I.

Dryden is the father of Shakespearian criticism. Though he disguised his

veneration at times, he expressed his true faith when he wrote,

deliberately, the fervent estimate in the _Essay of Dramatic Poesy_.

Johnson saw that Pope had expanded it, and his own experience made him say

that the editors and admirers of Shakespeare, in all their emulation of

reverence, had not done much more than diffuse and paraphrase this

“epitome of excellence.” But concurrently on to Johnson’s time we can

trace the influence of Thomas Rymer, who, in his _Short View of Tragedy_,

had championed the classical drama, and had gone as far in abuse as his

greater contemporary had gone in praise. The authority which each exerted

is well illustrated by Rowe’s _Account of Shakespeare_. Rowe is of the

party of Dryden, but he cannot refrain from replying to Rymer, though he

has resolved to enter into no critical controversy. He says he will not

inquire into the justness of Rymer’s remarks, and yet he replies to him in

two passages. That these were silently omitted by Pope when he included

the _Account of Shakespeare_ in his own edition in 1725 does not mean that

Rymer was already being forgotten. We know from other sources that Pope

rated his abilities very highly. But the condensed form in which the

_Account_ was regularly reprinted does not convey so plainly as the

original the influence of the rival schools at the beginning of the

eighteenth century. In addition to the passages on Rymer, Pope omitted

several valuable allusions to Dryden. The influence of Dryden, however, is

plain enough. He seems to have been ever present to Rowe, suggesting ideas

to be accepted or refuted. Rowe must have been indebted to the

conversation of Dryden as well as to the researches of Betterton.

Rowe’s own dramatic work is an interesting comment on the critical

portions of his _Account of Shakespeare_. When he professes to have taken

Shakespeare as his model,(9) which shows that his editorial work had

taught him the trick of an occasional line contrary to the normal rules of

blank verse. Notwithstanding a brave prologue, he was not able to shake

himself free from the rules, which tightened their grip on English tragedy

till they choked it. His regard for Shakespeare did not give him courage

for the addition of a comic element or an underplot. He must obey the

“hampering critics,” though his avowed model had ignored them.

Accordingly, in his more deliberate prose criticism we find, amid his

veneration of Shakespeare, his regard for the rules of the classical

drama. The faults of Shakespeare, we read, were not so much his own as

those of his time, for “tragi-comedy was the common mistake of that age,”

and there was as yet no definite knowledge of how a play should be

constructed.

The burden of Rowe’s criticism is that “strength and nature made amends

for art.” The line might serve as the text of many of the early

appreciations of Shakespeare. Though the critics all resented Rymer’s

treatment of the poet, some of them stood by his doctrines. They might

appease this resentment by protesting against his manners or refuting his

plea for a dramatic chorus; but on the whole they recognised the claims of

the classical models. The more the dramatic fervour failed, the more the

professed critics counselled observance of the rules. In 1702 Farquhar had

pleaded for the freedom of the English stage in his _Discourse upon

Comedy_, but his arguments were unavailing. The duller men found it easier

to support the rigid doctrines, which had been fully expounded by the

French critics. The seventh or supplementary volume of Rowe’s edition of

Shakespeare was introduced by Charles Gildon’s _Essay on the Art, Rise,

and Progress of the Stage in Greece, Rome, and __ England_, which, as the

title shows, was a laboured exposition of the classical doctrines. Gildon

had begun as an enemy of Rymer. In 1694 he had published _Some Reflections

on Mr. Rymer’s Short View of Tragedy and an Attempt at a Vindication of

Shakespeare_. Therein he had spoken of “noble irregularity,” and censured

the “graver pedants” of the age. By 1710 he is a grave pedant himself. In

1694 he had said that Rymer had scarce produced one criticism that was not

borrowed from the French writers; in 1710 the remark is now applicable to

its author. Gildon’s further descent as a critic is evident eight years

later in his _Complete Art of Poetry_. He is now a slave to the French

doctrine of the rules. He confesses himself the less ready to pardon the

“monstrous absurdities” of Shakespeare, as one or two plays, such as the

_Tempest_, are “very near a regularity.” Yet he acknowledges that

Shakespeare abounds in beauties, and he makes some reparation by including

a long list of his finer passages. Gildon was a man whose ideas took their

colour from his surroundings. In the days of his acquaintanceship with

Dryden he appreciated Shakespeare more heartily than when he was left to

the friendship of Dennis or the favours of the Duke of Buckinghamshire.

His _Art of Poetry_ is a dishonest compilation, which owes what value it

has to the sprinkling of contemporary allusions. It even incorporates,

without any acknowledgment, long passages from Sidney’s _Apologie_. We

should be tempted to believe that Gildon merely put his name to a

hack-work collection, were it not that there is a gradual deterioration in

his criticism.

John Dennis also replied to Rymer’s _Short View_, and was classed

afterwards as one of Rymer’s disciples. In his _Impartial Critick_ (1693)

he endeavoured to show that the methods of the ancient Greek tragedy were

not all suitable to the modern English theatre. To introduce a chorus, as

Rymer had recommended, or to expel love from the stage, would, he argued,

only ruin the English drama. But his belief in the classical rules made

him turn the _Merry Wives_ into the _Comical Gallant_. As he found in the

original three actions, each independent of the other, he had set himself

to make the whole “depend on one common centre.” In the Dedication to the

letters _On the Genius and Writings of Shakespeare_ we read that

Aristotle, “who may be call’d the Legislator of Parnassus, wrote the laws

of tragedy so exactly and so truly in reason and nature that succeeding

criticks have writ justly and reasonably upon that art no farther than

they have adhered to their great master’s notions.” But at the very

beginning of the letters themselves he says that “Shakespeare was one of

the greatest geniuses that the world e’er saw.” Notwithstanding his

pronounced classical taste, his sense of the greatness of Shakespeare is

as strong as Rowe’s, and much stronger than Gildon’s. His writings prove

him a man of competent scholarship, who had thought out his literary

doctrines for himself, and could admire beauty in other than classical

garb. The result is that at many points his opinions are at marked

variance with those of Rymer, for whom, however, he had much respect.

Rymer, for instance, had said that Shakespeare’s genius lay in comedy, but

the main contention of Dennis’s letters is that he had an unequalled gift

for tragedy. As a critic Dennis is greatly superior to Rymer and his

disciples. The ancients guided his taste without blinding him to modern

excellence.

Even Lewis Theobald, whom some would consider Shakespeare’s greatest

friend in this century, believed in the rules. He complied with the taste

of the town when he wrote pantomimes, but he was a sterner man when he

posed as a critic. He would then speak of the “general absurdities of

Shakespeare,” and the “errors” in the structure of his plays. He passed

this criticism both in his edition of Shakespeare and in the early

articles in the _Censor_ on _King Lear_, which are also of considerable

historical interest as being the first essays devoted exclusively to an

examination of a single Shakespearian play. His complacent belief in the

rules prompted him to correct _Richard II._ “The many scattered beauties

which I have long admired,” he says naïvely in the Preface, “induced me to

think they would have stronger charms if they were interwoven in a regular

Fable.” No less confident is a note on _Love’s Labours Lost_: “Besides the

exact regularity of the rules of art, which the author has happened to

preserve in some few of his pieces, this is demonstration, I think, that

though he has more frequently transgressed the unity of Time by cramming

years into the compass of a play, yet he knew the absurdity of so doing,

and was not unacquainted with the rule to the contrary.”(10) Theobald was

a critic of the same type as Gildon. Each had profound respect for what he

took to be the accredited doctrines. If on certain points Theobald’s ideas

were liable to change, the explanation is that he was amenable to the

opinions of others. We do not find in Theobald’s criticism the courage of

originality.

There is little about the rules in Pope’s Preface. That Pope respected

them cannot be doubted, else he would not have spoken so well of Rymer,

and in the critical notes added to his Homer we should not hear so much of

Le Bossu’s treatise on the Epic.(11) But Pope was a discreet man, who knew

when to be silent. He regarded it as a misfortune that Shakespeare was not

so circumstanced as to be able to write on the model of the ancients, but,

unlike the pedant theorists, he refused to judge Shakespeare by the rules

of a foreign drama. Much the same is to be said of Addison. His belief in

the rules appears in his _Cato_. His over-rated criticism of _Paradise

Lost_ is little more than a laboured application of the system of Le

Bossu. But in the _Spectator_ he too urges that Shakespeare is not to be

judged according to the rules. “Our critics do not seem sensible,” he

writes, “that there is more beauty in the works of a great genius who is

ignorant of the rules of art than in those of a little genius who knows

and observes them. Our inimitable Shakespeare is a stumbling-block to the

whole tribe of these rigid critics. Who would not rather read one of his

plays where there is not a single rule of the stage observed, than any

production of a modern critic where there is not one of them

violated?”(12) The rigid critics continued to find fault with the

structure of Shakespeare’s plays. In the articles in the _Adventurer_ on

the _Tempest_ and _King Lear_, Joseph Warton repeats the standard

objection to tragi-comedy and underplots. In the _Biographia Britannica_

we still find it stated that Shakespeare set himself to please the

populace, and that the people “had no notion of the rules of writing, or

the model of the Ancients.” But one whose tastes were classical, both by

nature and by training, had been thinking out the matter for himself. It

was only after long reflection, and with much hesitation, that Johnson had

disavowed what had almost come to be considered the very substance of the

classical faith. In his _Irene_ he had bowed to the rules; he had,

however, begun to suspect them by the time he wrote the _Rambler_, and in

the Preface to his edition of Shakespeare suspicion has become conviction.

His sturdy common sense and independence of judgment led him to anticipate

much of what has been supposed to be the discovery of the romantic school.

His Preface has received scant justice. There is no more convincing

criticism of the neo-classical doctrines.(13)

Henceforward we hear less about the rules. Johnson had performed a great

service for that class of critics whose deference to learned opinion kept

them from saying fully what they felt. The lesser men had not been at

their ease when they referred to Shakespeare. We see their difficulty in

the Latin lectures of Joseph Trapp, the first Professor of Poetry at

Oxford, as well as in the Grub Street _Essay upon English Tragedy_ (1747)

by William Guthrie. They admire his genius, but they persist in regretting

that his plays are not properly constructed. Little importance attaches to

Mrs. Montagu’s _Essay on the Writings and Genius of Shakespeare_

(1769).(14) It was only a well-meaning but shallow reply to Voltaire,(15)

and a reply was unnecessary. Johnson had already vindicated the national

pride in Shakespeare. That his views soon became the commonplaces of those

critics who strike the average of current opinion, is shown by such a work

as William Cooke’s _Elements of Dramatic Criticism_ (1775). But traces of

the school of Rymer are still to be found, and nowhere more strongly than

in the anonymous _Cursory Remarks on Tragedy_ (1774). In this little

volume of essays the dramatic rules are defended against the criticism of

Johnson by a lame repetition of the arguments which Johnson had

overthrown. Even Pope is said to have let his partiality get the better of

his usual justice and candour when he claimed that Shakespeare was not to

be judged by what were called the rules of Aristotle. There are laws, this

belated critic urges, which bind each individual as a citizen of the

world; and once again we read that the rules of the classical drama are in

accordance with human reason. This book is the last direct descendant of

Rymer’s _Short View_. The ancestral trait appears in the question whether

Shakespeare was in general even a good tragic writer. But it is a

degenerate descendant. If it has learned good manners, it is unoriginal

and dull; and it is so negligible that it has apparently not been thought

worth while to settle the question of its authorship.(16)

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