CHAPTER V

THE SPECIAL BRANCH

Throughout the War the Special Branch was combined with the Criminal

Investigation Department. There is a dividing line between ordinary

and political crime. In normal times the function of the Criminal

Investigation Department is to unravel crimes that have been committed,

and of the Special Branch to foresee and to prevent political agitators

from committing crime in order to terrorise the community into granting

them what they want. At that time there were about seven hundred

Criminal Investigation officers, of whom rather over a hundred belonged

to the Special Branch.

The Special Branch was instituted in the early ’eighties to cope with

the Irish dynamite outrages in London and elsewhere. Scarcely had

these been put down when foreign anarchists began to follow the Irish

example. The lives of Ministers were threatened, public buildings

were attacked, and legislation in the shape of the Explosives Act was

passed through both Houses at panic speed. The arrest and sentence of

the Italian anarchists, Farnara and Polti, both caught red-handed with

bombs in their possession, the fate of the anarchist who blew himself

to pieces when attacking Greenwich Observatory, and, even more, the

hostility of the crowd when the anarchists under the protection of a

strong escort of police attempted to give the man a public funeral,

were so depressing to criminal aliens that this form of outrage ceased.

Shortly afterwards one of the popular weekly newspapers offered a

reward to the man who would suggest the most effective form of

advertisement, and some bright spirit conceived the plan of sending the

Home Secretary a bomb containing a copy of the newspaper in question.

From the point of view of advertisement it achieved more than he had

counted upon. The parcel containing the bomb was opened by the Private

Secretary, who immediately summoned the Inspector of Explosives. When

he entered the room he found the bomb lying on the hearth-rug before a

bright fire with an office chair standing over it, and a group of Home

Office officials in a respectful semicircle round it. He asked what the

chair was for. They explained that if the bomb went off they thought

it would be some protection. It reminded the Inspector of an episode

at Shoeburyness, when a live shell fell in the mud in the middle of a

class of young gunners. ‘Lie down, gentlemen,’ shouted the instructor,

and no one moved. When the shell had been rendered harmless he asked

why they had not obeyed orders: they might all have been blown to

pieces. One of them faltered, ‘Well, sir, it was so muddy.’

To return to the advertisement competition. When the bomb was opened

and the newspaper was disclosed it was found that it was not an offence

to scare the wits out of a Cabinet Minister. But the young gentleman

had neglected one precaution: he had not removed from the bomb a

percussion cap, and this was his undoing, for under the Postal Act it

was unlawful to send explosives by post. When he appeared at the Police

Court upon this heinous charge he had all the advertisement that he

wanted.

If there was any disposition to reduce or disband the Special Branch at

that time, the criminal activities of Indian students, which culminated

later in the assassination of Sir Curzon Wyllie, showed that the

Branch could not be dispensed with, and while the Indian students

were still active the suffragettes took to crime. I am not sure that

these ladies were not a more troublesome problem than all the rest put

together. They steered clear of assassination, but they burned down

churches, blew up the Coronation Chair in Westminster Abbey, damaged

priceless pictures, set valuable property on fire, smashed half the

plate-glass windows in Regent Street, and attempted to throw the King’s

horse at the Derby. Most of them had quite forgotten the vote and

were intent only upon the excitement. Many of them lived in studios

where they could plot and contrive street pageants uninterrupted by

their elders to their hearts’ content. When they were caught they used

to scream down the witnesses or the magistrate, and when they were

committed to prison they went on hunger-strike. The so-called ‘Cat

and Mouse’ Act was devised to meet this contingency, but many of them

eluded re-arrest by a large expenditure of money on motor-cars, and

by an ingenuity that might have been employed upon a better cause. In

official circles I was stigmatised as an incurable optimist when I said

that the violent tactics of the suffragettes would end as suddenly

as they had begun, and perhaps they were right, because neither I

nor any one else had foreseen the War. On 5th August 1914 there were

actually three women in custody for an assault upon Downing Street. On

that morning a deputation of suffragettes called at the Home Office

to demand their release. It was felt that these women quite probably

would throw all their misdirected energies into the national cause.

The three culprits were released, and from that moment the Militants

undertook war work, and in not a few cases gave conspicuous service to

the country. Sometimes their enthusiasm was embarrassing, as when they

began to denounce the wrong people as being traitors to their country,

but on the whole they did more good than harm.

With the outbreak of the War the work of the Special Branch became

more exacting than that of the Criminal Investigation Department.

It was maid-of-all-work to every public office, for, being the only

department with a trained outdoor staff, it was called upon for every

kind of duty, from the regulation of carrier pigeons to investigating

the strange behaviour of a Swiss waiter. Ordinary crime decreased

progressively with every month of the War. The very qualities of

enterprise and adventure that swept so many youngsters into crime

during peace time took the same men to the recruiting office, and when

conscription came in our prisons were more than half empty.

Looking back over the eight years in which the Branch was responsible

under my control for the safety of Ministers and distinguished foreign

visitors, it is natural to take satisfaction in the fact that there has

never been a mishap. Apart from the obvious danger run by the Viceroy

and the Chief Secretary of Ireland, there have been anxious moments,

especially during the Prime Minister’s travels abroad; and if it had

not been for the network of information of the plans of international

assassins, against which precautions could be taken beforehand, there

might have been incidents that would have left their mark upon history.

In 1915 eleven hundred habitual criminals were known to be fighting;

more than seventy had been killed. One of these had stood his trial for

murder, and had been condemned to death, but his sentence was commuted

to penal servitude for life, and in due course he had been set at

liberty on licence. He was one of the first to answer the call. In

one case an ex-warder serving as a private recognised in his sergeant

a former prisoner who had been in his ward, but, like a wise man, he

held his tongue. One ‘old lag’ did give a comrade away. The colonel of

a certain battalion had chosen as his sergeant-major an old soldier

who had rejoined, who feared nobody and was a strict disciplinarian.

All went well until one day a corporal asked for a private interview

with the colonel, and imparted to him the news that the sergeant-major

was an ex-convict. It turned out that he had attempted to trade upon

this knowledge with the sergeant-major himself but had failed, and now

he was having his revenge. Having made his revelation the corporal

deserted, knowing that his sergeant-major was no less redoubtable with

his fists than he was with his tongue.

The police who had the duty of supervision over ex-convicts drew the

line only at the Royal Army Medical Corps. It was their duty to prevent

crime wherever possible, and it was not considered fair to men of these

antecedents to place them in the way of temptation in the shape of the

kit and valuables of the dead and wounded. There were, of course, a few

backsliders. Many of the men gravitated to the lines of communication

rather than to the trenches, and there were cases of the purloining

of stores and rations and comrades’ property. Generally, however, the

punishment awarded by Court-Martial was suspended, and the men were

given another chance in the trenches.

In one case a man who had been convicted for burglary won the Victoria

Cross. He volunteered on a night of heavy rain to crawl to the enemy’s

trenches alone and silence a machine-gun post. He told the officer

before he left that if he did not return in half an hour the company

was free to open fire, ‘and never mind me.’ Just before the interval

expired he dropped back into his own trench, plastered with mud from

head to foot. Returning again to the Front after the award of the V.C.,

he was killed in action. I knew the man--a rough, silent, Lancashire

lad, who had come to grief, I believe, through a love of adventure, and

who was as free from egotism, pose, and self-consciousness as any of

the men I knew. When the Great Book is opened his crimes, such as they

were, will, I think, be found erased on the debit side of his account,

and the Recording Angel will have set down virtues which had but a

tardy recognition while he walked this earth.

The Criminal Investigation Department was called upon to provide

trained men for the personnel of the Intelligence Corps in France.

They were the nucleus of what afterwards became an important body--the

Intelligence Police, who took control of the passenger traffic at the

ports and of _contre espionage_ on the lines of communication. Several

of them who obtained commissions reverted quite cheerfully to the rank

of sergeant of police after the Armistice. One of them whose work in

London had been the detection of White Slave traffickers was detailed

to protect the Commander-in-Chief, Lord French. In the street of G.H.Q.

he recognised a man whose deportation from England had been due to

his investigations. He followed the man, who went straight to Lord

French’s quarters. He stopped him on the doorstep and taxed him with

his identity. There, at least, one would have said that the capture

was important, but no! It turned out that the man had been engaged by

some one who knew nothing of his unsavoury character, to assist in the

kitchen.

It may be imagined that the enormous rush of correspondence in those

first days of the War dislocated the smooth-running machinery of the

Special Branch. There was likely to be a shortage of trained police

officers, and we took on a number of pensioners to cope with the

correspondence. I remember the hopeless expression on their faces when

I visited them about a week after they had started. Piles of unopened

letters lay on the floor, great stacks of docketed letters stood on

every table. They were working I do not know how many hours overtime,

and still the flood of correspondence was threatening to submerge them.

In those first few months I do not think that any of us left the office

before midnight. If all the angry people who poured in their complaints

had realised that every one had to suffer some inconvenience in the War

we might have done better work.

I really think that at this time the American tourist was the most

difficult. Not content with besieging his own Embassy, he would

sometimes come to demand satisfaction from me for the outrage of having

had questions put to him at the port of arrival. These ladies and

gentlemen had never seen a war before, and they could not understand

why it should be allowed to interfere with the elementary comfort of a

neutral who was ready to pay liberally for everything. Sometimes I am

afraid that my subordinates paltered with the sacred truth, for they

had discovered that the quickest way to smooth the ruffled feelings of

these tourists was to say, ‘Do you know that you are the first American

who has ever complained of such inconveniences? We have always found

Americans so quick to realise our difficulties and to make allowances

for them.’ That never seems to have failed to put the angriest of

them on their good behaviour. It made them, in a sense, custodians

of their country’s reputation. But when the first tourist rush had

been seen safely off to the other side of the Atlantic I began to

find the Americans, both official and unofficial, a very great help,

and I made many permanent friends among them. The temptation to win

affection in this country by displaying unneutral feelings must in

some cases have been very great, and yet, though I knew many official

Americans intimately, I never heard one of them go outside the reserve

which every official neutral was expected to entail. The announcement

that America had entered the War must have been to some of them like

removing the top from a boiling saucepan.

I knew that not a few Englishmen thought that when America began to

send over staff officers to Europe they would not want to learn from

our experience but would be more inclined to put us under instruction.

They were quite wrong. The whole attitude of the American officer

was exactly what good sense would prescribe. We had been buying our

experience at great cost for nearly four years, and we were prepared to

give it all freely to our new allies. They, on their part, came over to

learn, and when they had learned all that we were able to teach them

they began to make discoveries for themselves. Never during the whole

course of the War or afterwards was there any difference between my

American friends and myself. We worked as one organisation, and when

they had had time to extend theirs until it reached all over Europe

I thought sometimes that it was the better of the two. Nor must I

forget the American journalist. It had been a tradition in some British

official circles to be afraid of the journalist, probably lest his

trained persuasiveness might have induced them to open their mouths

when they meant to keep them shut. I have always found it best to be

perfectly open with them; to tell them as much as they ought to know

for the proper understanding of the question, and then to settle with

them what they shall publish. I have never known an American journalist

exceed the limits within which he has promised to keep. Sometimes when

it was essential that a matter should be made public they have gone out

of their way to publish it. No doubt the European representatives of

the great American newspapers are very carefully chosen: I have been

surprised at their wide knowledge of international affairs and the

excellent forecasts they have made.

In those early days weird people would swim into my horizon. One

morning information came to me that a gigantic American had arrived

at the Carlton Hotel and had declared his intention of buying a yacht

in order to pay a visit to the Kaiser. He thought that a few minutes’

straight talk between them would finish the War. I invited him to call,

and there walked into my room a very menacing figure. He was well over

six feet, and must have weighed quite eighteen stone. He stood there

glaring at me with his hat on, chewing the stump of a cigar.

‘Won’t you take off your hat and sit down?’ I began.

‘I’d rather stand.’

‘We don’t usually smoke in this office.’

‘I am not smoking.’ (The cigar was unlighted.)

‘I hear that you are going to buy a yacht.’

‘That’s my business.’

At this, my assistant, who was almost equally powerful, rose to his

full height. I think he expected that my visitor intended mischief.

After this unpromising beginning it was useless to question him

further, and we parted. Throughout the interview he had not relaxed his

scowl. Later in the afternoon the American Embassy received a cable to

the effect that a gentleman of large means, who was mentally unstable

and was being looked after by his friends privately, had eluded them

and embarked for Liverpool. The name corresponded with that of my

friend of the hat and the cigar. I was asked whether I saw any way of

restoring the gentleman to his relations. They were ready to wait on

the other side with their arms open to receive him if only he could be

persuaded to go. It was a desperate venture, but I tried it. I sent a

courtly Inspector to the hotel with instructions to be mysterious but

urgent in an invitation to come down at once to another interview. He

came, and this time I did not trouble him with preliminaries. I looked

round to see that all the doors were closed, and then addressed him. ‘I

want to give you a word of advice,’ I said. ‘Ask me no questions, but

if you are wise you will do exactly as I say. There is a boat leaving

for New York to-morrow morning. Don’t stop to think; just go by it. If

the matter had not been so urgent in your own interests I would not

have sent for you. Now waste no time.’ He looked at me blankly for a

moment and left the room without a word. Two hours later inquiries

were made at the hotel. He had looked in for a moment to pay his bill,

and had left without his luggage. A telegram to Liverpool produced the

reply that he had gone on board the steamer, booked his passage, and

had locked himself in his cabin. We heard later that he was met by his

friends, and that the luggage had been sent on after him.

On one other occasion my companion felt called upon to intervene.

A middle-aged man had been asked to call on some quite unimportant

matter. He was of fierce and truculent mien. When I asked him a

question he glared at me and was silent. I put the question again,

whereupon he clapped his hand to some mysterious pocket about his

person, and began to draw out what my companion thought must be a

revolver. He was about to fall upon the visitor when the object was

disclosed. He was pulling out a curious little telephonic apparatus

which he planted on my table in front of me and connected with his ear.

The man was stone deaf. The faintest ghost of a smile flickered across

his rugged countenance when he realised our mistake.

Very soon after the declaration of war every public man whose speech

was reported in the newspapers received a letter in a foreign

handwriting, filled with abuse of the English and extravagant praise of

the Germans, who, according to the writer, were chosen by God to sweep

us into the sea. The brutality and vainglory of these compositions were

tempered with scholarship: the man was an omnivorous reader, and had

a quotation in support of every boast. The letters were posted from

every district in London, and bore an address in Loughton which did

not exist. Apart from the work entailed in the laboriously ornamental

handwriting, the man must have expended time and money in travelling

from one part of London to another. Abusive letters injure nobody, but

that a truculent Hun should be at large in London in war-time, in the

opinion of those who received his letters, reflected little credit

on the efficiency of the police. In order to cut this troublesome

inquiry short I induced the _Globe_ to publish a facsimile of one of

the letters, and immediately several people wrote to say that they

identified the handwriting as that of their former German tutor living

in Dalston. I was curious to see this fire-eating Hun: I pictured him

as a heavy, florid, square-headed Prussian. Square-headed he was, but

he proved to be a rather diminutive abject person with the wide-staring

eyes of a wild animal brought to bay. He was mentally deranged, but in

the choice of his pseudonym, in the precautions he had taken in posting

his letters, he had shown the cunning of a monomaniac. He had a son

serving in the British Army, and a very loyal wife who undertook to

keep him out of mischief for the future.

As the German tide poured over Belgium we received our daily flood of

refugees. The arrangements improvised by the Belgian Relief Committee

were a high tribute to the power of organisation which is latent in

our people. Naturally there was a little confusion at first because

the rush of refugees far exceeded the room for accommodation during

the first few days. Considering that the refugees included all

the unemployable and most of the disreputable part of the Belgian

population, as well as the industrious and the intellectual, it is

remarkable, on the whole, how well they behaved. There were one or two

amusing incidents. I remember hearing that at one of the Receiving

Stations in London a couple who spoke Flemish but no other language

were received late in the evening. The woman was shown into her room,

and shortly afterwards the supposed husband was conducted to the same

apartment. Immediately a fearful uproar arose, and the interpreter had

to be telephoned for. It then appeared that neither of the couple had

ever seen the other before.

Antwerp was being threatened, the Naval Division was pouring in for its

defence, and I was asked to send a police officer to the city because

my officer at Ostend could not possibly leave his post. No officer was

available at the time except a middle-aged man with a large family who

had done excellent service in advising upon doubtful literature. In

fact, he was the greatest living authority upon the kind of literature

on which a successful prosecution could be founded. At the call of duty

he said ‘Good-bye’ to his family and departed. A few days later, when

the German siege guns were in position, there came a telegram from

him, suggesting that he should be recalled. Events were moving fast,

and before I could reply to the telegram his arrival at Scotland Yard

was announced. I sent for him and said gravely, ‘I had your telegram,

Inspector, but you left your post without waiting for a reply.’ He

bowed in his usual courtly manner and replied, ‘Yes, sir, but a

fifteen-inch shell took the corner off my bedroom, sir, and I don’t

know how it is, but I think I am getting too old for sieges.’ ‘Too old

for sieges’ became a byword in my office throughout the War when any

one was asked to undertake a job that he did not relish.

There were two sides to the question of interning enemy aliens who

were kept in the country. When war broke out there were no internment

camps, but there were many Germans who were known to be dangerous. Some

place of internment had to be improvised forthwith, and for London the

obvious place was Olympia. Bedding and blankets were hastily gathered

in, and a guard was provided from Wellington Barracks. I used to go

there daily for a time because some useful information might be gleaned

from the civilian prisoners. They were a most unprepossessing lot.

During the first fortnight two Austrian ships put into the Thames

before they knew that war had been declared. The crews were all marched

to Olympia and interned with the Germans. When I arrived the next

morning the Austrians had been relegated to the annexe, and were roped

off from the others. It appeared that they had not been more than

an hour with the Germans before a violent quarrel broke out and the

Austrian officers formed a deputation to the commandant to request that

they might be separated from ‘those German riff-raff.’ Among them were

four young Austrian students who had apparently taken a voyage for

the enlargement of their minds. These young men had very definite and

uncomplimentary views regarding their brothers-in-arms, the Prussians.

On the whole, the prisoners in Olympia gave very little trouble. On one

occasion a German waiter became insolent to a guardsman, but the Irish

corporal, who had a sense of humour, approached the two while they were

in mid-dispute and said to the private in pretended seriousness, ‘Why

stop to argue with him? Shoot him,’ whereupon the German waiter dived

under a table and was quite polite for the remainder of his stay.

The cry, ‘Intern them all,’ which was taken up by certain newspapers,

was very embarrassing. Though, no doubt, it did interpret the public

feeling and allayed public alarm, it was the cause of thousands of

complaints and investigations. My own view at the time was that we had

so full a knowledge of the dangerous Germans that we should confine

internment to that class and leave the innocent ones at liberty. Many

of them were doing good work for us in munitions and manufactures,

some were definitely ranged in their sympathies with the Allies, such

as the Poles and Czechs. To ‘intern them all’ would be to invite the

enemy countries to intern all our nationals, which, of course, they

did, but the real argument against indiscriminate internment was that

we had no place ready to receive such vast numbers. This meant that

until camps were ready it would be impossible to give the prisoners

the accommodation prescribed by the Hague Convention. Complaints

would reach the enemy, who would then feel themselves justified in

maltreating our prisoners. Nevertheless, it had to be done, and every

day one might see furniture vans packed with Germans proceeding through

the streets to Olympia before being drafted off to such camps as could

be improvised.

Some of the Germans brought this fate upon themselves. There was a

well-known café in Oxford Street in which the staff--even the manager

and the book-keeper--were all registered enemy aliens. On the afternoon

when the news of de Wet’s rebellion in South Africa reached London the

waiters and some of the guests began to cheer. I had news of this by

telephone, and in half an hour the entire staff was rounded up, put

into a furniture van, and driven off to Olympia. There was an indignant

protest from the British directors of the company that evening, but my

case was quite unanswerable.

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