A notable _pas d’armes_ was held at L’Arbre de Charlemagne, near Dijon,
in the year 1443,[139] presided over by Duke Philippe le Bon, which
was proclaimed in most of the European countries of Christendom. The
account of this meeting has a great historical value, owing not only
to its reference to the tilt, additional pieces, and special forms of
armour, but also to the amount of detail it presents. It is given here
in a much abridged form.
Thirteen noble Burgundians of distinction, headed by Pierre de
Bauffremont, Chevalier, Seigneur de Charny, held the _pas_ for six
weeks against all comers. De la Marche remarks that during the time
necessary for erecting the lists and making the general arrangements
for the meeting the young cavaliers practised various forms of jousting
before the duke “_et là furent faictes une jouste à selles plattes, et
en harnois de ioûte_.” He graphically pictures the general arrangements
for this _pas d’armes_, the profuse hospitality extended to all
comers, the construction and decoration of the lists, the dresses and
equipments of the officials, pages, combatants, etc. He describes the
lists for jousting as follows, making clear mention of the tilt:—“_et
au milieu d’icelle lice fut la toille mise, pour la conduitte des
chevaux, et pour servir à la course des hommes d’armes, comme il est de
coustume en tel cas._” “_Celle lice fut de bonne hauteur et grandeur:
et, aux deux bouts de ladicte lice, furent faictes deux marches: qui se
montoyent à degrés, faits de ce bonne grandeur, que l’on pouvoit aider
à l’hommes d’armes, tout à cheval, pour l’armer aiser, ou desarmer,
selon le cas: et hors de ladicte lice, du costé de Digeon, aux jours
qu’il besoing faisoit, avoit une grande tente, haute et spacieuse,
tendue, pour aider et soulager le venant de dehors, si mestier en
avoit._” There was another enclosure for combats on foot.
During the duration of the _pas_ two shields were hung suspended in
the lists: one, painted black, besprinkled with gilded tear-drops; the
other, violet, _semé_, with tear-drops in black. Each venant who,
through a pursuivant, placed a gage, such as a sword or spur, below the
first-named shield, signified his election to engage on horseback one
of the tenans or defenders of the _pas_, and to run twelve courses,
“_à la toille_,” that is along the tilt, with sharp or rebated lances
at his pleasure; and should either of the jousters be unhorsed he was
to present his adversary with a diamond of whatever value he pleased.
The venant who placed his gage below the violet shield, with tear-drops
in black, elected a combat on foot, consisting of fifteen strokes with
the axe or estoc;[140] but should he place gages below both shields,
his challenge applied to a joust at the tilt and a foot encounter as
well. The duke took his seat on the 11th July, 1443, holding a white
wand or bâton in his hand as judge, which when cast down put an end to
a fight at any stage, the officials at once separating the combatants.
We describe briefly a few of the encounters. The first contest lay
between the leader of the tenans, the Seigneur de Charny, and a
Spanish cavalier of mark, Pietre-Vasque de Suavedra. The chevalier
venant having placed gages below both shields, the combat was to be
on foot, to be followed by another on horseback; and on the opening
day the champions entered the enclosure for foot contests at 9 o’clock
in the morning. The choice of weapons, as between axes and _épées
d’armes_,[141] lay with the chevalier venant, who chose axes. Eight
men-at-arms in complete armour, bearing white wands, ranged themselves
in the enclosure, to keep the ring and to separate the combatants when
necessary. The duke gave the signal and the combat began. Suavedra
had taken off his visor, while Charny fought with his visor down. The
stipulated fifteen strokes having been exchanged, without bodily injury
to either party, the combatants were separated and left the lists.
On the 13th day of the same month the jousting between the same
cavaliers took place. The Spaniard first entered the lists with his
following, his horse trapped in blue and white silk, and presented
himself before the judge. De Charny followed in like manner, the
trapper of his charger being of cloth of gold; he was attended both by
his esquires and by five pages on horseback, sumptuously attired in
blue and violet satin. The onset having been sounded, the champions
charged, each splintering his lance on the body of his antagonist in
the centre of the lists; in their second career both lances glanced
off, and so on until the number of courses had been run. Challengers
continued to come forward, and each combat is recorded by the
chronicler in its turn.
On the 8th of August a joust took place between an Italian, Jacques de
Visque, Comte de St. Martin, and the Chevalier Guillame de Vaudrey,
“_qui couroit de droit et du long de la toile_.” In the first course
St. Martin was struck on the visor of his helmet by the lance of his
opponent, the fastening being broken; in the fourth he was wounded
severely in the lance-arm, the lance-head remaining in the wound, and
the expressions of regret at the occurrence were so general as to show
that serious injuries in such encounters had become comparatively rare.
This mounted contest was followed by a combat on foot between Anthoine
de Vaudrey and Jehan de Compays, Seigneur de Torain. The venant chose
_estocs_, and a smart fight ensued, without personal injury to either
chevalier, though their armour was much battered and torn.
The chronicler continues his narrations of the various combats which
followed during the remaining days provided for in the _Chapitres
d’Armes_, throughout the course of which the defenders of the _pas_
held it against all comers with conspicuous honour and distinction. The
tenans of the _pas d’armes_ made an offering to the Virgin of the two
shields of L’Arbre de Charlemagne, which were hung suspended in the
Church of Nôtre Dame at Dijon.
While de la Marche devotes his narration more to the fighting and
spectacular aspects of the meeting, Monstrelet deals with the
challenges and _chapitres d’armes_.
THE CHALLENGES
“In honour of our Lord, and his most glorious mother,
of my Lady Sainte Anne, and of my lord St George, I,
Pierre de Bauffremont, lord of Chargny, of Monliet and
of Montfort, knight, councellor and chamberlain, to the
most high, most puissant and excellent prince the Duke
of Burgundy, make known to all princes, barons, knights
and esquires, without reproach, with the exception of
those of the kingdom of France and of the countries in
alliance, or subjects to my said sovereign lord, that
for the augmentation and extension of the most noble
profession and exercise of arms, my will and intention
is, in conjunction with twelve knights, esquires
and gentlemen, of four quarterings, whose names
follow:—Thibault, lord of Rougemont and Mussy; Messire
William Breremont, lord of Sees and of Sauvegon;
William de Brenne, lord of Mombis and of Gilly; John,
lord of Valengen; John, lord of Rap and of Tirecourt;
William de Champdivers, lord of Chivigny; John de
Chiron, lord of Rancheinères; Antony de Vaudray, lord
of Aille; William de Vaudray, lord of Collaon; James
de Challant, lord of Ainvilie; Messire Amé, lord of
Espirey; and John de Chavigny,—to guard and defend a
_pas d’armes_, situated on the great road leading from
Dijon towards Auxonne, at the end of the causeway from
the said town of Dijon, at a great tree called the
Hermit’s Tree in the form and manner following.
“In the first place, two shields, (one black
besprinkled with tears of gold,—the other violet,
having tears of sable), shall be suspended on the tree
of the Hermit, and all those who shall, by a king at
arms or pursuivant, touch the first shield, shall be
bounden to perform twelve courses on horseback with
me, or with one of my aforesaid knights or esquires,
with blunted lances.—Item, if either of the champions,
during their twelve courses, be unhorsed by a direct
blow with the lance on his armour, such person, thus
unhorsed, shall present to his adversary a diamond of
whatever value he please.—Item, the champions may arm
themselves according to their pleasure, _double or
single_,[142] but without any wicked intentions, having
their rest similar to the usual custom in war.—Item,
each person shall make provision of lances—but the
rondelle, which lies on the hands, shall be only
four fingers broad, and no more.[143] Item, the lances
shall be all of similar length, from the point to
the rest.—Item, for the accomplishment of these
feats of arms on horseback, I will supply all who may
come without lances, precisely like to my own and to
those of my companions.—Item, these deeds of arms on
horseback shall be performed _à la toille_, which shall
be six feet high.”
_Chapitres d’Armes._
“Those princes, barons, knights and esquires, of the
rank before mentioned, who shall rather take their
pleasure in performing feats of arms on foot, shall
touch the violet shield, and shall perform fifteen
strokes with battle-axes or swords, as may be most
agreeable to them.
“Item, if, during these courses, any champion shall
touch the ground with his hand or knees, he shall
be bounden to present his adversary with a ruby of
whatever value he please.—Item, each champion _shall
be armed with the accustomed armour for combating in
lists_.[144]—Item, should any person be unprovided with
battle-axe or sword, I will furnish him with the same,
similar to my own or to those of my companions. These
axes and swords are not to have anything extraordinary
in their make, but such as are usual in these kinds of
combats.
“Item, he that shall have engaged himself to fight
with me, or either of us, and shall throw the other
to the ground, the person so thrown shall be obliged
to surrender himself a prisoner whithersoever the
conqueror shall order him.—Item, the person thus
made prisoner shall pay for his immediate ransom, to
whomsoever the conqueror shall direct, any sum above
five hundred crowns.
“Item, foreigners need not seek for particulars
from me, or from my companions, for they will find
persons ready to deliver such at the usual hours and
places.—Item, no stranger will be permitted to enter
the lists with me or with any one of my companions, for
more than one course at arms, namely, once on horseback
and once on foot—and no one can require more of any of
us during the present undertaking.
“Item, the aforesaid feats of arms, on horseback and
on foot, shall be performed on the following days:
those on horseback on Mondays, Tuesdays and Wednesdays;
those on foot, Thursdays, Fridays and Saturdays.
“Item, this pas d’armes shall commence on the first
day of July in the year 1443, and shall last forty
days, exclusive of feast-days and Sundays, and the
feasts commanded to be kept by the court of Rome.
“Item, no prince, baron, knight or esquire, shall
pass within a quarter of a league of the spot assigned
for these combats without entering the lists and taking
part, or otherwise leaving as pledges his sword or
spurs, according to his pleasure.
“Item, for the accomplishment of these feats of
arms, as well on horseback as on foot, according to
the articles above specified, I have most humbly
supplicated and entreated my aforesaid sovereign lord,
that he would grant me his licence and permission to
perform them, which he has most benignantly assented
to. He has likewise most graciously appointed, as judge
of the lists, that puissant prince and my most redoubted
lord, the count of Nevers and of Rethel—and in his absence,
the lord marshal, count of Fribourg and of Neufchâtel.
“Item, in order that this my intention of performing
these deeds of arms in the manner before specified may
be more fully declared, I have fixed my seal to these
presents, and signed them with my own hand, this 8th
day of March, in the year 1442.
“Item, all noble foreigners shall have sure and loyal
pass-ports from my aforesaid sovereign lord, or in his
absence from his marshal.”
On such occasions a proclamation was made against outsiders giving
signals to any combatant.
The following documents occur among the Harleian MSS.:—
Le Declaracon du Pas a l’Arbre D’Or.
i.e. How the Lady L’Isle sent her Knight with a Rich
Tree of Gold, for him to Sett near Brughes, and there
to Challenge the Nobles of the Duke of Burgundies Court
both to the Justs, ＆ to the Tourney: the Articles
whereof do follow. Dated July ... A.D. 68, i.e. 1468.
Petition ＆ Articles of the Justs-Royall to be held
at Westminster, by 4 Gentlemen Challenging all comers
(upon the Creation of Henry second Sonne to King Henry VII).
To Run 6 Courses with Speares.
To Tourney 18 Strokes with Swords.
Petition of 4 Gentlemen to K. Henry VII to be
received into His Royal Army purposed for Fraunce; but
first that he would Authorise their Challenge of all
Comers to the Tilt, in any Realme or Place where the
King shall be, for one year ＆ a day longer.
Challenge of 6 Noble Persons to hold a Justs-Royall
＆ Tourney at Westminster, for the Pleasure of the
King, The Queene, and the Princess the Kings Eldest
Daughter, where the 6 Challengers and Six Answerers
shall together Run against each other with Spears on
Horseback; and after the Course Passed, to fight with
Swords till the King Commaund them to Cease.
Relation (in French) of the Battel of Justs held in the city of Tours,
between Jelcan (or Jehan?) Chalons, a Native of the Kingdom of England,
＆ Loys de Beul who took the part of King Charles of France. A.D. 1446,
wherein Loys de Beul was Killed.
Le Challenge Philip de Bouton, Natif de Pais Burgoigne, premier Esquire
a Monsser le Conte de Charollois: qui ait Charge ＆ Esleve Emprise de un
Fleurer Penser a tacher a son Bras dextre, lequelle il portra ouverte
jusque autant que il defendra au Royaulme d’Angleterre, en la Campagnie
de son Seigneur Monsieur le Bastard le Burgoigne, comme a la Roche.
Dat. 1. may. 1467.
The Relation made by Garter King of Arms to K. Edward IV. concerning
the Arrival of 3 Knights of the K. of Hungaries Court, named Uladislaus
of Bodna, Fredericus of Waredma, ＆ Lancelagus of Trefulwane, who
desired to performe some Feats of Arms with the English Gentlemen.
With their Instructions given to the said Garter touching his
Declaration of their Desires, and the Articles of the Jousts and
Tourney.[145]
Lacroix in _Military and Religious Life in the Middle Ages and
Renaissance_, gives a picture of a king of arms proclaiming a
tournament; copied from a miniature in King René’s tourney-book.
During the meeting of the Chapter of the Toison d’Or, at Ghent in 1445,
duels were fought between the Chevalier Jehan de Boniface (Jean de
Bonifazio), an Italian, and a Burgundian cavalier, Jacques de Lalain,
the latter then a young man of twenty-four years, who later achieved
great celebrity as a combatant in the lists. Duke Philip of Burgundy
acted as umpire, and was supported on the tribune by the Duke of
Orleans; and immediately before the fight began Lalain was dubbed a
chevalier.
Lists had been prepared, and after the usual preliminaries were over a
combat on foot between the parties took place, followed by many courses
at the tilt.
The combatants entered the lists for the fight on foot, each bearing
a heavy sword in the right hand and in the left a _hache d’armes_; a
smaller sword was attached to the belt, and small rectangular shields
were carried on the left arms. Lalain fought with part of his face
exposed, half of his visor having been removed. The parties took up
their positions some distance from each other, and the fight began by
Boniface hurling his spear at Lalain, who parried it. The latter cast
his sword at his opponent, but without effect; then each threw his
shield at the other’s legs with a view of causing him to stumble, and
the fight at close quarters with axes began. After some hard blows
had been exchanged Boniface dropped his axe, and Lalain struck at his
visor, in which his axe struck until the point broke. Boniface then
seized the Burgundian’s weapon and drew his dagger, hoping to stab
his opponent in the face, but Lalain with admirable _sang-froid_ beat
down that weapon, and striking the visor of his opponent, slightly
penetrated one of the apertures with his axe, Boniface then drew his
sword and struck savagely at Lalain; at which stage of the combat the
duke’s bâton fell.
The jousting was accomplished later on, with varying fortune, though
without special features. It was at the tilt, “_et au milieu de la
lice avoit une toille, pour conduire les chevauz, pour les courses de
lances, qu’ils devoyent accomplir_.”
The armour of de Lalain was provided with reinforcing pieces: “_Messire
Jacques de Lalain estoit armé de plusieures rondelles, l’une sur la
main, l’autre sur le coude du bras de la bride, et l’autre tenant
au gardebras, a maniére d’escu_,” but they were detached before the
jousting, Boniface being without them.[146] The different chroniclers
of such combats differ more or less in many details.
The position and dignity of an esquire is defined in Ashmolean MS.
162a:[147] “The definition of an Esquire and the severall sortes of
them according to the customs and usage of England. _An esquire called
in Latine armiger...._”[148]
Another of these MSS., 158ab, defines the duties and emoluments of a
king-at-arms.—The office of a Kinge at Armes. “Fyrst as nyghe as he
canne he shall take knowledge and kepe recorde of creastes cognissances
and auntient used wordes,” etc.[149]
The principal additional or reinforcing pieces, _pièces d’avantage_,
are:—the grand-guard or main-guard, which is in two plates, the
volante-piece and the body portion, and these, though sometimes
separate, are usually riveted together. The former is adapted to the
contour of the helmet, to which it is firmly attached; while the
latter, fixed to the breastplate, conforms to the curves of the neck,
fits round the left side of the chest and left shoulder, and is flanged
over the right shoulder to protect the weak place at the armpit on
that side. The whole thus forms a double defence for that portion
of the body against which an attack was mainly directed. The term
“volante-piece,” as applied to the face piece of the grand-guard, is,
however, of doubtful authority. It is sometimes referred to in English
chronicles, though without stating what it really is. Meyrick employs
it in the sense above referred to, but Lord Dillon[150] inclines to the
opinion that the term properly belongs to the two extra plates over the
forehead attachable to some helmets, and I am sure he is right. These
plates are present on jousting salades, and are called _Stirnplätten_
or _Stirndoppolstuck_ (forehead-plates) by the Germans. However this
may be it is convenient to apply the term generally in use unless
quite assured of its incorrectness. The elbow-guard or pas-guard is a
reinforcement for the left elbow-joint, fastened by a pin. The manifer,
or mainfere, _main de fer_, _steife henze_, or miton-gauntlet is the
stiff, heavy jousting gauntlet for the bridle hand and forearm; the
name “manifer” is given by Meyrick to the crinet, absurdly connecting
the word with the mane of the horse. The poldermiton or _épaule de
mouton_, is a piece for the defence of the right forearm and bend,
which is further protected by the vamplate of the lance. In the course
with sharp lances, called _Scharfrennen_ by the Germans, a dilge or
jousting-cuisse is employed, strapped to the saddle; and there was an
armlet for the right lower arm, used in that and some other courses.
The jousting-shields differ in form in the various courses: they will
be described in their order.
Catalogue No. 383 of the Wallace Collection, London, comprises a
small set of additional pieces, which from the subject and character
of enrichment (chevrons with minute pomegranates and scrolls, etched
and gilt) would appear to have belonged to a suit of armour in the
possession of the Duke of Northumberland, at Alnwick Castle, which was
acquired in Italy by Duke Algernon, about the year 1840; and it has
been freely and excellently restored.
When arming, the additional pieces were screwed on one after the other,
the jousting-shield being adjusted last. This process completed, the
jouster was almost immune from injury and was left almost an automaton,
with little power of initiative beyond aiming his lance, and that with
difficulty.
Jacques de Lalain sent a challenge to a feat of arms in the year 1448
to James, brother to Earl Douglas; the fight to take place in Edinburgh
in the same year. He stated the conditions of combat proposed, for a
foot encounter, _à outrance_, with spear, battle-axe, sword and dagger,
which conditions were accepted by Douglas, with the reservation, at
the instance of the King of Scotland, that no lance-casting should
be allowed. The Burgundian party consisted of Jacques and his uncle
Simon de Lalain, and a Messire de Mériadacq; while a Scottish trio,
the brothers Douglas and a Lord de Haguet, arranged to fight them: the
King to act as umpire. After some initial misunderstanding the knights
fought paired against one another as follows:—Haguet against Simon de
Lalain, Jacques against James Douglas, and Mériadacq against the other
Douglas. The chronicler describes the course of the encounter, going
into much detail, from which one would imagine that there was deadly
peril to life and limb, but no serious hurt was sustained by any of
the combatants; that fact being that the armour of proof enclosed each
of the fighters in an almost impregnable fortress. La Marche was not
present at this fight, but got his information from hearsay. Two out
of the Burgundian trio were Chevaliers (Knights), the third combatant
an Escuyer (Esquire), and it is interesting to note the difference
in costume between the two grades. Matthieu de Couci gives it in the
following terms[151]:—Chevaliers “furent revêtus de longues robes de
velours noir, fourrées de martes zibelines fort riches”; quant au
troisième qui étoit seulement Escuyer, “il en avoit une seulement de
satin noir fourrée comme les autres.” King René says the stuff of an
esquire’s costume at his court should be “drap de damas,” and it would
appear generally that an esquire could wear either satin or damask, but
the chevalier must be clad in velvet. Further regulations were made in
1486, when cloth of gold and cloth of silver came in.
The armour of the fifteenth century up to almost its close is usually
termed “Gothic,” an incongruous appellation, though one convenient to
employ owing to its having been so generally adopted and understood.
Beyond a few fragments there is no armour of the first half of the
century left to us; and for our knowledge of the knightly body-harness
of that period we are mainly indebted to an ample series of monumental
effigies and brasses. Though one cannot draw any decided line, it
may be said that the process of transition from chain-mail to plate
armour had been practically completed at the commencement of the
fifteenth century; and the progress made in the directions of elegance,
comprehensiveness and strength had been steady and continuous until
towards the middle of the century, when we have glorious complete suits
of armour spread out before us.
The brass of Sir John Wylcotes, in Great Tew Church, Oxfordshire,
dating about 1410, affords an example of the standard of mail, which
was a collar worn under a gorget of plate. The figure is without jupon,
so that the breastplate and taces are exposed to view, and they are of
plate; small motons, oval in form, cover the weak places at the armpits.
The brass in South Kelsey Church, Lincolnshire, dated about a decade
later, shows the armour to be much more ornate, having crescent-shaped
motons, fan-formed wings to the coudes; taces of six lames and short
tuilles; the figure wears a pointed bascinet. The armour on the effigy
in Hoveringham Church, Nottinghamshire, believed to have been ascribed
by Stothart to Sir Robert Grushill, is certainly not of the reign of
Richard II, 1377-1399, but should rather be dated in that of Henry VI.
There are fluted motons over the armpits, of a curved tooth-like form;
coudes with elaborate heart-shaped wings; taces of eight narrow lames,
with short rectangular tuilles, attached to the bottom rims by straps
and buckles. The helmet is still the bascinet. This effigy exhibits an
instance of the presence of the collar SS. There is an example of this
collar in the Tower of London.[152] It was found in one of the turrets
of the White Tower in 1913.[153] It is beyond the province of this work
to discuss the probable meaning of these ciphers, which is obscure.
The Gothic armour of the connoisseur is reached in the beautiful effigy
of Richard Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, in St. Mary’s Church, Warwick.
It is cast in laton, a golden looking blend something between bronze
and brass. The earl died in 1439, but the contract for his monument was
not given out until fifteen years after, so that the type of armour
is later than that of any actual harness worn by the earl. The effigy
exhibits body-armour at its very best, as well in dignity of form as in
beauty of outline; and if it was not directly copied from a suit made
by Tomaso Missaglai of Milan, the design for it certainly came from
Italy. The breastplate exhibits a deep curved groove on either side; it
is shorter than was usual somewhat later, with a large number of taces;
and there are low neck-guards. Mr. Stothart also gives a back view of
the figure, showing the armour as completely delineated behind as in
front. The effigy is depicted on Plate II, giving both a front view and
one in profile.
The great armour-smiths of the fifteenth century were fine artists in
steel, and many of their creations preserved are models for all time
in elegance of form and excellence of workmanship. One can trace their
individuality and idiosyncrasies to an extent making it often possible
to attribute their work even when unstamped with their monograms and
devices. The Missaglias Negrolis and Piccininos of Milan, the Kolmans
of Augsburg, the Seusenhofers of Innsbruck, the Grünewalts and Von
Worms of Nuremberg, and many others, carried on their craft from
generation to generation.
[Illustration: _PLATE II_ THE BEAUCHAMP EFFIGY]
During the fifteenth century and somewhat later, new modes in armour,
as well as in dress, had their birth in Italy; but they took some time
to travel to other countries less advanced in fashion and refinement.
Much artistic skill of the highest order was lavished on the enrichment
of armour. Suits were delicately chased, engraved and decorated with
repoussé work; and artists of the highest celerity were engaged in such
work. The trapper of mixed mail and plate appears frequently in this
century.
A very important paper, printed in _Archæologia_, LVII, by Viscount
Dillon, P.S.A., read in 1899, deals with a MS. Collection of Ordinances
of Chivalry of the fifteenth century belonging to Lord Hastings, which
contains among other matters:—
The “Abilment for the Justes of the Pees.”
“To crie a Justus of Pees.”
“The comyng into the felde.”
“To arme a man.”
The same manuscript is also commented on by the late Mr. Albert Way in
the _Archæological Journal_ of 1847.
Two of the illuminations depict jousting at the tilt, and another a
combat on foot with axes before King Henry VI. The fight on foot,
which took place in 1442, is between John Astley and Philip Boyle
of Arragon. The lists, enclosed by an open railing, have at one end
a stand for the king, who acted as judge, and four steps lead up to
the tribune. On either side of the steps two men-at-arms are posted,
holding long-shafted axes, and within the lists a herald is standing
watching the fight. The combatants are wearing globose bascinets, which
were the usual helmets for foot-fighting. They were roomy enough for
plenty of padding against heavy blows from the axe. Boyle is armed with
an axe having a blade on one side and a _bec de faucon_, or flook, on
the other; while Astley’s weapon has a _mail_, or mallet, with three
prongs, in place of the flook.
The terms of Sir Philip Boyle’s acceptance of the challenge are given
in Lord Dillon’s paper.
The first illumination of a joust at the tilt pictures the moment when
the tilters have shivered their lances, tipped with coronals of three
prongs, on each other’s bodies. The tilt is composed of six planks, and
appears to be between five and six feet in height. Sir John Astley’s
crest is seen to be a crowned harpy, with torse and mantling; his
armour, the sort termed “tonlet”; the legs and feet are unarmed, being
sufficiently protected by the saddle-steels. The horse is trapped and
has a chamfron. But little of the person of his adversary can be seen;
what there is show his crest, three maidens in a corb, and he also is
wearing bases. Both riders have tilting helms and shields, and bear
poldermitons on their lance-arms. The vamplates are somewhat conical in
form.
The other joust pictured is that between Astley and Pierre de Masse,
which took place in a street in Paris in the year 1438. It is also
at the tilt. The date is an early one for that form of joust, if the
drawing be contemporary, which is unlikely. The tilt is composed of
four planks, and is rather lower than the other example. The jousters
wear no crests on their helms, and they are running with sharp
lances. There are no poldermitons worn in this case. This important
illumination has suffered much from damp, the central figures more
especially.
The articles of combat are given in Lord Dillon’s paper.
The “Abilment for the Justus of the Pees,” as reproduced from the
manuscript belonging to Lord Hastings, is as follows:—
“A helme well stuffyd wt a Crest of hys de viis.
A peyre of platus and xxx Gyders.
A hanscement for the Bode wt slevis.
A botton wt a tresse in the platis.
A schelde coverid wt his deviis.
A Rerebrace wt a rolle of ledyr well stuffid.
A Maynfere with a ring.
A rerebrasce a moton.
A vambrase and a gaynpayne ＆ ij bricketts.
And ij dosyn tresses. and vj vamplates.
And xij Grapers. and xij Cornallis ＆ xl Speris.
And a Armerer wt a hamor and pynsons.
And naylys wt a byckorne.
A Goode Cowrscer and row schode wt a softe bytte.
And a gret halter for the rayne of the brydyll.
A Sadyll well stuffud.
and a peyre of jambus.
and iij dowbill Gyrthis wt dowbill bokollus.
and a dowbill sengull wt dowbill bokullus.
and a rayne of ledir hungre teyyd from the
horse hede un to the gyrthys be twen the forther
bowse of the horsce for revassyng. A Rennyng paytrell.
A croper of leder hongre.
A Trappar for the Courser.
And ij servantis on horseback well be sayne.
And vj servantis on fote all in a sute.”
This equipment is for a mounted contest, and differs of course
materially from that worn in fighting on foot.
The writer of the paper (Lord Dillon) explains such of the terms
employed as are not fairly obvious. Viscount Dillon’s researches are
mainly embodied in a series of valuable contributions to the pages of
_Archæologia_ and the _Archæological Journal_. Many old records, which
had not been seen by such excellent authorities as Meyrick and Hewitt,
have been examined and compared since their day, and they throw much
light on points and terms which were obscure until recently, and which
had been misunderstood by the earlier writers to whom we owe so much.
The “peyre of platus” is the cuirass, consisting of the breast and back
plates: the “Gyders,” attachments of some kind. The “hanscement” is a
close-fitting garment, worn beneath the armour. A “botton wt a tresse
in the platis,” probably also refers to fastenings or attachments of
some kind. The “Rerebrace wt a rolle of ledyr well stuffid” is probably
a padding protection for the left upper-arm. The “Maynfere with a
ring” is the manifer or mainfaire (main de fer), described in this
work under the heading of reinforcing pieces. The “rerebrase a moton”
is the rerebrace of the right arm, with its small movable plate, the
moton or besaguè over the armpit. The “vambrase and gaynpayn and ij
brickettss,” are the further defences for the right arm and hand. The
“ij dosyn tresses” are arming points, laces for attaching various parts
of the armour together. The “vamplates,” “Grapers,” and “Cornallis” are
the furniture of the lances, in their order, the conical or circular
steel hand-guards, metal rings with points which stick into the wooden
blocks in the lance-rests; the coronals, heads of the lance with blunt
points, calculated to catch on to the armour but not to pierce it.
The “bycorne” was the anvil. Illustrations of Grapers, later termed
_burres_, are rare. They are present on the illumination of the joust
at the tilt between John Astley and Pierre de Masse, being shown on a
lance standing ready for use when required. They are for distributing
the force of the shock on impact over the whole body and especially
to lessen the pressure on the wrist; and are placed towards the lower
end of the lance, the space between the graper and the vamplate
constituting the grip.
The rest of the “Abilment” applies to horse furniture.
“_To crie a Justus of Pees._”
We Herrowdys of Armis beryng scheldis of deviis
here we yeve in knowlache un to all Gentill men of
name and of armus. That ther ben vj Gentilmen of name
＆ of armus. That for the gret desire and worschippe
that the sayde.vj.Gentilmen hath taken up pon them
to be the.iij.day of May nex comyng be fore the hy
＆ myghtty redowttyd ladys ＆ Gentyll wymmen. in thys
hey ＆ most honorabull Court. And in thayre ᵽsens
the sayde.vj.Gentilmen there to a pere.at.IX.of the
belle.be fore noone.and to Juste a yens all comers wt
oute.on the sayd day.un to.vj.of the belle at after noon.
And then be the a vise of the sayde ladys ＆ Gentill
wymmen to yeve un to the best Juster wt oute A Diamunde
of.xl.li.
And un to the nexte the best Just a rube of.xx.li.
And un to the thyrde well Just a sauffer of.x.li. And
on the sayde day there beyng offecers of armis schuyng
thayre mesure of thayre speris garnyst. That ys Cornall
wamplate ＆ grapers all of asyse that they schall.Juste
wt. and that the sayde Comers may take the lengthe of
the sayde speris wt the a vise of the sayde offecers of
armys that schall be in defferant un to all parteys on
the sayde day.”
_The comyng in to the felde._
The. vj. Gentilmen most com in to the felde un
helmyd. and theyre helmes borne be fore tham. ＆ thayre
servants on horsbake beryng eyther of tham a spere
garniste. yt is the sayde.vj. speris. the wheche the
sayde servantis schall ride be fore them in to the
felde. ＆ as the sayde. vj.Gentilmen ben come be fore
the ladyys ＆ Gentilwīmē. Then schall be sent an harawde
of armes up un to the ladys ＆ Gentillwimmen sayyng in
this wise. Hey ＆ myghtti redowtyd ＆ ryght worschypfull
ladys ＆ Gentylwymmen these.vj.Gentill men ben come in
to yowre presens. and recōmaundit ham all un to yowr
goode grace in as lowli wyse as they can.besechyng
you for to gyffe.un to iij.best Justers wt owte.a
Diamownd.＆ a Rube.＆ a Sauffer.un to them that ye thenk
best can deserve hit.
Thenne this message is doon.then the.vj.Gentill men
goyth un to the tellws and do on theyr helmes. And
when the harrawdis cri a lostell a lostell.then schall
all the.vj.Gentill men wt in un helme them.be fore the
sayde ladyys.and make theyre abeisans and go hom un to
ther loggynges ＆ chaunge them.
_Now be com the Gentyll men with oute
in to the presens of the ladyys._
Then comyth forth a lady.be the a vise of all the
ladiis ＆ Gentill wymmen.＆ yevis the Dyamond unto the
beste Juster wt oute.sayyng in this. wise sere these
ladiis ＆ Gentill wymmen thank yow.for yowr dysport
and yowr gret labur that ye have this day in thayre
presens.and the sayde ladiis and Gentill wymmen sayyn
the ye have beste Just this day.there fore the sayde
ladys ＆ Gentyllwymmen gyff you this Diamunde ＆ sende
yow mych worschyp ＆ ioye of yowr lady. Thus schall be
doon wt the Rube ＆ the Sauffer.un to the other ij nex
the best Justers this don.
Then schall ye harraude of arms stonde up all on hey
＆ schall say with a hey voyce.John hath well Justyd.
Rycharde hath Justyd better.＆ Thomas hath Justyd best
of all.
Then schall he to whom the Diamonde ys gyf un to
he schall take a lady by the honde ＆ be gynnyth the
daunce. and when the ladiis hath dauncyd as longe as
hem lykyth then spisys ＆ wyne ＆ drynke And then a voyde.
Another illumination depicts a man in the course of being armed for a
combat on foot, his “hanscement” is on his body; the sabatons, greaves
and cuisses, adjusted over his lower limbs; the attendant is fitting
on the breech of mail; and all the remaining pieces of his equipment
are lying on a table ready to be put on in their turn. These consist
of the huge, globose bascinet, the cuirass of breast and back pieces,
the tonletis, vambrace and rerebrace, a moton for the armpit, and a
gauntlet. The “griffus” mentioned are the greaves; the “tonletis,” the
skirt of bases; and the “pensill” is a small banner.
The accompanying text is as follows:—
“_How a man schall be armyd at his ese when he schal
fighte on foote._”
He schal have noo schirte up on him but a dowbelet
of ffustean lynyd with satene cutte full of hoolis.the
dowbelet muste be strongeli boūdē there the poyntis
muste be sette aboute the greet of the arme.and the b
ste (sic) before and behynde and the gussetis of mayle
muste be sowid un to the dowbelet in the bought of
the arme.and undir the arme the armynge poyntis muste
be made of fyne twyne suche as men make stryngis for
crossebowes and they muste be trussid small and poyntid
as poyntis. Also they muste be wexid with cordeweneris
coode.and than they woll neythir recche nor breke Also
a payre hosyñ of stamyn sengill and a peyre of shorte
bulwerkis of thynne blanket to put aboute his kneys
for chawfynge of his lighernes Also a payre of shone
of thikke cordewene and they muste be frette with smal
whipcorde thre knottis up on a corde and thre coordis
muste be faste sowid un to the hele of the shoo and
fyne cordis in the mydill of the soole of the same shoo
and that ther be betwene the frettis of the heele and
the frettis of the myddill of the shoo the space of
thre fyngris.
_To arme a man._
ffirst ye muste sette on Sabatones and tye hem up on
to the shoo with smale poyntis that wol breke And then
griffus ＆ then quisses ＆ thē the breche of mayle And
thē tonletis. And thē brest And the vambras And the
rerebras And then glovys And then hange his daggere
upon his right side And then his shorte swerde upon
the lyfte side in a round rynge all nakid to pulle it
oute lightli And then putte his cote upon his bak And
then his basinet pỹnid up on two greet staplis before
the breste with a dowbill bokill behynde up on the bak
for to make the basinet sitte juste. And then his long
swerde in his hande. And then his pensill in his hande
peyntid of seynt George or of oure lady to blesse him
with as he gooth towarde the felde and in the felde.
A list of various accessaries and necessaries for a fight on foot is
given; such as a tent, the refreshments, “Also a longe swerde shorte
swerde and dagger Also a pensell to here in his hande of his avowrye,”
also the tools for repairing damaged armour.
The _Pas de la Pélerine_, held by the Seigneur de Haubourdin Bastard de
St. Pol, and the feat of arms performed between Jacques de Lalain and
an Englishman named Thomas, both took place near St. Omer, before the
Duke of Burgundy and the Comte de Charolais, in the year 1446. Jehan,
Seigneur de Haubourdin, and six others, calling themselves _pélerins_
(pilgrims), were to hold the _pas_ for six weeks against all comers.
The meeting had been proclaimed in the neighbouring countries; but,
owing to national animosities and other causes prevailing at the time,
only a single cavalier, and he a German fifty years old, attended
from abroad to contest the _pas_. Great preparations had been made:
lists prepared and a tribune, built of stone, erected for the judge.
Two shields were hung in the lists, one representing Sir Lancelot of
the Lake, the other Tristan de Leonnois. The German cavalier touched
the shield of Sir Lancelot, and was given leave to do his devoir in
accordance with the _chapitres d’armes_ drawn up for the occasion. The
duke took his seat on the tribune on the day of combat at 9 a.m., and
soon afterwards the fight with axes began between the German and the
Sire de Haubourdin, who appeared as Sir Lancelot. The German, a tall
man-at-arms, though well up in years, was still vigorous, but not very
expert at the use of the axe. The number of strokes stipulated in the
articles having been exchanged, without injury to either party, the
duke cast his bâton. No other foreign venant presented himself, to the
great disappointment of all concerned. A knight, Bernard de Bearne,
Bastard de Foix, had been on his way to contest the _pas_, but had been
struck down with fever and could not be present in time.
In the combat on foot between Jacques de Lalain and the Englishman
named Thomas, Lalain fought in light armour, wearing a salade (_sallade
de guerre toute ronde_), leaving his face exposed; while the Englishman
wore heavy armour, his helmet being a visored bascinet. Lalain was
armed with a long-shafted axe, with spikes at the top and bottom,
having on one side a _bec de faucon_, or flook, and on the other a
mallet (_mail rond_) with three prongs. The Englishman’s weapon had
an axe-blade on one side, a hammer-head (_long mail_) on the other,
and spikes top and bottom; it had also a roundel guard. After several
strokes had been exchanged Lalain was wounded on the wrist, in spite of
which the fight continued unabated. Thomas then struck some heavy blows
at his adversary, who stepped suddenly back, so that the Englishman
lost his balance and fell heavily to the ground. This ended the fight.
Bernard de Bearne, Bastard de Foix, on recovering from his attack of
fever, presented himself at Bruges, ready to fulfil his engagement
at the _Pas de la Pélerine_; but as the time arranged for the course
of that meeting had expired, the _chapitres d’armes_ prepared for it
had ceased to operate. Nevertheless, a combat took place at Bruges
with de Haubourdin, and new articles provided that lances were to be
cast, and then a fight with axes, until one or the other had lost his
weapon. On the day appointed for the duel the Bastard de Foix entered
the lists, in full armour, the back of his jupon embroidered with the
family arms, with the addition of the bâton of illegitimacy. Having
paid his respects to the duke, who acted as umpire, he retired to his
pavilion. De Haubourdin came and went in like manner, his jupon bearing
the cognizance of Sir Lancelot. The champions then re-entered the lists
for battle, both armed with _becs de faucon_, when it was observed that
the weapon of de Bearne was garnished with a long, slender spike,
calculated for easy penetration between the bars of the visor. De
Haubourdin on seeing this had his visor removed, saying that he would
save his adversary the trouble of piercing it. The combatants each
carried a lance in the right hand, an axe and shield in the left. The
fight commenced by the parties hurling their lances at each other; that
of de Haubourdin missed his opponent, but de Bearne’s weapon struck
the shield of his adversary, and glancing off wounded him in the arm.
Hurling their shields at each other, the champions then closed, and
after some heavy strokes had been delivered the duke’s bâton fell.[154]
De La Marche thus describes a feat of arms which took place on foot and
on horseback between the Seigneur Philippe de Ternant, a Chevalier de
la Toison d’Or, against Galiot de Baltasin, an esquire and chamberlain
to the Duke of Milan, in April, 1446.
Lists of strong planks, with a double enceinte, had been erected in
a large square in the town of Arras, near the Hostelerie de la Clef.
They were spacious in extent, and within them handsome pavilions had
been pitched for the use of the combatants, and there were gaily
decorated stands for the use of the officials and spectators. On the
day appointed Duke Philip of Burgundy took his seat on the tribune on
the stand overlooking the lists, and with him were his son, the Comte
de Charolais, and his nephew, Adolph de Cléves. On the first day of
the fighting the Seigneur de Ternant entered the lists on horseback,
armed at all points, accompanied by the Seigneur de Beaujeu and the
Comte de Sainct Pol, who acted as his esquires. Dismounting, he paid
his respects to his master the duke, after which he retired to his
pavilion. His adversary entered the lists soon after in like manner,
supported by the Comte d’Étampes, who presented him to the duke. Eight
men-at-arms, holding bâtons in their hands, were posted in the lists
in order to be ready to separate the combatants when necessary and to
carry out the orders of the duke.
The usual preliminaries having been gone through, each knight made the
sign of the cross and the first encounter commenced, which was a combat
on foot with lances. Baltasin attacked his adversary with such force as
to break the point of his lance; while de Ternant holed the bascinet
of his opponent. The rule as to following up would seem to have been
infringed by Baltasin, for the king of arms now measured the ground
with cords and marked the limits of advance and retirement, seven paces
each way. New lances were issued, and in the next round both weapons
were broken; after which the seven thrusts provided for in the articles
were duly and gallantly accomplished. The next fight was with estocs
and, after some heavy thrusting, the limits of advance and retreat
were again marked, this time five paces each way. On the resumption of
the fight, which is described as terrible, Baltasin’s helmet was again
holed, pieces of armour was shed on both sides and gauntlets broken.
Baltasin then struck de Ternant on the lower end of the right pauldron,
forcing off the coude, and the combatants assailed each other with such
violence that the points of their estocs were broken off and others had
to be supplied. At length the eleven thrusts were duly and gallantly
performed and the combatants retired to their pavilions.
Then came the fight with hammer-headed axes, the heads having three
prongs, _la mail à maniére de trois coings à fendre bois, point
de poincte de dessous_; and the fifteen strokes provided for were
duly accomplished. The champions were then led before the duke, who
complimented them on their prowess.
After an interval of a few days the combat on horseback took place.
On the chamfron of the Italian’s horse was a long spike, which was
disallowed by the umpire, and the piece was replaced by another.
De Ternant laid his lance in rest, and his sword was at his belt;
while the Italian held his lance with the right hand, his sword and
the bridle with his left. In the first course De Baltasin evaded
impact with the lance, but spurred his charger at de Ternant’s horse,
apparently with the object of unseating its rider. The Burgundian,
however, kept the saddle, and after some further fighting the combat
ended without hurt to either party. The action by the Italian was a
contravention of one of the laws of the tourney, but it was passed over
by the umpire without remark.[155]
The first joust of the Comte de Charolais, afterwards Charles the Bold,
then in his eighteenth year, was run in the park at Brussels in 1452.
His father, Duke Philip, selected the redoubted champion Jacques de
Lalain as the first adversary; and a grand tournament was proclaimed
to take place in Brussels soon after. In the trial course the Comte
and Lalain charged each other, the former breaking his lance on the
shield of his opponent, but Lalain passed without touching him with
his lance. The duke was much displeased at this, and ordered that in
the course next following there should be absolute equality between
the parties; and on the signal being given they charged, each knight
breaking his lance fairly and well on the other’s body. This time it
was the duchess who was angry with Lalain, for his dangerous assault
on her son. On the day of the tournament at Brussels in the same year
the Comte de Charolais played his part manfully and well, and in the
evening he was awarded the first prize by the ladies. In the _conte des
finances_ of 1452 there is an item for 360 livres for his outfit.[156]
The tournament had been proclaimed throughout the countries of
chivalry, and was held in honour of the eighteenth birthday of the
Comte de Charolais, in the Rathhausplatz of the city. Five challengers
held the field against all comers. Charles ran in eighteen courses, his
adversaries being, Adolph de Cléves, Seigneur de Ravastain; Wolfart de
Borssele; the Earl of Buchan; Messire de Vere; Jean de la Tremoille;
Charles de Ternant; Jacques de Lalain; and the Seigneur de Bugnicourt.
The jousting was followed by the quintain, and by a combat on foot.
The meeting concluded with the _mêlée_, after which the prizes were
presented. It was this _pas d’armes_ that was selected for reproduction
at Brussels in 1905.
Jousting was now frequently combined with masques, mummeries and
pageants. The Duke of Cléves was on a visit to his uncle Philip, Duke
of Burgundy, in 1453; and a series of fêtes was held at Lille in his
honour. During the inaugural banquet a beautiful girl entered the
hall bearing a chaplet of flowers, with which she gracefully crowned
the duke; and it seems that this was the sign that the entertainment
immediately following would be given by him. This duly began on the
morrow, an hour after noon, when a knight of the distinguished order
of the swan issued from the palace, fully armed. It was the Duke of
Cléves who was to hold a joust in the market-place at Lille that day;
he, the tenant, against all comers, being ready to break a lance with
all venans who presented themselves for combat. He was preceded by the
figure of a gigantic swan, of the size of a horse; the bird, on each
side of which marched a savage in his war-paint, led the knight along
by a chain of gold. The knight was encircled by little angels, and was
followed by the duke, who was magnificently dressed. The procession
thus formed marched to the lists, where the knight of the swan tilted
with the Comte de Charolais, the Comte de St. Pol, Sir Anthony,
Bastard of Burgundy, and many others. After the jousting was done the
duke escorted the ladies to the palace, where a banquet was served.
The hall was gorgeously decorated. Facing the upper table a fountain
played, and there was a live lion in the hall. After the company had
taken their seats a holy friar advanced and addressed the duke, urging
him to lead his armies against the infidel; and his grace swore that if
the King of France would engage to leave his dominions in peace he was
ready to march with his entire forces in defence of Christendom.[157]
A tournament was held on the coronation of King Edward IV, at which the
ring and ruby were won by Lord Stanley.
The following account is given in _Mémoires de la Marche_[158] of the
_pas d’armes_ held by King Edward IV of England in the year 1467, at
West Smithfield, in which the Bastard of Burgundy took a leading part.
The narration is here much condensed. King Edward had caused lists
of unusual magnificence to be prepared for the occasion, and costly
galleries were erected at the sides. The stand for the accommodation of
the king and his court, his knights and others, was in three stories,
a flight of steps leading up to the umpire’s tribune. The knights
occupied the first story; the esquires, the second; and in the third
were posted the royal archers of the guard. The second erection, lower
than the other, was occupied by the mayor and aldermen of London,
the judges, and other persons in authority: and pavilions, richly
decorated, were pitched for the use of the combatants. In due time the
king ascended the steps of the tribune, preceded by his sword-bearer,
an earl; his majesty was clad in a purple robe and wore the insignia
of the order of the garter; and in attendance was a score or more of
his counsellors. Chairs were provided for the constable and marshal,
and the king took his seat on the tribune as judge. The constable’s
guard of eight men-at-arms then entered the lists and took up their
positions, when a knocking was heard at the gate. It was a knight who
knocked, and the constable asked to know his purpose. “My name,” said
the knight, “is Escallis,[159] and I am come to accomplish a deed of
arms with the Bastard of Burgundy, and demand entrance into the lists
to do my _devoir_.” Permission having been accorded, the knight entered
the lists in full armour, and was followed by ten or a dozen horses,
richly caparisoned, led by pages; and after making his obeisance to
the sovereign he retired to his pavilion. The Bastard of Burgundy then
entered the lists in a like manner, accompanied by the Duke of Suffolk,
who had been deputed by the king to attend him; and in his train were
twelve horses, trapped in cloth of gold and velvet, with the arms of
Burgundy and the bâton of illegitimacy embroidered upon them. After
paying his compliments to the king he also retired to his pavilion.
Both knights re-entered the lists for battle, their lances were handed
to them, and they took up positions for their careers. The onset being
sounded they placed their lances in rest and charged towards each
other, meeting in the centre of the lists, without injury to either
party; then drawing their swords they attacked each other with great
fury. Lord Scales, spurring up his horse, dashed violently against that
of his adversary, the shock of the collision bearing the Burgundian and
his charger to the ground, where the Bastard lay with his horse upon
him. The officials of the lists raised up the fallen champion, when it
was found that he had not sustained any serious injury. The king was
annoyed at this incident; Lord Scales, however, pleaded that it was the
freshness of his horse which had caused the accident. This put an end
to the fighting for the day, and the Bastard retired to his lodgings,
where he was afterwards visited by the constable with a message of
sympathy and enquiry from the king, and an expression of regret at the
accident. “Thank the king,” replied the bastard, “and tell him that
to-day I have fought with a beast, but to-morrow I will engage a man.”
The champions joined in a combat on foot the next day, with spears,
axes and daggers, the fight to continue until one or other should be
disarmed or borne to the ground. It had been arranged that spears
should be cast, but on the king objecting that part of the proceedings
was omitted. The fight then began. Lord Scales dealt the Bastard some
heavy strokes with his axe, and the Bastard, attacking with great
violence, seriously fractured the armour of his adversary, at which
stage of the combat the king cast his bâton.
De la Marche was present at the fight.
Other contests took place on the following day; but on intelligence
arriving of the death of Duke Philippe le Bon, of Burgundy, the meeting
broke up.
Monstrelet states that the lists were 370 feet long by 250 feet broad,
and gives a somewhat different account of the mounted combat. He
says that the jousting was with pointed lances, and further that the
chamfron of the horse of Lord Scales was garnished with a long steel
spike, which, being thrust into the mouth of the Bastard’s charger,
caused the animal such pain that it reared and at length fell, with its
rider, the Burgundian, underneath.
Holinshed’s version[160] is as follows:—
“The first daie they ran togither diurse courses with
sharpe speares, and departed with equall honer. The
next day they turneied on horsseback. The lord Scales
horsse had on his chafron a long sharpe pike of steele,
and as the two champions coped togither, the same
horsse (whether through custome or by chance), thrust
his pike into the nosethrils of the bastard’s horsse;
so that for verie paine he mounted so high, that he
fell on the one side with his maister, and the lord
Scales rode round about him with his sword in his hand,
vntill the King commanded the marshall to helpe vp the
bastard, which openlie said ‘I cannot hold me by the
clouds, for though my horse faileth me, surelie I will
not fail my counter-companion.’”
The king would not suffer them to do any more that day. On the morrow
the champions fought with pole-axes, when at length the point of the
axe wielded by Lord Scales was thrust into the sight of the Bastard’s
helm with such force that it brought him to his knees, on which the
king cast his bâton. The Bastard wished to fight again, but the umpire
ruled that should the encounter be continued it could only recommence
at the stage reached at the termination of the last combat, with the
Bastard on his knees. On hearing this judgment the Bastard relinquished
his challenge.
An Ashmolean MS. (111-3b) furnishes the following[161]:—“A demonstracōn
by John Writh alias Garter, to King Edward the Fourth, touching three
Knyghtes of high Almayn wch came to do arms in England, with the
instruccōns by them geven unto the saide Gartr and the articles of
their feates and enterprise.” The year must have been 1473.
The blending of the tourney with the pageant, mummeries and buffoonery
continued to gain ground, and the sumptuous and costly fêtes held at
Bruges in 1468, on the occasion of the marriage of Charles of Burgundy
with Margaret of York, sister to King Edward IV of England, afford an
excellent example of these combinations. All is minutely described at
great length by de la Marche.[162] He gives details of the dresses,
ceremonial and armour, and full particulars of each joust; he also
names the historic personages taking part. The plot of the leading
pageant, if it can be called a plot, is inconsequent, though staged
with great splendour and elaboration. There were tableaux of the Twelve
Labours of Hercules, and many allegorical representations.
Lists were erected in the Grande Place, and just within them stood
_l’arbre d’or_, a great fir-tree, the trunk of which was gilded over,
and it was this tree which lent its name to the fête. The Bastard of
Burgundy and Adolf de Cléves, Seigneur de Ravastain, cousin-german to
the duke, assumed the rôle of Chevaliers de L’Arbre d’Or, and they were
to hold the _pas_ in its defence. The fêtes were arranged to extend
over ten days. On the first day the duke took his seat on the tribune,
and a “poursuivant-at-armes,” clad in the livery of _l’arbre d’or_,
handed him a letter from the princess of an unknown isle, in which she
proffers her favour to any knight who would deliver a certain giant
from captivity, whom she had placed under the guardianship of her
dwarf. The dwarf, gaily dressed in crimson and white satin, now entered
the arena, leading in the giant by a chain, and, binding him to the
golden tree, took up a position on a flight of steps, with a trumpet
and sand-glass in his hands. The dwarf then sounded a note on his
trumpet, and turned the sand-glass, which was timed for half an hour,
at the expiration of which Adolf de Cléves, as Chevalier de L’Arbre
d’Or, who was to open the _pas_, knocked at the gate of the lists,
and the pursuivant demanded his name and errand. “I am come,” said
he, “to accomplish the adventure of the giant, and demand admission.”
The blazon of his arms having been submitted to the judge it was hung
suspended on the tree, and the dwarf admitted him. De Ravastain was
borne into the lists in a litter, carried on the backs of two black
horses, and made a brilliant entrance with his team of drummers and
trumpeters on the march; his robe was of velvet, the colour of leather,
trimmed with ermine, and on his head was a cardinal’s hat. His handsome
charger, richly caparisoned, bore a pair of panniers on his back,
between which a court fool was seated, and it followed the litter, led
by a varlet. The duchess was seated on her tribune, and the chevalier,
throwing away his hat, knelt down before her and set forth the details
of the rôle he had assumed, praying for her permission to carry out
his plan. This being graciously accorded, he retired to his pavilion
to arm him, re-entering the lists on horseback. The dwarf then gave
the signal for the jousting, and the venans, sumptuously arrayed and
brilliantly attended, were successively disposed of. After they had
been dealt with, the dwarf again blew his trumpet and the prize was
presented to de Cléves. The cavaliers then jousted each with a _gros
planchon blanc_, but without touching each other; and the first day’s
proceedings finished with a banquet. Jousts of different kinds, dinners
and entertainments continued over each succeeding day of the fêtes.
On the sixth day the Bastard of Burgundy had his leg nearly broken;
on the eighth the Sire Philippe de Poictiers was wounded; and on the
ninth day Duke Charles jousted with his kinsman, de Ravastain, breaking
eight spears to eleven by his opponent. The prize was a _destrier_,
richly accoutred, provided with panniers, and in them was an entire
jousting equipment of the Bastard of Burgundy. The prize was won by the
Sire de Arguel, who had broken thirteen lances on the third day of the
fêtes. In keeping account of the splintered lances, the _articles du
pas_ determine how they shall be broken:—“_car nulles lances ne furent
tenues pour rompues, s’il n’y avoit quatre doigts de franc au-dessous
du roquet, ou devant la grape_.” The lances for every contest were
always carefully measured before being used, so that they were of equal
length.
The lists were cleared of the tilt and stands, and the _mêlée_ began,
there being twenty-five cavaliers on each side. They fought with
rebated swords, and with such ardour that all signals to stop were
disregarded, and it was only when the duke rode in among them unhelmed,
sword in hand, that they could be induced to cease fighting and go and
prepare for the banquet which was to follow.
Philip de Commenes was present and tilted with Jerom of Cambrai. The
banquet was served on a splendid scale, and the side tables were
curiously embellished. On one of the dishes was the figure of a unicorn
the size of a horse, with a leopard on his back waving the banner of
England in one hand, and holding in the other a _fleur de marguerite_.
The unicorn was trapped in silk, on which were embroidered the arms of
England. A _fleur de marguerite_ was presented to the duke by the hand
of a little female dwarf belonging to Marie of Burgundy. The dwarf was
dressed as a shepherdess, in cloth of gold, and was mounted on a huge
lion, bearing the arms of Burgundy, which opened its mouth by means of
springs, and chanted a poem in honour of the beautiful shepherdess.
There were many more mechanical contrivances; and on the last day
of the fêtes a whale sixty feet long entered the hall, escorted by
two giants. The whale wagged its tail and fins; its eyes were great
mirrors, and when it opened its mouth sirens issued from it, chanting
most melodiously. After further conceits the two giants were swallowed
by the whale.
A copy of a very quaint manuscript, portions of it written at
different times in the reign of Edward IV and up to that of Henry
VIII, is given in _Archæologia_ of the year 1846. It describes the
marriage ceremony and the pageants, remarking as to the latter:—“the
pageantes wear so obscure, that I fere me to writ or speke of them,
because all was cuntenaunce and no wordes.”
As to the excitement of the _mêlée_ and the disregard of the signals
and commands to cease fighting, the MS. says:—“the Duke unhelmed hyme,
and with a great staffe his person charged pece in paine of deth, and
soe wt great labore he droffe the parties asounder.”
There was not much tourneying at the court of Burgundy after this,
for Duke Charles was too busily and constantly engaged in military
enterprises against his neighbours; and, indeed, his ambitious,
predatory and headstrong career was fast drawing to a close, ending,
in fact, in 1477 on the fatal field of Nancy. The jousting traditions
of his house passed over through his daughter, his only child, to
the Austrian and German courts, under Maximilian: and it is to these
countries, more especially, to which we must now turn for the history
of the tournament in its decline.
In the same year as the fêtes at Bruges, 1468, a joust was held in
front of the king’s hotel at the Tournelles, Paris; the challengers
against all comers being four gentlemen of the company of the Seneschal
of Normandy. John Raquier hastened from Rouen to take part, and he
broke five lances with distinction; then came Marc Senamy and two sons
of Sir John Sanguin, who all acquitted themselves well, after whom
Charles de Louviers, cup-bearer to the king, jousted successfully, and
the prize of the day was adjuged to him. After all these encounters the
tenans were much bruised, two of them carried their arms in slings and
a third was severely wounded in the hand; so that the honours of the
meeting lay with the venans.[163]
“At the marriage of Richard, duke of York, son of
Edward IV, with Ann Mowbray, daughter to the duke of
Norfolk in 1477, six gentlemen challenged all comers at
the _Just Roial_, with _helme_ and _shield_,
in manner accustomed.
“Secondly, To runne in _Ostling[164] harneis_ alonge
a tilte.
“And thirdly, to strike certaine strokes with swoards
and guise of _torney_.”[165]
A narrative by an eye-witness of this marriage and “of the grand
justing then celebrated” is given in the Ashmolean MS. No. 856,
94-104,[166] which is at least as curious as the account of the
jousting of Anthony Lord Scales with the Bastard of Burgundy. It was
published by W. H. B. in the _Excerpta Historica_, in June, 1830.
“In the reign of Henry VII certaine gentlemen who
stiled themselves servants of Ladie Maie, in honour
of that month, gave a challenge to be performed at
Greenwiche; the articles run thus:—
“_Imprimis_, The fourteenth daie of Maie, shall be
redye in the field certaine gentlemen, perteyning to
the Ladye Maie, armed for the tilt, in harneis therunto
accustomed; and there to kepe the fielde (in such place
as it shall please the kynge to appoint) from 2 of the
clocke, til 5 at the afternoone, to run with every
commer 8 courses; and thus the answerers all answered
and served, that than if there be any that desireth for
their Ladyes sake other 4 courses, it shall be granted,
so the hower be not past, if it be then at the queenes
pleasure.
“The second day, to shoot Standart Arrowe and fighte,
with all commers; he that shootes the standart furthest
to have a prise, and so in like case of the arrows of
the flight.
“The third day with swordes rebated (without points
or edges) to strike with any commer 8 strokes in way of
pleasure; and four strokes more for any of the commers
mistress sake, under the above restrictions, (and the
queen’s pleasure).
“The fourth day to wrestle all manner of ways.
“The fifth day, armed to fighte on foote, with
speares in their hands rebated, and then swordes by
their sides for the battle; and then with speare and
sworde to defend their barriers; that is to say, with
spears 8 strokes, whereof two with foyne (thrusts) and
6 strokes; and that done, to drawe their swordes and
strike 8 strokes every man, to his best advantage, with
gripe or otherwise; and four strokes for a lady, under
the above restrictions.
“The sixth day to cast the barre on foote, and with
the arme both heavie and light.
“At these _tournois_ the challenger doth engage
to come in _harneis_ for the tilt, without targe or
brockett, _woalant piece over the head_,[167] rondall
over the garde, rest of advantage, fraude, deceit, or
other malengine.
“And some time after four gentlemen challenged all
commers at Greenwich: To the feate called barriers,
with the casting speare, and the targatt and the
bastarde sworde.[168] And one cast with the speare
hedded with the morn (coronal), and 17 strokes with
the sworde, point and edge rebated; without close or
griping one another with handes, upon paine of such
punishment, as the judges for the tyme being should
thinke requisite.”
“The tilts, we find, were performed with long tilting spears, on
horseback; and when their lances were broken, they often took to
their swords as well as axes”: see the method of challenge in the
description of the plates in the life of Earl Warwick, and the manner
of performing, Plates 35, 36, ＆ 37, etc.[169]
Caxton, writing in the reign of Edward IV, in his epilogue to _The book
of the Order of Chyvalry and Knyghthode_, says:—
“I wold it pleasyd our soverayne Lord that twyes or
thryes in a yere, or at least ones, he wold do crye
_Justes of pees_, to thende that every knyght shold
have hors and haryneys, and also the use and craft of
a knyght, and also to torneye one ageynste one, or ij
ageynst ij; and the best to have a prys, a dyamond,
or jewel, such as shold please the prynce. Thys shold
cause gentylmen to resorte to thauncyent customes of
chyvalry, to grate fame and renōmee, and also to be
alway redy to serve theyr prynce when he shalbe calle
them or have nede.”
A superb representation on tapestry of a _mêlée_ which took place late
in the fifteenth century, worked at Malines, is now at Valenciennes;
and it is remarkable for its technical accuracy. The jousting is over;
and a combat with sharp swords in progress. Broken lances, a helmet, a
broken helm, fragments of crests, _grelots_ and other debris shed in
the contest lie on the ground among the horse’s hoofs. The helmets are
armets of the older form, of which there are existing examples spread
over the collections of Europe. This type has hinged side-pieces and
opens out from the middle for inserting and withdrawing the head of
the wearer; and it is fastened together with a leathern strap. There
is a small circular disk projecting from the back of the helmet,
as well as a collar in front and over the neck behind, to which a
necklet of chain-mail is fixed by a line of rivets. The comb of the
helmet is holed for the attachment of a crest and the visor projects
in a sort of beak. The disk is fixed to one side of the back of the
head-piece by a thin iron connecting pin or bar. Its use or purpose
is difficult to imagine and has given rise to much controversy, but
none of the explanations advanced are at all convincing, for the bar
or connecting pin is too slender to protect the neck from a sword
stroke or even to shield from injury the strap at the back which holds
the helmet together. This type fell into disuse at the commencement
of the sixteenth century. The armour shown on the figures is fairly
uniform. A long mail shirt with sleeves is worn, and it is much less
covered with plate than might be expected at the end of the fifteenth
century. The forms of the pauldrons, neck-guards, globose breastplate,
“bear-paw,” or “cow-mouth” sollerets (as they were called), tuilles,
tassets, and bases all mark the period, which other historic features
on the tapestry confirm. Motons appear on only one of the figures, and
they are pear-shaped; in the case of the other front figures there is
no defence for the armpits beyond the chain-mail shirt. The lances are
both grooved and plain, the vamplates, circular. An unusual feature
is the presence of three long, narrow, label-shaped plates or bars,
ridged down the middle, with small circular eyes at the tops, through
which screws or rivets are passed, attaching them to the back rim of
the armet. The back-plates are low, reaching but half-way up, and these
three plates or bars form the only defence for the upper back outside
the mail shirts. They appear to be adjustable to a certain extent. The
middle plate is the longest of the three, extending down the spine of
the wearer to over the top of the low back-plate; while the side-bars,
equal in length, reach well over the pauldron wings. The horses are all
barded in leather, with chamfrons and crinets apparently of iron; and
none of the animals are trapped. The bridles are of chain-mail, framed
in iron. The tapestry measures 4·70 m. to 5·60 m. in size, and part of
it is shown on Plate I (2).
In the year 1487 Johannes, Duke of Saxony, ran in _Gestech_ with Cuntz
Metzschen at Jena, and both riders kept their seats. They wore armour
such as described in Plate IX (1): the motons were very ornate. On the
duke’s helm were two small black flags, on which the letter “M” was
embroidered, in honour of his wife, Sophie of Mecklenburg. His trapper
and shield were black, with violet, yellow, and white stripes.
A “Solemne Triumphe” was held at Richmond, which lasted a whole month,
at which Sir James Parker was killed, in 1494.[170]
The two most important armouries are those at Vienna and Madrid; but
for the study of the tourney that at Dresden is the best. Indeed, much
of the armour there has remained, practically _in situ_, since it was
in use, and many of the harnesses can be attributed with certainty,
both as regards wearers and makers. In the _Tournierwaffensaal_
several of the mounted models have sat their horses since the year
1591. At Dresden may be seen examples of the saddles, horse muzzles,
weapons, bards and trappers; and even the textile costumes worn over
and under the armour, as well as the small accessories and tools, may
be studied. Besides these armouries, those at Paris, Berlin, Turin,
Nuremberg, the Tower of London, and the Wallace Collection, are large
and comprehensive.
The German _Turnierbücher_ and jousting in Germany will be dealt with
in the next chapter.
FOOTNOTES:
[139] _Mémoirs de la Marche_, Liv. I, Chaps. VIII and IX.
[140] A short thrusting sword.
[141] A stout foining sword.
[142] “Double ou single.” _Chroniques de Monstrelet_, Liv. II, 835.
This would imply an option to use reinforcing pieces or not; for some
of the foreign cavaliers might not be provided with them at this time.
[143] The Vamplate.
[144] The italics are ours.
[145] See Appendix B.
[146] _Mémoires de la Marche_, I, Chap. XVI; and _Histoire Des Ducs De
Bourgogne_, II, 63.
[147] See Appendix A.
[148] Sainte-Palaye in _Mémoires sur L’Ancienne Chevalerie_, Vol. 1,
15, defines and describes the different grades and sorts of esquires.
[149] MS. 506. Rights due att the Tournay. “Firste the Kinge of
Armes....” See Appendix A.
[150] _Arch. Journ._, XLVI, 135.
[151] Hist. de, Ch. VII, p. 568.
[152] Class XVI, No. 5.
[153] The Armouries of the Tower of London, p. 440.
[154] _Mémoires D’Olivier De La Marche_, I, chap. XVIII.
[155] _Mémoires de la Marche_, I, Chap. XIV.
[156] Histoire des Ducs De Bourgogne, II, 90.
[157] Monstrelet’s _Chronicle_, (Continuation) Johnes’ II. Chap. LXIII.
[158] Liv. I, Chap. XXXVII.
[159] Anthony Woodville, Lord Scales, brother to the Queen of England.
[160] _Chronicles_, III, 286.
[161] See Appendix A.
[162] Liv. II, Chap. IV.
[163] Monstrelet, _Continuation_, Chap. CLXIX.
[164] Easterling.
[165] “Certaine Triumphes,” a MS. in Bib. Harl. insig., No. 69. See
Appendix B.
[166] See Appendix A.
[167] The Italics are ours.
[168] Hand and a half sword.
[169] MS. in Bib. Harl. insig., Cod. 69. See Appendix B.
[170] _Archæological Journal_, LV, 299.