animals
which at once jumped up and roused the others. They all then pursued him
and brought him down. Some of them harassed him in front, whilst one of
them went behind and sucked his stomach clean out. This seems to be a
favourite method of these animals in destroying game. They do not attack
men, but bring down horses, sheep and game.
* * * * *
The Flora and Fauna of Dardistan have been so minutely described in