The fifteenth century marks a very distinct epoch in the history of the
tourney, which became milder and less dangerous to life and limb; and
during its course a stricter observance than hitherto of the rules,
regulations and limitations prescribed were progressively more strictly
enforced, and their infringement subjected the offenders to severe and
sometimes degrading penalties. An oath to observe the rules of chivalry
was administered to all cavaliers taking part in the tournament.
Body-armour had proved inadequate to resist the then weapons of attack,
and at the commencement of the century, or perhaps a couple of decades
earlier, the armour-smith was especially directing his attention
towards the strengthening of the knightly harness. The chief seat of
the industry for the greater part of the century was at Milan, at which
city armour was forged of such strength as to be capable of resisting
thrusts with the lance and strokes from the terrible battle-axe, sword
and mace practically without fracture; and one meets with references in
English and other records to orders being sent to Milan for harnesses
of proof, a civil garment being forwarded to indicate the stature and
build of the person, since ill-fitting suits would be apt to chafe the
wearers. But, while the best and most costly harnesses came from Italy,
less expensive equipments were imported into England from Germany;
for “_ostling_” (Easterling) armour is sometimes mentioned in English
articles of combat, and it was probably obtained through the agency of
the Hanseatic Confederation from their London depôt, the Steelyard,
then situated in what is now Lower Thames Street, London. The cost of
carriage also would be much less from Germany.
The great armour-smiths of Milan at the period immediately under review
were members of the Missaglia Negroli family, which, like many others,
carried on their craft for several generations. The Germans have always
been wont to borrow the inventions and processes of other nations,
and then often to cheapen them; and so it was with body-armour. They
gradually succeeded, under the personal inspiration and direction of
the Emperor Maximilian, in transferring the bulk of that industry, even
in the best harnesses, to German soil, until at length cities like
Nuremberg and Augsburg became the chief seats of the manufacture; and
indeed the bulk of the armours preserved to us of the later “Gothic”
and “Maximilian” styles are of German make. That Maximilian engaged
armour-smiths from Italy is seen by a contract made in 1494[99] with
the Milan armourers Gabrielle and Francesco de Merate, to erect and
equip for him a smithy in the town of Arbois, in Burgundy, to forge
there a certain number of harnesses at fixed prices. The armour worn
by Maximilian I at Worms, in 1495, in a combat on foot with the
Burgundian, Claude de Vaudrey, bears the stamp “m,e,r,” surmounted by
a crown, the Milan mark of these smiths, who came next in celebrity to
the Missaglias.
Many ameliorations were conceived in the fifteenth century with a view
to further minimizing the risk of serious accidents, and one of the
most far-reaching and important was the application of the tilt in
jousting. Many injuries had befallen the riders in the tourney by the
collision of their horses, sometimes by accident, at others by design,
and the idea of the tilt was conceived greatly with a view towards
obviating this danger. The tilt, or _toile_, was at first a rope hung
with cloth, stretched along the middle of the lists, but later it
became a barrier of planks, along which the tilters charged in opposite
directions, their bridle-arms towards it, their lances held in rest in
their right hands on the tilt side of the horse’s neck, striking the
polished, glancing surface of their adversary’s armour at an angle. The
tilt had the advantage of lending a fixed direction to the jousters in
their careers, though they often failed to touch each other. With the
danger of these collisions removed, the knight ran his course with but
little risk.
Jousting in the open with pointed lances was, however, continued
by a hardier type of jousters until long after the introduction of
the tilt; and here the saddle was without cantle, so as to offer no
impediment to unhorsing; and a cushion or mattress, stuffed with straw,
was placed over the chests of the horses, to act as a buffer in case
of collision. A rough game it was for a cavalier to be unseated and
thrown to the ground in his heavy armour, sometimes carrying a weight
of two hundred pounds; though his fall was broken by the ground of the
lists being covered with thickly strewn sand or mulched with refuse
from the tan-yard. This form was much practised in Germany, though
strange to say but little harm would seem to have been experienced by
the champions in their falls, greatly owing to the extensive padding
of their harnesses. Other important departures in the direction of
comparative safety were the designing of special forms of armour for
the tiltyard, and the introduction of additional or reinforcing pieces,
for doubly protecting those parts of the body on which the brunt of the
attack fell, viz. mainly on the left side. They first appear in England
in the reign of Edward IV. “William Lord Bergavenny bequeathed to his
son the best sword and harness for justs of peace and that which belong
to war.”
The vamplate of this century was much enlarged, for the protection of
the lance-arm; and the steels of the saddles lent great protection to
the bodies of the jousters below the breast. The effect of all this was
to encase those taking part in the tourney in an almost impenetrable
shell, from which they could barely see or do more than couch and aim
their lances.
Armour for the lists became sharply divided from that employed for
“hoasting” purposes, as harnesses for the field were called, though in
what country the change had its origin, whether in Burgundy, Italy or
Germany, is uncertain. It was in use in Burgundy in the year 1443, for
we read in the account given in _Mémoires D’Olivier De La Marche_,[100]
that during the time the necessary preparations were being made for
the tournament held at L’Arbre de Charlemagne, Dijon, in that year,
the young cavaliers practised jousting before the duke “_et là furent
faictes une jouste à selles plattes et en harnois de joûte_.”
Harnesses for the lists assume different forms in Germany from those
in Italy. In the first-named country in the case of the armour for
jousting in the open, so to speak, the breastplate was flattened on
the right side for better couching and aiming the lance, which was
supported by a _Rasthaken_ or queue behind, as well as by a lance-rest
in front, while in Italy the cuirass continued rounded in form. The
lance-rest (_Rüsthaken_) assumed various forms, though usually that of
a curved bracket. Reinforcing pieces were employed in all courses.
There is another variety of armour which was used in
_Scharfrennen_,[101] but it, with the others, will be particularly
described and illustrated later on. Jousting at the tilt prevailed
greatly in England, though abroad many other varieties were practised
as well. Jousting lances were often painted or ornamented with
party-coloured puffs of cloth along their length. Lance-heads assumed
various forms, examples of which may be seen in several of the German
museums and in the Tower of London. Illustrations are given by
Boeheim.[102] The shafts varied in form, weight and thickness for the
different courses.
The armour for combats on foot was made very strong and heavy, and so
padded with under-clothing as to cause faintings and even deaths in
hot weather. Foot-fighting was rendered much safer by the introduction
of “barriers,” over which the champions fought, but they do not appear
much before the sixteenth century.
The physical strain on those taking part in a tournament must have been
great, and the combatants weary at the end of a long day; nevertheless
they joined the ladies in the evening, when the successful competitors
received the prizes from their hands; and after the banquet came the
dance.
The century saw the mingling of the tourney with the pageant; the
_mêlée_ had been much supplanted by the joust, which demanded more
individual skill, for in the throng and confusion of the _mêlée_ the
element of chance helped certain of the combatants to a distinction
beyond their real deserts; while in the joust, which was a contest
between two champions only, each had to stand or fall solely on his own
merits.
A favourite form of the tourney of the fifteenth century was the
_Kolbenturnier_ or baston course, which differed essentially from all
the others in that no personal injury was intended in the contest,
the object being to batter off the crest which decorated the helm of
an adversary; and it was thus purely a game or trial of skill. The
weapon employed was a _Kolben_, a heavy polygonally-cut baston or mace
of hard wood, about 80 cm. in length. The _Kolben_ swells out along
its shaft to an obtuse point, has a round pommel, short grip, and a
rondel-guard of iron. There is an illustration of this weapon in the
_Tourney-book of René d’Anjou_. The helm, a huge, globose form of
bascinet, was latticed over the face with strong iron bars, and screwed
to the cuirass back and front; it was thickly lined inside and roomy
enough to prevent any injury which might be caused by the heavy blows
exchanged. It was covered outside with leather and painted with various
devices. A fine example of this type of helm is at Dresden, and Boeheim
in _Waffenkunde_,[103] figures one of them in the Collection Mayerfisch
at Sigmaringen. The saddle was the high one, known as the _Sattel im
hohen Zeug_; an example, of the second half of the fifteenth century,
is in the Germanische National Museum at Nuremburg. The _Kolbenturnier_
ceased being run about the end of the first quarter of the sixteenth
century. It was at first practised on foot, and doubtless grew out of
the Judicial combats with the baston of the lower classes. Boeheim
in _Waffenkunde_[104] illustrates Duke Georg of Bayern-Zandshut, at
Heidelberg, armed for a _Kolbenturnier_ in 1482: from Hans Burgmaior’s
_Turnierbuch_, in possession of the Prince of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen.
The crests of the fifteenth century are most fanciful and fantastic,
such as a crowned unicorn or the tail of a fox; many examples may be
seen in the tourney-book of King René, the Beauchamp pageants, the
German tourney books, and other works of the kind; and René describes
their construction very fully. They are fragile and made greatly of
the same materials as those of the century preceding, though oftener
of _cuir-bouilli_, which substance was more substantial and enduring.
The tapestry at Valenciennes, which pictures a _mêlée_ of the fifteenth
century, shows numerous fragments of crests lying on the ground under
the hoofs of the horses. The knights prized their crests greatly; and
they were often buried with them. They were fixed in position by an
iron bar or brooch; an example of the latter may be seen at the Musée
d’Artillerie, Paris. Sometimes the horse was also provided with a
crest, as in the tournament at Windsor Park in 1278.
The hours during which _fêtes d’armes_ took place show that the
lists were frequently artificially lighted, and, indeed, torches and
flambeaux are sometimes mentioned.
Tournaments held at the royal and princely courts of the countries
of chivalry were strictly games, the hosts often challenging their
guests to trials of skill; and some correspondence preserved of the
fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, between German princes, shows what
a great part these martial sports played in the routine of their daily
lives; second only, if even that, to the chase. Kurfürst Albrecht von
Brandenburg, writing to a friend in the last quarter of the century,
says:—“_Wir sind yor mit gots hilff die fordersten im Turnier gewesen
und gedenkens aber zu bleiben_.”[105] Maximilian, writing, at the age
of nineteen, to Sigmund Pruschenk, remarks:—“_Ich hab das pest gethan,
wann ich hab VIII stechholz zerstossen_.”[106]
Much depended on the docility and training of the chargers, which
were often ridden blindfolded, and they were sometimes influenced by
a spirit of combat like their riders. The bodies of the horses were
padded and covered by the trapper, which fell down almost to the
ground, considerably hampering their motions; a mattress of straw,
crescent-formed, protected their chests;[107] their ears were sometimes
stopped with wool or oakum; the head and tail frequently decorated with
feathers; and the animals advanced towards each other at a hand-gallop.
The rowel-spurs had long necks. Each variety of joust had its own
special type of saddle, devised with the object of making unhorsing
either difficult or easy as the case might be. These saddles will
be described in their order. Each prince or man of rank and fortune
kept a considerable number of horses continually in practice; and the
correspondence of the times reveals many requests for their loan.
It was at the courts of Aix and Burgundy where for long the tourney
was much fostered; and at both it may be said to have been reduced
almost to a science. At the first-named court it was much a matter of
amusement, emulation and relaxation; while in the latter, then the most
brilliant in Europe, it was greatly the policy of the sovereign to
encourage tournaments and fêtes of all kinds. They kept the leaders of
the armies and the chevaliers generally in close touch with the head of
the state and the country, besides providing gladiatorial spectacles
for the duke’s somewhat restless and discontented subjects, who were
often smarting under heavy imposts to provide him with the means for
constant schemes of aggression and a profuse display, and who were
frequently in a state of revolt. After the tragic death of Charles the
Bold, the jousting traditions of the court of Burgundy passed over to
that of Maximilian of Austria, who would seem to have made successful
jousting one of the great objects of his life.
There is perhaps necessarily a certain degree of monotony and
repetition in the narrations of the chroniclers of the joust and
tourney, but they convey collectively a much clearer idea of these
encounters than a mere bald statement of the leading facts could do,
and they reflect the chivalrous spirit of the times in the incessant
craving of the young cavaliers for notoriety and distinction in the
tiltyard. Many examples of jousts and _pas d’armes_ of the fifteenth
century are given in the _Chronique de Monstrelet_, the _Mémoires de la
Marche_, and _Chastelain’s Cronique Jacques de Lalain_. The _Chronicle
of Euguerrand de Monstrelet_, with its somewhat irregular continuations
by de Couci and others, commences where that of Froissart leaves off,
viz. in the year 1400; and it has the advantage of being for the most
part contemporaneous in regard to the events it narrates. Monstrelet’s
style of writing is less sprightly and more monotonous than that of
Froissart; but he gives dates to his recitals, which, however, leave
much to be desired on the score of accuracy. The names of personages
and even towns given in the _Chronicles_ are most perplexing, being
frequently so distorted as to make identification an impossibility.
Like Froissart, Monstrelet does not confine himself to the events of
the period under review in France and Burgundy, but deals also with
those of other countries in relation to them. The _Chronicles_, which
really amount to a history, afford a good insight into the subject of
the jousts and tourneys of the times; and Monstrelet states that his
information was carefully collected from heralds, kings-of-arms and
other officials of the lists. Monstrelet was born about 1390 and died
in 1453.
The Bibliothèque de Bourgogne in the National Library at Brussels
possesses many illuminations of the reign of Philip the Good and
Charles the Bold; and there are also several in the Paris Collection
and particularly in the _Armorial de la Toison d’Or_.
An Ashmolean MS., No. 1116, ff. 137b-86, gives the names and arms of
the sovereigns and knights of the Order of the Golden Fleece (Toison
d’Or) from its institution in 1429 to the twenty-third festival of the
Order, which was held by Philip II, King of Spain, 12 Aug. 1559; it
gives historical accounts of the celebration of the feasts. The MS.,
which is in French, is beautifully written, with the arms tricked.
Other MSS. in the same Collection, 139-66, 167-75b, of the year 1431,
give the statutes and ordinances of the Order.
Appendix A furnishes an abstract of all the Ashmolean MSS. relating to
the tourney, for reference by our readers.
_The Mémoires D’Olivier De La Marche_ teem with spirited descriptions
of numerous _fêtes d’'armes_ held at the Burgundian court during
the reign of Duke Philippe le Bon, which are full of detail; and
several of them bear the impress of having been written by an actual
eye-witness, with ample opportunities for getting information, and
with a sufficiency of technical knowledge for placing the scope and
minutiæ of the encounters accurately and vividly before us. They
also afford invaluable details of the costumes of the period, giving
minute particulars of the dresses, and all matters connected with the
lists. The Seigneur de la Marche was a Burgundian, born about 1425; he
was appointed a page to his master the Duke in 1447, and was dubbed
chevalier after the battle of Montlehéry. He distinguished himself
before Ghent in 1452, was appointed a commissionary to the forces in
1456, was made a prisoner at Nancy in 1476, and died in 1502. The
Mémoires cover a period of about fifty-three years, and form a very
valuable contribution to the history of the tourney. They were first
published in 1562.[108] Jean de Féore, Seigneur de St. Remy, describes
some of the _pas d’armes_ of the century; and the _Traité de Tournois_,
by Louis de Bruges, written in the reign of Charles VIII, of France,
deals with others of a later period. The Beauchamp Peageants[109]
afford some excellent illustrations of jousts and combats on foot and
on horseback. They are reproduced in the _History of the Life and Acts
of Richard Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick_, by John Rouse, the Warwickshire
antiquary and historian, who died on the 14th of February, 1491, the
seventh year of Henry VII. Earl Richard was born in 1381 and died
in 1439. Hefner’s plates, Nos. 109 and 138, also picture jousts and
tourneys of this period.
_The Romance of Petit Jehan de Saintré_,[110] written in 1459, by
Antoine de la Sale, contains fifteen large and fine illustrations
of jousts, combats on foot, etc., which, as far as we can judge,
fairly represent such knightly encounters of the period. Hewitt[111]
mentions the equipments and colours, as shown on fol. 39: “_Near
Knight._—Armour, iron-colour; feet, black; crest, red flower with
gold leaves; saddle, bridle, and stirrup-leather, red; trapper, blue,
marked with darker blue and lined with white fur. _Far Knight._—Armour
and feet as before; crest, gold with red feathers; saddle, buff;
trapper, dark with black markings; bells, gold. Chanfreins both ridged
and spiked, gold; the rest iron. The barrier is red and marked with
a deeper red. It will be observed that, except the helm, the whole
armour differs in nothing from the usual war suit.” The _Mémoires of
the Sire de Haynin_[112] afford some interesting details in connection
with _pas d’armes_.
The rules of the tourney promulgated by René d’Anjou, King of Naples,
Sicily and Jerusalem, and Duke of Lorraine, in _Tournois du Roi René_,
are most important. They contain many restrictions in the use of
weapons, and all tend towards restraining the violence and disorder
which had hitherto prevailed, and towards rendering these warlike games
less dangerous; and they inculcate a spirit of chivalry, thus doing
away greatly with much of the brutality of the former age. René thought
lances too cumbersome for the tourney, and considered the proper
weapons to be rebated swords and maces. The famous duel between the
dukes of Brittany and Bourbon is described. But little jousting took
place at Aix, the _mêlée_ being preferred. There are several splendid
manuscripts of the King’s writings extant, four of them at Paris,
illuminated by the King himself, and they go into the minutest details
of all which concern the tourney as practised at Aix.
“The Ordinaunce, statutes and rules made by John Lord Typtofte, Erle
of Worcester, Counstable of England by the Kinges commaundment, at
Windsor the 29 of May ao sixto Edwardi quarti (1466), to be observed
and kepte in all manner of Justes of pees royall with in this realme of
England.”[113]
There are several copies of the rules extant. The version here given,
in an abridged form, is taken from the _Antiquarian Repertory_. It was
copied from a MS. M. 61 in the Herald’s College.[114]
Another copy may be seen in _Nugae Antiquae_, by Park, which is
referred to in _Archæologia_, or the year 1813.[115] They are also
printed in Dr. Meyrick’s _Critical Essay on Antient Armor_, III,
179-86, with valuable notes from the MS. M. 6, in the Herald’s College.
These rules run:—
“Firste, whoso breaketh most speares, as they ought to
be broken, shall have the price.
Item, whoso hitteth thre tymes in the heaulme, shall
have the price.
Item, whoso meteth two tymes coronoll to coronoll,
shall have the price.
Item, whoso beareth a man downe with stroke of speare,
shall have the price.
_For the price._
Firste, whoso beareth a man downe owte of the saddell, or
putteth him to earthe, horse and man, shall have the price,
before him that striketh coronoll to coronoll two times.
Item, he that striketh coronoll to coronoll two tymes, shall
have the price before him that strike the sight thre tymes.
Item, he that striketh the sight thre tymes, shall have the
price before him that breake the moste speares.
Item, yf there be any man that fortunetly in this wise
shalbe deemed he bode longest in the feeld heaulmed, and
ranne the fairest course, and gave the greatest strokes,
helpinge himself best with his speare.”
_How prices shalbe loste._
First. Whosoe striketh a horse, shall not have the price.
Second. Whosoe striketh a mannes backe, turned or disarmed
of his speare, shall have no price.
Third. Who hitteth the toyle, or tilte 3 times, shall have
no price.
Fourth. Whosoe unhelmes himselfe 2 times, shall have no
price, without his horse faile him.
_How speares shall be allowed._
First. Whoso breaketh a speare betweene the saddle, and the
charnell of the helme, shall be allowed one.
Whoso breaketh a speare from the charnell vpwards, shall be
allowed one.
Whoso breaketh and putteth his aduersary downe, and out of
the saddle, or disarmeth him in such wise, as he may not
runne the next course after, shall be allowed three speares
broken.
_How Speares broken be disallowed._
First. Who breaketh a speare on the sadle, shall be
disallowed for a speare broken.
Second. Who hitts the tilt or toile once, shall be
disallowed for 2 speares broken.
Third. Whosoe hitts the tilt twice shal be for the two times
abated, for 3 speares broken.
Fourth. Whosoe breaketh a speare within a foot of the
crownall (coronal), shall be judged as no speare broken, but
a good attaynte.
A few short rules follow for the _mêlée_ and barriers.
There is much confusion in the nomenclature employed by chroniclers
in their descriptions of these chivalric war-games, and the terms
“_tournois_,” “tourney,” “joustes” or “_joûtes_” and “_pas d’armes_,”
are often confounded with each other, all or any being sometimes used
in a general sense to cover various forms of jousting and the tourney:
and such meetings often received the general appellation of _fêtes
d’armes_. In a contemporary recital of the meeting in 1559, which
Henry II of France received his fatal wound, the terms “_joûtes_,”
“_tournois_,” and _pas d’armes_ are all employed to express the
proceedings as a whole. The term “tourney” is very frequently used to
denote the _mêlée_.
A _pas d’armes_ or passage of arms usually covered a variety of martial
exercises. It was open to all comers, being knights and esquires
qualified to take part, who were invited by proclamation to attend.
The field was held by a certain number of challengers, called “_les
tenans_” or holders of the _pas_; while the attacking cavaliers were
known as “_les venans_,” or comers, who came to try and wrest the _pas_
from them. A _pas d’armes_ was also an imitation of an operation of
war, a _Scharmützel_, in the attack and defence of a supposed position
of strength, such as a pasteboard bridge-head, a castle of wood or
the assumed gate to a town; the contest being waged with all the
ardour of real warfare, though tempered by certain rules, pretences
and limitations. The term _pas d’armes_ is comprehensive, for besides
jousting and strokes with the sword, etc., such meetings often included
combats on foot; and, after the middle of the fifteenth century,
contests on horseback with the baston or mace; and they often concluded
with the tourney proper or _mêlée_, troop against troop.
In the _Antiquarian Repertory_[116] is the following account of a _pas
d’armes_ held about the end of the fifteenth century:—
“The king assigns to four maidens of his court the
umpireship of the castle called ‘Loyall’; for the
attack and defence of which they are to arrange as they
may collectively decide upon. The castle is a mock
fortress, representing one which had been subjected to
a remarkable siege in history. The ladies confide its
guard and custody to a captain and fifteen cavaliers
to defend the ‘pas’ against all comers. A unicorn is
placed within the lists, the four legs of which support
as many shields, coloured white, red, yellow and blue
respectively. The first shield signifies the opening
jousts at the tilt, to be run in ‘hoasting’ armour,
with double or reinforcing pieces; the second shield
denotes that in the tourney which follows the jousting
twelve strokes with the sword are to be exchanged; the
third a combat on foot at barriers, the same number of
strokes with one-handed swords; the fourth, the defence
and assault of the castle, with swords, shields and
morris-pikes. The points and edges of all the weapons
employed in the four sections to be rebated, only the
foyne[117] excepted. Any cavalier, except the leader of
either side, if taken prisoner, may be ransomed with
three yards of satin, but captains must pay the cost of
thirteen yards for their freedom. The _pas d’armes_ to
continue from the 27th November to New Year’s Day. The
hours, after the first day, from one in the afternoon
to seven in the evening.”[118]
Other clauses in the _Chapitres d’Armes_ are:—
“Item. Yt shalbe lawfull for the assaulters to devise
all manner of engynes for the wynenge of the said
castell; engyn or tole to breake the ground or howse
with all only excepted.
Item. None do meddell with fier neyther within or
without but to fire their gunnes.
Item. If any man be disarmed, he maye withdrawne
himselfe if he will; but once past the barres, he may
not com agayne into the torney for that daye. Also
there shall no man have his servant within the barres
with any peace of harnois, for no man shalbe within the
said barres but such as shalbe assigned by the king’s
grace.
Item. Who shall beste demeane himselfe at thee same
arte of armes, shall have a sword, garnished, to the
valew of three hundred crownes or under.
Item. If any man strike a horse with his speare, he
shalbe put out of the torny withowt any favour; and if
any slaye an horse, he shall paye to the owner of the
said horse an hundred crownes in recompence; also yt
is not to be thought that any man will slaye an horse
willingly; for if he do it, it shall be to his great dishonor.
Item. He that uses a close gauntlet (a locking or
forbiden gauntlet) shall win no prize.[119]
Item. He that his sword falleth owt of his hand, shal
win no prize.”
The gaining of prizes in jousting was settled as a rule by a counting
of points, for and against, and they were usually:—
Breaking a lance fairly on the body of an adversary, below the helmet,
1 point; above the breast, 2 points; unhorsing, 3 points. Points
would be lost by striking the saddle or the tilt. A lance should be
splintered more than a foot above the head.
The long wars between France and England had engendered much hatred
and bitterness between the nations, and frequent combats in the
lists, _à outrance_, continued to take place between the respective
cavaliers, many of which fights were characterized by great violence
and ruthlessness. Matters at length got to such a pass that in the
year 1409 the French King issued an ordinance against all such combats
between cavaliers of the two nations.[120] Certain combats, however,
continued to take place under royal licence.
In the year 1400 by advice of the Earl of Huntingdon, “solemne iusts
were to be enterprised between him and 20 on his part, and the earle of
Salisburie and 20 with him, at Oxford.” This was a conspiracy for the
assassination of King Henry IV, but the plot miscarried.[121]
In the year 1400 Michel d’Oris, an esquire of Arragon, sent to Calais,
by a pursuivant-at-arms, a challenge to a deed of arms, addressed to
the Cavaliers of England, in the following terms:—
“Au nom de Dieu, et de la benoite vierge Marie, de
saint Michel et de saint George, je, Michel d’Oris,
pour mon nom exhausser, sachant certainement la
renommée des prouesses de chevalerie d’Angleterre, ai,
au jour de la date de ces présentes, pris un tronçon de
gréve à porter à ma jambe jusqu’à tant qu’on chevalier
du dit royaume d’Angleterre m’aura délivré à faire
les armes qui s’ensuivent. Premièrement, d’entrer en
place à pied, et d’être armé chacun ainsi que bon lui
semblera, et d’avoir chacun sa dague et son épée sur
son corps, en quelque lieu qu’il lui plaira, ayant
chacun une hache, dont je baillerai la longueur. Et
sera le nombre des coups de tous les bâtons et armes
ensuivant: c’est à savoir: de la hache, dix coups sans
reprendre. Et quand ces dix coups seront parfaits et
que le juge dira: Ho! nous férirons dix coups d’épée
sans reprendre ni partier l’un de l’autre, et sans
changer harnois. Et quand le juge aura dit: Ho! nous
viendrons aux dagues et férirons dix coups sur main.
Et si aucun de nous perdoit ou laissoit cheoir un de
ses bâtons, l’autre pourra faire son plaisir du bâton,
qu’il tiendra jusqu’à ce que le juge ai dit: Ho! Et les
armes à pied accomplies, nous monterons à cheval; et
sera armé du corps chacun ainsi qu’il lui plaira, et
aura deux chapeaux de fer paraux, lesquels je liverai;
et choisra mon dit compagnon lequel qu’il lui plaira
des deux chapeaux: et aura chacun tel gorgerin qu’il
lui plaira, et avec ce, je baillerai deux selles, dont
mon dit compagnon aura le choix. Et outre plus, aurons
deux lances d’une longueur; desquelles lances nous
férirons vingt coups sans reprendre, à cheval, sur
main; et pourrons férir par devant et par derrière,
depuis le faux du corps en amont. Et icelles armes
de lances faites et accomplies, ferons les armes qui
s’ensuivent: C’est a savoir, s’il advenoit que l’un
ou l’autre ne fût blessé, nous serons tenus après, en
icelle journée même et au second jour après, férir de
coups de lance à course de chevaux à trois rangs, tant
que l’un ou l’autre cherra par terre ou soit blessé,
si qu’il n’en puisse plus faire. Et que chacun s’arme
à sa volonté le corps et la téte. Et les targes soient
de nerfs ou de cornes, sans ce qu’elles soient de fer
ni d’acier, ni qu’il y ait aucune maîtrise. Et courrons
les dites lances atout les selles que les dits chevaux
auront, faisant les dites armes à cheval: et chacun
liera et mettra ses étriers à sa volonté, sans faire
nulle maîtrise. Et pour y ajouter plus grande foi et
fermeté, je Michel d’Oris, ai scellé cette lettre du
sceau de mes armes: laquelle lettre fut faite et écrite
à Paris le vendredi vingtième jour d’Août l’an 1400.”[122]
This letter is given in full, for it affords much first-hand
information in a concrete form of the procedure of a combat of the
period as well as the manner of such cartels.
The letter states that the Spaniard had attached to his leg “_un
tronçon de gréve_,” being a piece of a greave (armour for the shin),
presumably of iron, causing him pain and inconvenience, which he had
vowed to continue wearing until delivered from it by a combat with a
gentleman of England. To this end he had sent his cartel to Calais,
proclaiming his wish for such an encounter, laying down very precise
conditions for a fight at which ten strokes with the axe, ten with
the sword, and the same number of thrusts with the dagger were to be
exchanged; to be followed by twenty courses with lances, on horseback.
The pursuivant duly delivered the letter at Calais, where it was seen
by Sir John Prendergast, who accepted the challenge in his own person,
on behalf of the chivalry of England, subject, of course, to the
permission of his sovereign to the duel being obtained. No reply being
forthcoming from the Spaniard within a reasonable time. Sir John sent
him a letter, stating that the time and place for the combat had been
arranged, and an umpire appointed. There being still no reply, another
letter followed demanding an answer, and at length one arrived, with
excuses for the delay and complaining that Sir John had broken the
treaty in an umpire having been chosen without the name having been
first submitted to him; though showing no burning desire to have the
matter arranged to his own satisfaction. The correspondence continued
over four years and came to nothing after all; but for how long the
Spaniard continued wearing the piece of greave pricking his leg history
does not tell.
In the year 1402 the Sire de Harpedenne, Seneschal de Saintonge, having
heard that certain English knights desired to perform a deed of arms
for the love of their ladies, suggested to the Duke of Orleans that six
gentlemen of his household should challenge a like number of English
cavaliers to a combat _à outrance_. The duke agreeing, the invitation
was duly sent and promptly accepted, the fight to take place near
Bordeaux on the 19th May, 1402. Much pressure was brought to bear on
the duke to induce him to withdraw his sanction, on the ground that
such a combat would tend to increase the bitterness between the nations
which already prevailed; but he continued to encourage the scheme, and
even went to Saint Denis to pray for the success of his countrymen.
Arnault Guilhem, Sire de Barbazan, a chevalier of repute, undertook the
leadership of the French contingent.
The Sire de Harpedenne and the Earl of Rutland were appointed umpires
of the fight; and on the arrival of the French chevaliers at the place
of combat they heard Mass, and the Sire de Barbazan addressed them on
the justice of their cause, animating them to deeds of valour for their
country’s sake; while the Englishmen thought more of a good meal before
fighting. According to the French account of the fight, the Englishmen
had conceived a stratagem for two of their number, by preconcerted
action, suddenly to assail one of the French cavaliers, with the object
of reducing their number to five, as against the English six; but the
plan failed, and it was one of the Englishmen that was killed, thus
turning the tables.[123] This gave a preponderance to the Frenchmen,
but the fight continued long, obstinate and bloody, resulting in the
victory of the French.[124]
In the same year Louis, Duke of Orleans, sent a challenge to Henry
IV, King of England, proposing a combat between them with lances,
battle-axes, swords and daggers, the fight to continue until one of
them surrendered, which the king declined, on the ground that he could
only fight with his equal.
In 1403 a deed of arms, _à outrance_, was performed at Valentia, four
Spanish cavaliers against four Frenchmen, the King of Arragon acting as
umpire; and the articles of combat provided for a fight on foot with
axes, swords and daggers. The Seneschal of Hainault led the French, and
the Seigneur de Sainte Coulombe, a member of the king’s household, the
Spaniards. Highly decorated lists had been erected for the occasion,
and the king took his seat on the tribune, expressing the hope that the
fight might not take place; but the parties urged that great expense
had been incurred, and that the French cavaliers had come from a
distance at heavy charges in answer to the challenge. The king yielded
to these arguments, and gave the signal for the onset. A gallant fight
with axes ensued, during which one of the Spaniards seized a Frenchman
by the leg and was preparing to stab him with his dagger when the king
cast his bâton, putting an end to the conflict, to the great chagrin of
both sides.[125]
Plate XI in _Horda Angel-Cynnan_ “shewes how atte coronacion of quene
Jane[126] erle Richarde kepte juste for the quene’s part ageynst
all commers, when he so notably and so knyghtly behaved himself, as
redounded to his noble fame and perpetuall worship.” Sir Richard was
then twenty-two years old. The illustration shows a joust at the tilt,
run with lances tipped with coronals, the earl’s crest being the bear
and ragged staff. The armour and general aspect of the picture point
to the period when the Memoir was written rather than to the actual
date of the joust. The tilt is of four planks, and appears to be nearly
six feet in height. The royal party is seated in a balcony overlooking
the lists, and there are raised galleries for the officials and
better-class spectators, and seats on the level of the lists for the
general public.
Plate XX. Sir Pandolf Malatesta sent a challenge to Earl Richard,
first to joust, and “then go togedres with axes; after which armyng
swerdes;[127] and last with sharp daggers.” The jousting finished,
“they went to gedres with axes, and if the lord Calcot hadde not the
sonner cried peas, Sir Pandolf sore wounded on the left shoulder hadde
been utterly slayn on the felde.”[128] The illustration pictures the
combat on foot with _becs de faucon_, weapons more picks than axes. The
helmets are armets, the earl’s crest his well-known cognizance, and he
wears a tabard-shaped surcoat. The equipment is not contemporaneous
with the time of the duel, but rather that of the date of the Memoir.
The plate in _Horda_ is reproduced on our Plate I. The copy from the
MS. is not quite correct in the delineation of the weapon wielded by
the earl, owing to a blur on the original.
Plate XXVIII pictures a combat on horseback, with rebated swords.
Plate XXXV shows Earl Richard jousting at the tilt incognito. He wears
a “volant-piece.”
[Illustration: _PLATE I_
COMBAT ON FOOT BETWEEN SIR RICHARD BEAUCHAMP AND SIR PANDOLF MALATESTA]
[Illustration: THE TAPESTRY AT VALENCIENNES]
Plate XXXVI. The earl is jousting at the tilt. “The erle smote up the
visar (of his adversary) thries, and brake his besauges and other
harneys.”
Plate XXXVII pictures the earl jousting with his face exposed.
Plate XL “shewes howe a mighty duke chalenged erle Richard for his lady
sake, and he justyng slewe the duke,” the lance going through his body.
This joust is with sharp lances in the open. The duke wears a jousting
shield, and the earl a “volant-piece.”
In 1415 three Portuguese cavaliers fought the same number of Frenchmen,
at St. Ouen, near Paris, in presence of the King of France. The
combat was a severe one, resulting at length in the discomfiture of
the Portuguese, who succumbed to the Frenchmen. The manner of this
surrender so disgusted the authorities and spectators that the defeated
party was forcibly expelled the lists.[129]
In 1420 there were several curious subterranean combats, between French
and English cavaliers, at Montereau, that town being then besieged by
the troops of the Dauphin. The English had laid mines extensively under
the walls; and it was in these excavations that the fights took place,
by the light of the flambeaux and torches. The first who fought on the
French side was Louis Juvenal des Ursins, a valiant esquire, son of the
advocate-general, who was dubbed a chevalier on the occasion. The King
of England and Duke of Burgundy were present, and wished to break a
lance together, from which, however, they were dissuaded. The Sire de
Barbazan jousted with the king, at first without knowing who he was,
but as soon as he became aware that it was his Majesty, he respectfully
retired from the contest. Everything passed with great courtesy between
the members of the two nations, and the king gave great praise to the
cavaliers engaged.[130]
In the seventh year of Henry V “triumphant iusts and turneis, in the
whiche, Erle of Arundell, and the Bastard of Sent Polle by the iudgment
of the Ladies, won the price and got the honor.”[131]
A combat on horseback and on foot took place at Arras in 1425,[132]
between the Sires de Sainte-Treille and Lionel de Vendôme, the Duke
of Burgundy acting as umpire. On the first day the chevaliers ran six
courses with the lance, and de Vendôme was slightly wounded in the
head. The day following they fought on foot with axes of the _bec
de faucon_ type, and de Vendôme attacked his adversary with great
impetuosity, but all his strokes were parried. Sainte-Treille then
delivered several blows on the visor of his opponent, forcing it open,
leaving the face exposed; then hooking his axe in the opening wounded
de Vendôme slightly in the face with his gauntlet, perceiving which the
duke cast his bâton. A joust followed between the Sire de Champremi
and the Bastard of Rosbeque, the latter piercing the armour of his
adversary with his lance, on which the duke’s bâton fell.[133]
The _bec de faucon_ or _bec de corbin_ was a weapon with a curved
beak-like spike or pick, as its name implies, sometimes with a blade at
the opposite side, at others with a narrow _mail_ or mallet, with four
short points, somewhat like those on the coronal to a lance, though
sharper: in both varieties there is usually a long spike at the head
and a point at the foot; strictly speaking, however, a weapon with a
blade can hardly be termed a _bec de faucon_. An illustration is given
in “Barriers and Foot Combats,” a paper by Viscount Dillon,[134] of
a weapon of this kind belonging to Captain Hutton, which has a beak
or pick on one side, and opposite to it a _mail_ or mallet of four
points and a spike at the head. There is another example at the Musée
d’Artillerie, Paris, with a very pronounced beak, but neither _mail_
nor spear. It is stated in Lord Dillon’s paper that in the duel between
Merlo and de Charny, at Arras in 1435, before the fighting began, an
objection was lodged by Charny’s friends against the Spaniard using a
_bec de faucon_, axes being stipulated for in the _Chapitres d’Armes_.
It was contended that the weapon was not an axe at all; but after
some discussion the objection was not pressed. The weapon, which is a
terrible one, does not seem to have been much used in Germany.
In 1428 a grand tournament was held at Brussels. The Duke of Burgundy
attended and was magnificently entertained and feasted by his cousin,
Duke Philip of Brabant, and the City of Brussels. The Lady of Gezebêque
awarded the prizes. The dukes announced their intention of jousting
together, but were dissuaded from doing so by the kings-of-arms, for
fear of accidents. Many cavaliers took part, before a great concourse
of nobles, ladies, and the general public. The prize for the most
successful combatant in the first day’s fighting was awarded to a
gentleman of Brabant named Linquart. On the morrow and following days
there was great jousting, and the Duke of Brabant and the Seigneur
de Mamines were adjudged to be the best lances, and the prizes were
awarded to them. This _fête d’armes_ was distinguished by great
splendour, and banquets, dances, masquerades and other mummeries
continued for several days.[135]
In 1430 a combat took place in the great market-place at Arras,
between five French and a like number of Burgundian cavaliers, under
the umpireship of the Duke of Burgundy, for the breaking of a certain
number of lances. The French contingent consisted of the Seigneurs
Théode de Valeperghe, Pothon de Sainte-Treille, Philibert d’Abrecy,
Guillaume de Bes and L’Estendard de Nully; that of the Burgundians
of Simon de Lalain, the Seigneurs de Charny, Jean de Vaulde, Nicolle
and Philibert de Menton. The combat was to continue over five days.
Lists were prepared, “_garnie d’aisselles, afin que les chevaux ne ce
puissent recontrer l’un l’autre_,” and here we have an example of a
joust at the tilt.
On the first day de Lalain jousted with de Valeperghe, when the latter,
with his horse, was thrown violently to the ground. Jousts followed
over the second, third, fourth and fifth days, in which many lances
were broken. In the third course run between de Charny and d’Abrecy,
the visor of the latter’s “armet” was pierced by his opponent’s
lance, causing a very serious wound in the face; and on the last day
the same thing happened to de Nully, in jousting with Philibert de
Menton. The injured knights were removed to their lodgings, and left
behind in charge of the surgeons; both subsequently recovered from
their wounds. On the conclusion of the _fête d’armes_, the honours lay
with the Burgundians, and the duke loaded the Frenchmen with handsome
presents.[136]
In 1435 there was a passage at arms at Arras, held under the umpireship
of Duke Philip of Burgundy; and seated on the bench near him were the
dukes of Bourbon and Cueldres, with other noblemen of distinction. The
parties to the duel were Messire Juan de Merlo, a chevalier banneret
of Spain, and Pierre de Beauffrement, Sire de Charny, a banneret of
Burgundy, knight of the Toison d’Or, and one of the most noted jousters
of his day. The articles of combat provided for a joust of three
courses, and then a combat on foot, with axes, swords and daggers,
to be continued until one of the twain was placed _hors de combat_,
though, as always, subject to the fiat of the judge. The Spaniard
first entered the lists attended by four noble cavaliers, who had
been specially attached to his person by the orders of the duke. De
Charny followed, attended by the Comtes d’Étampes, de Saint Pol and de
Ligny; and with them was the Earl of Suffolk, who carried the lances
to be used on the occasion. The champions ran the three courses with
the lance, without mishap to either beyond a slight fracture to the
armet of the Spaniard. This ended the contest for the first day; and
on the morrow the combat on foot took place. It began with the knights
hurling lances at each other, the weapon of the Spaniard striking the
Burgundian on the arm, causing a slight wound, notwithstanding which
the fight continued with axes. The combatants displayed much skill and
gallantry with their weapons, without much advantage to either knight,
when quite unexpectedly the duke cast his bâton, putting an end to
the fight. The Spaniard protested most energetically to the duke at
the combat being brought to so premature an end, urging that he had
travelled a long way in order to achieve this feat of arms, and had
been put to a vast expense. The duke appeased him, however, by praising
his gallantry, and ordered a handsome present in money to be paid to
him to cover his outlay. This duel is remarkable as furnishing an early
instance of fighting with the visor up. To set against the danger of
having part of the face exposed, it gave great advantage in the way
of vision, in clearness as well as in radius. The visor was a mark so
often aimed at, and was in its nature very vulnerable.[137]
In the twentieth year of King Henry VI a French Chevalier named Louis
de Bueille challenged Rafe Chalons, an esquire of England, to a feat of
arms; and the King of France was present at the meeting. The Englishman
ran the Frenchman through the body and killed him.[138]
Sir John Astley fought on foot with the Chevalier Philip Boyle of
Arragon at Smithfield in the year 1442, King Henry VI acting as umpire.
An illustration in the MS. in the possession of Lord Hastings pictures
quadrangular lists of open railings showing the openings and the bars
for closing them. They are of a kind usually erected for combats of
this nature. King Henry sits in the tribune; and within the lists,
besides the principals, is a herald-at-arms and a guard of four, armed
with battle-axes, for keeping the ring. The combatants wear bascinets;
bases; solerets, _à la Poulaine_; and tabard-shaped surcoats, on which
the respective arms of the parties are embroidered. Boyle’s axe has a
flook or _bec de faucon_ and an axe-blade; that of Astley’s a blade and
a three-pronged mail or mell. The MS. does not state the issue of the
fight.
FOOTNOTES:
[99] Referred to by Wendelin Boeheim in _Meister der
Waffenschmeidekunst_, Chap. LVII.
[100] Chap. VIII, p. 380.
[101] Running with sharp lances.
[102] _Waffenkunde_, p. 551.
[103] Fig. 612.
[104] Fig. 615.
[105] With God’s help we are foremost in the tourney, and intend to
continue so. (_Zeitschrift für historische Waffenkunde_, II, 66.)
[106] I have done my best when I have broken eight lances. (Boeheim’s
_Waffenkunde_, p. 554.)
[107] One is figured by King René; another by Boeheim.
[108] The edition used here is that among _Collection Des Mémoires pour
servir A L’Histoire De France_.
[109] Cotton. MS., Julius, E. IV.
[110] Cotton. MS., Nero, D. IX.
[111] _Ancient Armour_, III, 509.
[112] Société de Bibliophiles Belges. Mons. 1842.
[113] Ashmolean MS. 148-9. See Appendices A and B.
[114] Marked I, 26.
[115] Vol. XVII, p. 290.
[116] Vol. I, 146.
[117] The estoc.
[118] The lists must thus have been artificially lighted.
[119] The locking gauntlet is in the form of a closed hand, the fingers
being made to fasten on the weapon held, the object being to prevent it
being struck out of the hand by an adversary. Examples may be seen in
the Tower of London, and there is one which belonged to Sir Henry Lee
in the Armourer’s Hall, London.
[120] _Histoire Des Ducs De Bourgogne_, II, 262.
[121] Holinshed, III, 10; and Hall, 16.
[122] _Chroniques De Monstrelet_, Liv. I, Chap. II.
[123] Such plans made beforehand would seem to have been quite common,
but they usually miscarried.
[124] _Histoire Des Ducs De Bourgogne_, I, p. 185.
[125] _Chronique de Monstrelet_, I, Chap. XIV.
[126] Queen of Henry IV, married in 1403.
[127] Kuriss-swords.
[128] Cott. MS., Julius E. IV.
[129] _Chronique de Monstrelet_, I, Chap. XIV.
[130] _Histoire Des Ducs De Bourgogne_, I, 412.
[131] Hall, 162. A MS. in the Harleian Collection gives “La Statute
d’Armes de Turnoys par le Parlement d’Angleterre,” _Temp._ Henry V. See
Appendix A.
[132] Monstrelet says 1423.
[133] _Histoire Des Ducs De Bourgogne_, I, p. 435. Monstrelet, in Liv.
II, Chap. VIII, gives a somewhat different account.
[134] _Arch. Journ._, LXI, Plate I, Fig. 2.
[135] _Chronique de Monstrelet_, Liv. II, Chap. LIV.
[136] _Ibid._ Liv. II, Chap. LXXXI.
[137] _Histoire Des Ducs De Bourgogne_, I, p. 339.
[138] Holinshed, III, 214.