You may realise, Gentlemen, how tardily, even in later and more

enlightened times, the study of Literature has crept its way into

official Cambridge, if you will take down your "University Calendar" and

study the list of Professorships there set forth in order of foundation.

It begins in 1502 with the Lady Margaret's Chair of Divinity, founded by

the mother of Henry VII. Five Regius Professorships follow: of Divinity,

Civil Law, Physic, Hebrew, Greek, all of 1540. So Greek comes in upon the

flush of the Renaissance; and the Calendar bravely, yet not committing

itself to a date, heads with Erasmus the noble roll which concludes (as

may it long conclude) with Henry Jackson. But Greek comes in last of the

five. Close on a hundred years elapse before the foundation of the next

chair--it is of Arabic; and more than a hundred before we arrive at

Mathematics. So Sir William Hamilton was not without historical excuse

when he declared the study of Mathematics to be no part of the business

of this University! Then follow Moral Philosophy (1683), Music (1684),

Chemistry (1702), Astronomy (1704), Anatomy (1707), Modern History and

more Arabic, with Botany (1724), Geology (1727), closely followed by Mr

Hulse's Christian Advocate, more Astronomy (1749), more Divinity (1777),

Experimental Philosophy (1783): then in the nineteenth century more Law,

more Medicine, Mineralogy, Archaeology, Political Economy, Pure

Mathematics, Comparative Anatomy, Sanskrit and yet again more Law, before

we arrive in 1869 at a Chair of Latin. Faint yet pursuing, we have yet to

pass chairs of Fine Art (belated), Experimental Physics, Applied

Mechanics, Anglo-Saxon, Animal Morphology, Surgery, Physiology,

Pathology, Ecclesiastical History, Chinese, more Divinity, Mental

Philosophy, Ancient History, Agriculture, Biology, Agricultural Botany,

more Biology, Astrophysics, and German, before arriving in 1910 at a

Chair of English Literature which by this time I have not breath to

defend.

The enumeration has, I hope, been instructive. If it has also plunged you

in gloom, to that atmosphere (as the clock warns me) for a fortnight I

must leave you: with a promise, however, in another lecture to cheer you,

if it may be, with some broken gleams of hope.

[Footnote 1: "What English Poetry may still learn from Greek": a paper

read before the English Association on Nov. 17, 1911.]

[Footnote 2: See Mr E. K. Chambers' "Mediaeval Stage", Dr Courthope's

"History of English Poetry," and Professor W. P. Ker's "The Dark Ages".]

[Footnote 3: Rashdall, "The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages",

vol. ii, p. 684, from documents printed in Fournier's collection.]

LECTURE XI.

ENGLISH LITERATURE IN OUR UNIVERSITIES nglish Literature in Our

Universities (II)

Wednesday, December 3

We broke off, Gentlemen, upon the somewhat painful conclusion that our

Universities were not founded for the study of literature, and tardily

admitted it. The dates of our three literary chairs in Cambridge--I speak

of our Western literature only, and omit Arabic, Sanskrit, and

Chinese--clenched that conclusion for us. Greek in 1540, Latin not until

1869, English but three years ago--from the lesson of these intervals

there is no getting away.

Now I do not propose to dwell on the Renaissance and how Greek came in:

for a number of writers in our time have been busy with the Renaissance,

and have--I was going to say 'over-written the subject,' but no--it is

better to say that they have focussed the period so as to distort the

general perspective at the cost of other periods which have earned less

attention; the twelfth century, for example. At any rate their efforts,

with the amount they claim of your reading, absolve me from doing more

than remind you that the Renaissance brought in the study of Greek, and

Greek necessarily brought in the study of literature: since no man can

read what the Greeks wrote and not have his eyes unsealed to what I have

called a norm of human expression; a guide to conduct, a standard to

correct our efforts, whether in poetry, or in philosophy, or in art. For

the rest, I need only quote to you Gibbon's magnificent saying, that the

Greek language gave a soul to the objects of sense and a body to the

abstractions of metaphysics. [May I add, in parenthesis, that, while no

believer in compulsory Greek, holding, indeed, that you can hardly

reconcile learning with compulsion, and still more hardly force them to

be compatibles, I subscribe with all my heart to Bagehot's shrewd saying,

'while a knowledge of Greek and Latin is not necessary to a writer of

English, he should at least have a firm conviction that those two

languages existed.']

But, assuming you to know something of the Renaissance, and how it

brought Greek into Oxford and Cambridge, I find that in the course of the

argument two things fall to be said, and both to be said with some

emphasis.

In the first place, without officially acknowledging their native tongue

or its literature, our two Universities had no sooner acquired Greek than

their members became immensely interested in English. Take, for one

witness out of many, Gabriel Harvey, Fellow of Pembroke Hall. His letters

to Edmund Spenser have been preserved, as you know. Now Gabriel Harvey

was a man whom few will praise, and very few could have loved. Few will

quarrel with Dr Courthope's description of him as 'a person of

considerable intellectual force, but intolerably arrogant and conceited,

and with a taste vitiated by all the affectations of Italian humanism,'

or deny that 'his tone in his published correspondence with Spenser is

that of an intellectual bully.'[1] None will refuse him the title of fool

for attempting to mislead Spenser into writing hexameters. But all you

can urge against Gabriel Harvey, on this count or that or the other, but

accumulates proof that this donnish man was all the while giving

thought--giving even ferocious thought--to the business of making

an English Literature.

Let me adduce more pleasing evidence. At or about Christmas, in the year

1597, there was enacted here in Cambridge, in the hall of St John's

College, a play called "The Pilgrimage to Parnassus," a skittish work,

having for subject the 'discontent of scholars'; the misery attending

those who, unsupported by a private purse, would follow after Apollo and

the Nine. No one knows the author's name: but he had a wit which has kept

something of its salt to this day, and in Christmas, 1597, it took

Cambridge by storm. The public demanded a sequel, and "The Return from

Parnassus" made its appearance on the following Christmas (again in St

John's College hall); to be followed by a "Second Part of the Return from

Parnassus," the author's overflow of wit, three years later. Of the

popularity of the first and second plays--"The Pilgrimage" and "The

Return, Part I"--we have good evidence in the prologue to "The Return,

Part II," where the author makes Momus say, before an audience which knew

the truth:

"The Pilgrimage to Parnassus" and "The Returne from Parnassus" have

stood the honest Stagekeepers in many a crowne's expense for linckes

and vizards: purchased many a Sophister a knocke with a clubbe:

hindred the butler's box, and emptied the Colledge barrells; and now,

unlesse you have heard the former, you may returne home as wise as you

came: for this last is the last part of The Returne from Parnassus;

that is, the last time that the Author's wit will turne upon the toe

in this vaine.

In other words, these plays had set everybody in Cambridge agog, had been

acted by link-light, had led to brawls--either between literary factions

or through offensive personal allusions to which we have lost all

clue--had swept into the box-office much money usually spent on Christmas

gambling, and had set up an inappeasable thirst for College ale. The

point for us is that (in 1597-1601) they abound in topical allusions to

the London theatres: that Shakespeare is obviously just as much a concern

to these young men of Cambridge as Mr Shaw (say) is to our young men

to-day, and an allusion to him is dropped in confidence that it will be

aptly taken. For instance, one of the characters, Gullio, will have some

love-verses recited to him 'in two or three diverse veins, in Chaucer's,

Gower's and Spenser's and Mr Shakespeare's.' Having listened to Chaucer,

he cries, 'Tush! Chaucer is a foole'; but coming to some lines of Mr

Shakespeare's "Venus and Adonis," he cries, 'Ey, marry, Sir! these have

some life in them! Let this duncified world esteeme of Spenser and

Chaucer, I'le worship sweet Mr Shakespeare, and to honoure him I will lay

his "Venus and Adonis" under my pillowe.' For another allusion--'Few of

the University pen plaies well,' says the actor Kempe in Part II of the

"Returne"; 'they smell too much of that writer _Ovid_ and that writer

_Metamorphosis_, and talke too much of Proserpina and Jupiter. Why here's

our fellow _Shakespeare_ puts them all downe, ay and _Ben Jonson_, too.'

Here you have Cambridge assembling at Christmas-tide to laugh at

well-understood hits upon the theatrical taste of London. Here you have,

to make Cambridge laugh, three farcical quasi-Aristophanic plays all

hinging on the tribulations of scholars who depart to pursue literature

for a livelihood. For a piece of definite corroborative evidence you have

a statute of Queens' College (quoted by Mr Bass Mullinger) which directs

that 'any student refusing to take part in the acting of a comedy or

tragedy in the College and absenting himself from the performance,

contrary to the injunctions of the President, shall be expelled from the

Society'--which seems drastic. And on top of all this, you have evidence

enough and to spare of the part played in Elizabethan drama by the

'University Wits.' Why, Marlowe (of Corpus Christi) may be held to have

invented its form--blank verse; Ben Jonson (of St John's) to have carried

it on past its meridian and through its decline, into the masque. Both

Universities claim Lyly and Chapman. Marston, Peel, Massinger, hailed

from Oxford. But Greene and Nashe were of Cambridge--of St John's both,

and Day of Caius. They sought to London, and there (for tragic truth

underlay that Christmas comedy of "The Pilgrimage of Parnassus") many of

them came to bitter ends: but before reaching their sordid personal

ruin--and let the deaths of Marlowe and Greene be remembered--they built

the Elizabethan drama, as some of them lived to add its last ornaments.

We know what, meanwhile, Spenser had done. I think it scarcely needs

further proof that Cambridge, towards the end of the sixteenth century,

was fermenting with a desire to read, criticise, yes and write, English

literature, albeit officially the University recognised no such thing.

There remains a second question--How happened it that Cambridge, after

admitting Greek, took more than three hundred years to establish a Chair

of Latin, and that a Chair of English is, so to speak, a mushroom (call

it not toadstool!) of yesterday? Why simply enough. Latin continued to be

the working language of Science. In Latin Bacon naturally composed his

"Novum Organum" and indeed almost all his scientific and philosophical

work, although a central figure of his age among English prose-writers.

In Latin, in the eighteenth century, Newton wrote his "Principia": and I

suppose that of no two books written by Englishmen before the close of

that century, or indeed before Darwin's "Origin of Species," can it be

less extravagantly said than of the "Novum Organum" and the "Principia"

that they shook the world. Now, without forgetting our Classical Tripos

(founded in 1822), as without forgetting the great names of Bentley and

Porson, we may observe it as generally true, that whenever and wherever

large numbers of scientific men use a particular language as their

working instrument, they have a disposition to look askance on its

refinements; to be jealous of its literary professors; to accuse these of

treating as an end in itself what is properly a means. Like the Denver

editor I quoted to you in a previous lecture, these scientific workers

want to 'get there' in a hurry, forgetting that (to use another

Americanism) the sharper the chisel the more ice it is likely to cut. You

may observe this disposition--this suspicion of 'literature,' this thinly

veiled contempt--in many a scientific man to-day; though because his

language has changed from Latin to English, it is English he now chooses

to cheapen. Well, we cannot help it, perhaps. Perhaps he cannot help it.

It is human nature. We must go on persuading him, not losing our tempers.

None the less we should not shut our eyes to the fact that while a

language is the working instrument of scientific men there will always be

a number of them to decry any study of it for its beauty, and even any

study of it for the sake of accuracy--its beauty and its accuracy being

indeed scarcely distinguishable.

I fear, Gentlemen, you may go on from this to the dreadful conclusion

that the date 1869, when Cambridge at length came to possess a Chair of

Latin, marks definitely the hour at which Latin closed its eyes and

became a dead language; that you may proceed to a yet more dreadful

application of this to the Chair of English founded in 1910: and that

henceforward (to misquote what Mr Max Beerbohm once wickedly said of

Walter Pater) you will be apt to regard Professor Housman and me as two

widowers engaged, while the undertaker waits, in composing the features

of our belovèds.

But (to speak seriously) that is what I stand here to controvert: and I

derive no small encouragement when--as has more than once happened--A, a

scientific man, comes to me and complains that he for his part cannot

understand B, another scientific man, 'because the fellow can't express

himself.' And the need to study precision in writing has grown far more

instant since men of science have abandoned the 'universal language' and

taken to writing in their own tongues. Let us, while not on the whole

regretting the change, at least recognise some dangers, some possible

disadvantages. I will confine myself to English, considered as a

substitute for Latin. In Latin you have a language which may be thin in

its vocabulary and inelastic for modern use; but a language which at all

events compels a man to clear his thought and communicate it to other men

precisely.

Thoughts hardly to be packed

Into the narrow act

--may be all impossible of compression into the Latin speech. In English,

on the other hand, you have a language which by its very copiousness and

elasticity tempts you to believe that you can do without packing, without

compression, arrangement, order; that, with the Denver editor, all you

need is to 'get there'--though it be with all your intellectual

belongings in a jumble, overflowing the portmanteau. Rather I preach to

you that having proudly inherited English with its _copia fandi_, you

should keep your estate in order by constantly applying to it that _jus

et norma loquendi_ of which, if you seek to the great models, you will

likewise find yourselves inheritors.

'But,' it is sometimes urged, 'why not leave this new study of English to

the younger Universities now being set up all over the country?' 'Ours is

an age of specialising. Let these newcomers have something--what better

than English?--to specialise upon.'

I might respond by asking if the fame of Cambridge would stand where it

stands to-day had she followed a like counsel concerning other studies

and, resting upon Mathematics, given over this or that branch of Natural

Science to be grasped by new hands. What of Electricity, for example? Or

what of Physiology? Yes, and among the unnatural sciences, what of

Political Economy? But I will use a more philosophical argument.

Some years ago I happened on a collection of Bulgarian proverbs of which

my memory retains but two, yet each an abiding joy. In a lecture on

English Literature in our Universities you will certainly not miss to

apply the first, which runs, 'Many an ass has entered Jerusalem.'

The application of the second may elude you for a moment. It voices the

impatience of an honest Bulgar who has been worried overmuch to subscribe

to what, in this England of ours, we call Church Purposes; and it runs,

'All these two-penny saints will be the ruin of the Church.'

Now far be it from me to apply the term 'two-penny saint' to any existing

University. To avoid the accusation I hereby solemnly declare my deep

conviction that every single University at this moment in England,

Scotland, Wales or Ireland has reasons--strong in all, in some

overwhelmingly strong--for its existence. That is plainly said, I hope?

Yet I do maintain that if we go on multiplying Universities we shall not

increase the joy; that the reign of two-penny saints lies not far off

and will soon lie within measurable distance; and that it will be

a pestilent reign. As we saw in out last lecture the word

'University'--_Universitas_--had, in its origin, nothing to do with

Universality: it meant no more than a Society, organised (as it

happened) to promote learning. But words, like institutions, often rise

above their beginnings, and in time acquire a proud secondary

connotation. For an instance let me give you the beautiful Wykehamist

motto _Manners Makyeth Man_, wherein 'manners' originally meant no more

than 'morals.' So there has grown around our two great Universities of

Oxford and Cambridge a connotation (secondary, if you will, but valuable

above price) of universality; of standing like great beacons of light,

to attract the young wings of all who would seek learning for their

sustenance. Thousands have singed, thousands have burned themselves, no

doubt: but what thousands of thousands have caught the sacred fire into

their souls as they passed through and passed out, to carry it, to drop

it, still as from wings, upon waste places of the world! Think of

country vicarages, of Australian or Himalayan outposts, where men have

nourished out lives of duty upon the fire of three transient, priceless

years. Think of the generations of children to whom their fathers'

lives, prosaic enough, could always be re-illumined if someone let fall

the word 'Oxford' or 'Cambridge,' so that they themselves came to

surmise an aura about the name as of a land very far off; and then say

if the ineffable spell of those two words do not lie somewhere in the

conflux of generous youth with its rivalries and clash of minds, ere it

disperses, generation after generation, to the duller business of life.

Would you have your mother University, Gentlemen, undecorated by some

true study of your mother-English?

I think not, having been there, and known such thoughts as you will carry

away, and having been against expectation called back to report them.

And sometimes I remember days of old

When fellowship seem'd not so far to seek,

And all the world and I seem'd far less cold,

And at the rainbow's foot lay surely gold,

And hope was strong, and life itself not weak.

My purpose here (and I cannot too often recur to it) is to wean your

minds from hankering after false Germanic standards and persuade you, or

at least point out to you, in what direction that true study lies if you

are men enough to take up your inheritance and believe in it as a glory

to be improved.

Neither Oxford nor Cambridge nor any University on earth can study

English Literature truthfully or worthily, or even at all profitably,

unless by studying it in the category for which Heaven, or Nature (call

the ultimate cause what you will), intended it; or, to put the assertion

more concretely, in any other category than that for which the particular

author--be his name Chaucer or Chesterton, Shakespeare or Shaw--designed

it; as neither can Oxford nor Cambridge nor any University study English

Literature, to understand it, unless by bracing itself to consider a

living art. Origins, roots, all the gropings towards light--let these be

granted as accessories; let those who search in them be granted all

honour, all respect. It is only when they preach or teach these

preliminaries, these accessories, to be more important than Literature

itself--it is only when they, owing all their excuse in life to the

established daylight, din upon us that the precedent darkness claims

precedence in honour, that one is driven to utter upon them this

dialogue, in monosyllables:

_And God said, 'Let there be light': and there was light.

'Oh, thank you, Sir,' said the Bat and the Owl; 'then we are off!'_

I grant you, Gentlemen, that there must always inhere a difficulty in

correlating for the purposes of a Tripos a study of Literature itself

with a study of these accessories; the thing itself being _naturally_ so

much more difficult: being so difficult indeed that (to take literary

criticism alone and leave for a moment the actual practice of writing

out of the question) though some of the first intellects in the

world--Aristotle, Longinus, Quintilian, Boileau, Dryden, Lessing, Goethe,

Coleridge, Sainte-Beuve--have broken into parcels of that territory, the

mass of it remains unexplored, and nobody as yet has found courage to

reduce the reports of these great explorers to any system; so that a very

eminent person indeed found it easy to write to me the other day, 'The

principles of Criticism? What are they? Who made them?' To this I could

only answer that I did not know Who made them; but that Aristotle,

Dryden, Lessing, had, as it was credibly reported, discovered five or, it

might be, six. And this difficulty of appraising literature absolutely

inheres in your study of it from the beginning. No one can have set a

General Paper on Literature and examined on it, setting it and marking

the written answers, alongside of papers about language, inflexions and

the rest, without having borne in upon him that _here_ the student finds

his difficulty. While in a paper set about inflexions, etc., a pupil with

a moderately retentive memory will easily obtain sixty or seventy per

cent. of the total marks, in a paper on the book or play considered

critically an examiner, even after setting his paper with a view to some

certain inferiority of average, has to be lenient before he can award

fifty, forty, or even thirty per cent. of the total.

You will find a somewhat illuminating passage--illuminating, that is, if

you choose to interpret and apply it to our subject--in Lucian's "True

History," where the veracious traveller, who tells the tale, affirms that

he visited Hades among other places, and had some conversation with

Homer, among its many inhabitants--

Before many days had passed, I accosted the poet Homer, when we were

both disengaged, and asked him, among other things, where he came

from; it was still a burning question with us, I explained. He said he

was aware that some derived him from Chios, others from Smyrna, and

others again from Colophon; but in fact he was a Babylonian, generally

known not as Homer but as Tigranes; but when later in life he was

given as a homer or hostage to the Greeks, that name clung to him.

Another of my questions was about the so-called spurious books; had he

written them or not? He said that they were all genuine: so I now knew

what to think of the critics Zenodotus and Aristarchus and all their

lucubrations. Having got a categorical answer on that point, I tried

him next on his reason for starting the "Iliad" with the wrath of

Achilles. He said he had no exquisite reason; it just came into his

head that way.

Even so diverse are the questions that may be asked concerning any great

work of art. But to discover its full intent is always the most difficult

task of all. That task, however, and nothing less difficult, will always

be the one worthiest of a great University.

On that, and on that alone, Gentlemen, do I base all claims for our

School of English Literature. And yet in conclusion I will ask you,

reminding yourselves how fortunate is your lot in Cambridge, to think of

fellow-Englishmen far less fortunate.

Years ago I took some pains to examine the examination papers set by a

renowned Examining Body and I found this--'I humbly solicit' (to use a

phrase of Lucian's) 'my hearers' incredulity'--that in a paper set upon

three Acts of "Hamlet"--three Acts of "Hamlet"!--the first question

started with 'G.tt. p..cha' 'Al..g.tor' and invited the candidate to fill

in the missing letters correctly. Now I was morally certain that the

words 'gutta-percha' and 'alligator' did not occur in the first three

Acts of "Hamlet"; but having carefully re-read them I invited this

examining body to explain itself. The answer I got was that, to

understand Shakespeare, a student must first understand the English

Language! Some of you on leaving Cambridge will go out--a company of

Christian folk dispersed throughout the world--to tell English children

of English Literature. Such are the pedagogic fetters you will have to

knock off their young minds before they can stand and walk.

Gentlemen, on a day early in this term I sought the mound which is the

old Castle of Cambridge. Access to it, as perhaps you know, lies through

the precincts of the County Prison. An iron railing encloses the mound,

having a small gate, for the key of which a notice-board advised me to

ring the prison bell. I rang. A very courteous gaoler answered the bell

and opened the gate, which stands just against his wicket. I thanked him,

but could not forbear asking 'Why do they keep this gate closed?' 'I

don't know, sir,' he answered, 'but I suppose if they didn't the children

might get in and play.'

On the Art of Writing Lectures delivered in the University of Cambridge 1913-1914 · 第 13 / 15 段