Transcriber's Note.
A list of the changes made can be found at the end of the book.
Formatting and special characters are indicated as follows:
_italic_
=bold=
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THE JESUIT RELATIONS AND ALLIED DOCUMENTS
VOL. VIII
The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents
TRAVELS AND EXPLORATIONS OF THE JESUIT MISSIONARIES IN NEW FRANCE
1610-1791
THE ORIGINAL FRENCH, LATIN, AND ITALIAN TEXTS, WITH ENGLISH
TRANSLATIONS AND NOTES; ILLUSTRATED BY PORTRAITS, MAPS, AND
FACSIMILES
EDITED BY
REUBEN GOLD THWAITES
Secretary of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin
Vol. VIII
QUEBEC, HURONS, CAPE BRETON 1634-1636
CLEVELAND: =The Burrows Brothers Company=, PUBLISHERS, M DCCCXCVII
COPYRIGHT, 1897
BY
THE BURROWS BROTHERS CO
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
_The Imperial Press, Cleveland_
EDITORIAL STAFF
Editor REUBEN GOLD THWAITES
Translator from the French JOHN CUTLER COVERT
Assistant Translator from the French MARY SIFTON PEPPER
Translator from the Latin WILLIAM FREDERIC GIESE
Translator from the Italian MARY SIFTON PEPPER
Assistant Editor EMMA HELEN BLAIR
Bibliographical Adviser VICTOR HUGO PALTSITS
CONTENTS OF VOL. VIII
PREFACE TO VOLUME VIII 1
DOCUMENTS:--
XXV. Relation de ce qui s'est passé en la Novvelle France, en l'année
1635 [Chapters iii., iv., etc., completing the document]. _Paul le
Jeune_; Kébec, August 28, 1635; _Jean de Brébeuf_; Ihonatiria, May 27,
1635; _Julien Perrault_; 1634-35 7
XXVI. Relation de ce qui s'est passé en la Novvelle France, en l'année
1636 [Chapters i., ii., first installment of the document]. _Paul le
Jeune_; Kébec, August 28, 1636 199
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOLUME VIII 283
NOTES 287
[Illustration]
ILLUSTRATION TO VOL. VIII
I. Photographic facsimile of title-page, Le Jeune's _Relation_ of 1636
202
PREFACE TO VOL. VIII
Following is a synopsis of the documents contained in the present
volume:
XXV. A summary of the contents of the first two chapters of the
_Relation_ of 1635 was given in Volume VII. of our series. Continuing
his narrative, Le Jeune urges that French colonies be sent to Canada,
to develop and hold the country for the French crown. Still more
important, in his view, is the aid which these would afford to his
favorite project,--that of rendering the nomadic tribes stationary,
by furnishing nuclei for Indian settlements. He then, as usual,
closes his yearly letter by a resumé, in the form of a journal, of
the chief events during the past year, beginning with the departure
of the French fleet, in August, 1634. He relates how he and Buteux
went, in September, to Champlain's new settlement at Three Rivers,
and describes the region thereabout. An elk-hunt, a funeral, the
cruel treatment of an Iroquois prisoner, an Indian dance, and various
conversations on religion, with the savages, are narrated. The superior
gives a sad account of the famine among the Indians that winter, and
the consequent epidemic, which often proves fatal, even among the
French. He has heard ill news of his brethren who had ventured into the
Huron country, but letters from them show that these reports are in a
measure false. In May, Le Jeune and a companion go to Quebec, to meet
the French fleet, which, however, is delayed until July, when it brings
a reinforcement of six Jesuit priests and two brothers, whereat there
is great rejoicing among the missionaries. Champlain holds a council
with the Hurons, and recommends to their friendship Fathers Le Mercier
and Pijart, who depart with them. Le Jeune remains at Quebec. Again
he urges that efforts should be made to render the wandering Indians
sedentary,--intimating that not only could they thereby be more easily
converted, but that the beaver might thus be kept from extermination.
He mentions the crafty attempts of the Iroquois to arouse hostilities
among the tribes on the St. Lawrence, and thus to divert the Indian
trade from the French to the Dutch and English, at Albany. The
journalist describes the conversion of a young French Huguenot, and
closes by giving directions to his correspondents in France as to the
forwarding of their letters.
In his report on the Huron mission, sent to Le Jeune the preceding
May (1635), Brébeuf describes his journey to Lake Huron, with its
attendant hardships and perils. He, with his companions, settles at
Ihonatiria, near the place where he had formerly lived, when on his
first mission to the Hurons. These savages welcome his return, and
build a cabin for the French. The former suffer much from the same
epidemic that had attacked Three Rivers; but the French keep in good
health. Brébeuf describes his cabin, which is at once a dwelling and
a church; and relates the astonishment of the natives at the sight
of various articles brought by the French,--a small mill, a clock
(which the Indians thought was alive), a loadstone, a magnifying
glass, etc.,--but especially at the art of writing, which is utterly
incomprehensible to their simple minds.
Brébeuf writes of the Huron myths of creation, the morals and
superstitions of that tribe, the doings of their medicine men; he
praises their spirit of hospitality, their patience in sickness, their
courage in view of death,--upon which qualities he hopes to build a
Christian faith and life in their hearts. He describes the baptisms
and the apparent conversions that had rewarded the efforts of the
missionaries; the kind of religious instruction they give the savages;
the condition of their affairs; and the friendly relations existing
between them and the Hurons. He adds a postscript, to mention a new
baptism, and the mildness of the recent winter and spring.
Julien Perrault, of the mission in Cape Breton Island, describes in a
letter to his superior (Le Jeune), the situation, climate, resources,
and people of that island. He praises the docility and honesty of the
natives, and the decency of their behavior and conversation.
The _Relation_ ends with an interesting collection of "various
sentiments and opinions of the Fathers who are in New France,
taken from their last letters of 1635,"--embodying their religious
experiences, observations and opinions concerning their work, and the
qualifications they consider necessary in those who would come to
Canada as missionaries.
XXVI. Like the preceding document, the _Relation_ of 1636, although
throughout styled by bibliographers Le Jeune's, because he was the
superior and the editor, is a composite: the first half being a
_Relation_ (or annual report) of eleven chapters, sent by Le Jeune to
his provincial at Paris, and dated Quebec, August 28, 1636; the second
half consists of a _Relation_ on the Huron mission, by Brébeuf, dated
at Ihonatiria, July 16 of the same year, and sent down to Le Jeune by a
native messenger. Brébeuf's _Relation_ is divided into two parts, one
of four chapters, the other of nine.
We have space in the present volume but for the two opening chapters
of Le Jeune's own yearly narrative. He begins by describing the
arrival of Montmagny, Champlain's successor as governor of New France.
The missionaries are rejoiced to find that the new governor has
brought with him Chastelain and Garnier, priests of their order, to
aid them in their great task; and, still more, that Montmagny is a
pious man, and greatly interested in their work. This is evinced by
his becoming sponsor in baptism for a savage, almost as soon as he
has landed at Quebec. Le Jeune mentions also the arrival of Father
Nicolas Adam, as well as several families of colonists, especially
those of De Repentigny and La Poterie. He then relates how interest
in the Canadian mission is spreading in France, not only in religious
circles, but among the nobility, court officers, and persons of
wealth. He praises the piety and generosity of the Marquis de Gamache,
who largely supports the Quebec mission; and several members of the
Hundred Associates, whose letters are quoted, showing their zeal and
liberality. He is especially pleased at the intention of a wealthy
lady, Madame Combalet, to establish a hospital in New France. He
continues, as usual, with circumstantial accounts of conversions among
the savages, and the pious deaths of several.
The translation of Brébeuf's portion of the _Relation_ of 1635 (Doc.
xxv.) is the work of the late James McFie Hunter, M.A., principal of
the Collegiate Institute at Barrie, Ont. Mr. Hunter had intended to
publish an English translation of all the _Relations_ emanating from
the Huron country, but his death in 1893 terminated the project.
R.G.T.
MADISON, WIS., May, 1897.
XXV (concluded)
LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1635
PARIS: SEBASTIEN CRAMOISY, 1636
Chaps, i.-ii., of the opening _Relation_ by Le Jeune, appeared in
Volume VII. Chaps, iii.-iv., concluding Le Jeune's part, here follow;
the document closes with reports on the Huron and Cape Breton missions,
by Brébeuf and Perrault respectively; and a collection of "sentiments
and opinions of the Fathers who are in New France."
[51] CHAPITRE III.
QUE C'EST VN BIEN POUR L'VNE & L'AUTRE FRANCE, D'ENUOYER ICY DES
COLONIES.
IL est à craindre que dans la multiplication de nos François en ces
contrées, la paix, la ioye, & la bonne intelligence ne croissent pas
[52] à proportion que croistront les Habitans de la Nouuelle France.
Il est bien plus facile de contenir vn petit nombre d'hommes, que
des peuples entiers; si faut-il neantmoins confesser, que ce seroit
vne chose tres-honorable, & tres-profitable à l'Ancienne France, &
tres-vtile à la Nouuelle, de faire icy des peuplades, & d'y enuoyer des
Colonies.
[51] CHAPTER III.
HOW IT IS A BENEFIT TO BOTH OLD AND NEW FRANCE, TO SEND COLONIES
HERE.
It is to be feared that in the multiplication of our French,
in these countries, peace, happiness, and good feeling may not
increase [52] in the same ratio as do the Inhabitants of New
France.[1] It is much easier to control a few men than whole
multitudes; yet it must be confessed that it would be an enterprise
very honorable and very profitable to Old France, and very useful
to the New, to establish settlements here, and to send over
Colonies.
Les François seront-ils seuls entre toutes les Nations de la terre,
priuez de l'honneur de se dilater, & de se respandre dans ce Nouueau
Monde. La France beaucoup plus peuplée, que tous les autres Royaumes,
n'aura des Habitans que pour soy? ou bien si ses enfans la quittent,
s'en vont qui de-çà, qui de-là perdre le nom de François chez
l'Estranger.
Shall the French, alone of all the Nations of the earth, be
deprived of the honor of expanding and spreading over this New
World? Shall France, much more populous than all the other
Kingdoms, have Inhabitants only for itself? or, when her children
leave her, shall they go here and there and lose the name of
Frenchmen among Foreigners?
Les Geographes, les Historiens, [53] & l'experience mesme nous fait
veoir, qu'il sort tous les ans de la France vn grand nombre de
personnes, qui vont prendre party ailleurs: Car encor que le Sol de
nostre patrie soit tres-fecond, les Françoises ont ceste benediction,
qu'elles le sont encore dauantage: de là vient que nos anciens
Gaulois manquans de terres, en ont esté chercher en diuers endroits
de l'Europe. Les Galates tirent d'eux leur origine, ils ont trauersé
l'Italie, ils sont passez dans la Grece, & en plusieurs autres
endroits. Or maintenant nos François ne sont pas en moindre nombre
que nos vieux Gaulois; mais ils ne sortent plus en troupes, ains s'en
võt espars, qui d'vn costé, qui d'autre, busquer leur fortune chez
l'Estranger. Ne vaudroit-il pas mieux décharger l'Ancienne France dans
la Nouuelle, par des Colonies [54] qu'on y peut enuoyer, que de peupler
les pays Estrangers?
Geographers, Historians, [53] and experience itself, show us that
every year a great many people leave France who go to enroll
themselves elsewhere. For, although the Soil of our country is very
fertile, the French women have this blessing, that they are still
more so; and thence it happens that our ancient Gauls, in want of
land, went to seek it in different parts of Europe. The Galatians
draw their origin from them; they have crossed Italy, they have
passed into Greece, and into many other regions. At present, our
French people are no less numerous than our old Gauls; but they do
not go forth in bands, but separately, some going in one direction,
some in another, to make their fortunes among Strangers. Would it
not be better to empty Old France into New, by means of Colonies
[54] which could be sent there, than to people Foreign countries?
Adioustez, s'il vous plaist, qu'il y a vne infinité d'artisans en
France, qui faute d'employ, ou faute de posseder quelque peu de terre,
passent leur vie dans vne pauureté, & dans vne disette pitoyable.
Vn tres-grand nombre vont mandier leur pain de porte en porte:
plusieurs se iettent dedans les vols & dans les brigandages publics;
d'autres dans les larcins & tromperies secrettes, chacun s'efforçant
de tirer à soy ce que plusieurs ne sçauroient posseder. Or comme la
Nouuelle France est de si grande estenduë, on y peut enuoyer si bon
nombre d'habitans, que ceux qui resteront à l'Ancienne auront dequoy
employer leur industrie honnestement, sans se ietter dans des vices
qui perdent les Republiques; ce n'est pas qu'il fallust [55] enuoyer
icy des personnes perduës, & de mauuaise vie: car ce seroit bastir des
Babylones; mais les bons faisant places aux méchants, leurs donneroient
occasion de fuyr l'oysiueté qui les corrompt.
Add to this, if you please, that there is a multitude of workmen
in France, who, for lack of employment or of owning a little land,
pass their lives in poverty and wretched want. Many of them beg
their bread from door to door; some of them resort to stealing and
public brigandage, others to larceny and secret frauds, each one
trying to obtain for himself what many cannot possess. Now as New
France is so immense, so many inhabitants can be sent here that
those who remain in the Mother Country will have enough honest work
left them to do, without launching into those vices which ruin
Republics; this does not mean that [55] ruined people, or those
of evil lives, should be sent here, for that would be to build
Babylons; but if the good were to make room for the bad, it would
give the latter an opportunity to escape the idleness that corrupts
them.
De plus si ces Contrées se peuplent de nos François, non seulement on
affoiblit les forces de l'Estranger, qui tient dans ses vaisseaux,
dans ses villes, & dans ses armées, grand nombre de François à ses
gages: Non seulement on bannit la famine des maisons d'vne infinité
de pauures artisans, mais encore fortifie-on la France; car ceux qui
naistront en la Nouuelle France, seront François, & qui pourront dans
les besoins rendre de bons seruices à leur Roy, ce qu'on ne doit pas
attendre de ceux qui s'habituent chez nos voisins, & hors la domination
de leur Prince.
Besides, if these Countries are peopled by our French, not only
will this weaken the strength of the Foreigner,--who holds in
his ships, in his towns, and in his armies, a great many of our
Countrymen as hostages,--not only will it banish famine from the
houses of a multitude of poor workman, but it will also strengthen
France; for those who will be born in New France, will be French,
and in case of need can render good service to their King,--a thing
which cannot be expected from those who dwell among our neighbors
and outside the dominion of their Prince.
[56] En fin si ces pays se peuplent de François, ils s'affermiront à
la Couronne, & l'Estranger ne les viendra plus troubler. Et on nous
dit que ceste année les Anglois ont rendu à Monsieur le Commandeur de
Rasilly l'habitation de Pemptegoüs, qu'ils prirent aux François l'année
mil six cens treize. D'icy prouiendra vn bien, qui attirera sur l'vne
& l'autre France vne grande benediction du Ciel; c'est la Conuersion
d'vne infinité de Nations Sauuages, qui habitent dans les terres,
lesquelles se vont tous les iours disposans à receuoir le flambeau de
la Foy.
[56] Finally, if this country is peopled by the French, it will be
firmly attached to the Crown, and the Foreigner will come no more
to trouble it. And they tell us that this year the English have
restored to Monsieur the Commander de Rasilly the settlement of
Pemptegoüs, that they took from the French in the year one thousand
six hundred and thirteen.[2] From this will result a good which
will draw down upon both old and new France a great blessing from
Heaven; it is the Conversion of a vast number of Savage Nations,
who inhabit these lands and who are every day becoming disposed to
receive the light of the Faith.
Or il ne faut point douter qu'il ne se trouue icy de l'employ pour
toutes sortes d'artisans. Pourquoy les grands bois de la Nouuelle
France ne pourroient ils pas bien fournir de Nauires à l'Ancienne? qui
doute qu'il n'y ait icy des mines de fer, de [57] cuiure, & d'autre
metail? On en a desia fait la découuerte de quelques vnes, qu'on va
bien-tost dresser; & par consequent tous ceux qui trauaillent en bois &
en fer, trouueront icy dequoy s'occuper. Les bleds n'y manqueront non
plus qu'en France. Ie ne fais pas profession de rapporter les biens du
pays, ny de monstrer ce qui peut occuper icy l'esprit & le corps de
nos François. Ie me cõtenteray de dire, que ce seroit vn honneur & vn
grand bien à l'vne & à l'autre France, de faire passer des Colonies, &
dresser forces peuplades dans les terres, qui sont en friche depuis la
naissance du monde.
Now there is no doubt that there can be found here employment for
all sorts of artisans. Why cannot the great forests of New France
largely furnish the Ships for the Old? Who doubts that there are
here mines of iron, [57] copper, and other metals?[3] Some have
already been discovered, which will soon be worked; and hence
all those who work in wood and iron will find employment here.
Grain will not fail here, more than in France. I do not pretend
to recite all the advantages of the country, nor to show what
can give occupation here to the intelligence and strength of our
French people; I will content myself by saying that it would be an
honor and a great benefit to both old and new France to send over
Emigrants and establish strong colonies in these lands, which have
lain fallow since the birth of the world.
On me dira que Messieurs de la Compagnie de la Nouuelle France se sont
chargez de le faire; ie répõds qu'ils s'acquittẽt parfaictemẽt bien
de leur deuoir, quoy qu'auec de tres [58] grands frais: mais quand
ils feroient passer trois fois autant de personnes qu'ils ont promis,
ils déchargeroient de fort peu l'Ancienne France, & ne peupleroient
qu'vn petit Canton de la Nouuelle. Neantmoins auec le temps il se fera
progrés, & aussi-tost que par le défrichement on pourra recueillir de
la terre, ce qui est necessaire pour la vie, on trouuera mille vtilitez
sur le pays, qui seront encore profitables, à la Frãce: mais il semble
qu'il soit necessaire qu'vne grande estenduë de bois soit changée en
terres labourables, auparauant que d'introduire plus grand nombre de
familles, autrement la faim les pourroit égorger.
They will tell me that the Gentlemen of the Company of New France
have taken it upon themselves to do this; I answer that they are
discharging their duty perfectly, although at very [58] great
expense;[4] but even if they should bring over three times as many
people as they have promised, they would but slightly relieve
Old France, and would people only a little Canton of the New.
Nevertheless, in time they will make some progress; and as soon
as, through the clearing of the land, they can obtain from it what
is necessary for life, thousands of useful things will be found in
the country which will also be profitable to France. But it seems
necessary that a great extent of forest should be converted into
tillable land, before introducing many families, otherwise famine
might consume them.
Ie m'estens trop sur vn point, qui sẽble éloigné de mon sujet, quoy
qu'il y soit tres-conforme; car si ie voyois icy quelques villes ou
bourgades, recueillir suffisamment des fruicts de [59] la terre pour
leurs besoins, nos Sauuages errans se rangeroiẽt bien-tost à leur abry,
& se faisans sedẽtaires à nostre exemple, notamment si on leur rendoit
quelque assistance, on les pourroit aisément instruire en la Foy. Pour
les peuples stables qui sont bien auant dans les terres, on iroit en
grand nombre les secourir, & auec d'autant plus d'authorité & moins de
crainte qu'on se sentiroit appuyé de ces Villes ou Bourgades. Plus la
puissance de nos François aura d'éclat en ces Contrées, & plus aisément
feront-ils receuoir leur creance à ces Barbares, qui se menent autant &
plus par les sens que par la raison.
I enlarge upon a point which seems remote from my subject, although
it is closely related thereto; for if I could see here a number
of towns or villages, gathering enough of the fruits of [59] the
earth for their needs, our wandering Savages would soon range
themselves under their protection; and, being rendered sedentary
by our example, especially if they were to be given some help,
they could easily be instructed in the Faith. As to the stationary
tribes farther back in the interior, we would go in great numbers
to succor them; and would have much more authority, and less fear,
if we felt that we had the support of these Towns or Villages.
The more imposing the power of our French people is made in these
Countries, the more easily they can make their belief received by
these Barbarians, who are influenced even more through the senses,
than through reason.
[60] CHAPITRE IV.
RAMAS DE DIUERSES CHOSES DRESSÉ EN FORME DE IOURNAL.
TOVT ce qui se dira en ce Chapitre, n'est qu'vn mélange qui n'aura pas
beaucoup de suitte, ny de liaison, sinon peut-estre du temps auquel les
choses sont arriuées: encore ne se suiura-il que de loin à loin.
[60] CHAPTER IV.
A COLLECTION OF VARIOUS MATTERS PREPARED IN THE FORM OF A JOURNAL.
ALL that will be said in this Chapter is a mere medley, in which
there will be but little sequence or connection, except perhaps
that of the time in which the things happened; and still they will
follow each other only at wide intervals.
Le douziesme d'Aoust de l'année precedente mil six cens trente quatre,
Monsieur du Plessis Bochard General de la flotte, leua l'ancre, &
quitta la Rade de Kebec, pour tirer à Tadoussac, & de là en France, où
l'on nous dit qu'il arriua enuiron la my-Septembre, n'ayant esté qu'vn
mois à trauerser la mer.
On the twelfth of August of the preceding year, one thousand six
hundred and thirty-four, Monsieur du Plessis Bochard,[5] Commandant
of the fleet, weighed anchor and left the Roadstead of Kebec, to
go to Tadoussac and thence to France, where we are told he arrived
about the middle of September, having been only a month in crossing
the sea.
[61] Le vingt-sixiesme du mesme mois d'Aoust, quelques Sauuages passans
proche de nostre Maison nous firent veoir des prunes qu'ils auoient
cueilly dans les bois, non pas bien loin de nostre Maison: elles
estoient aussi grosses que les petits abricots de France, leur noyau
est plat comme celuy de l'abricot: cela me fait dire que les froids
de ces Contrées, n'empescherõt pas qu'on n'en retire des fruits. Nous
en verrons l'experience dans quelques années; car nous auons greffé
quelques antes qui ont fort bien repris.
[61] On the twenty-sixth of the same month of August, some Savages
who were passing our House showed us some plums they had gathered
in the woods not far from there; they were as large as the little
apricots of France, their stone being flat like that of the
apricot. This leads me to say that the cold of these Countries does
not prevent fruit from growing. We shall know from experience, in
a few years, for we have grafted some cuttings which have started
very well.
Le troisiesme de Septembre nous nous embarquasmes le Pere Buteux &
moy, pour aller secourir nos François en la Nouuelle Habitation, qu'on
commençoit aux trois Riuieres. Nous passasmes proche de l'Islet de
Rich[e]lieu, nommé des [62] Sauuages _Ka ouapassiniskakhi_. Monsieur
de Champlain y a fait dresser vne platte-forme, sur laquelle on a
posé du Canon, pour commander à toute la Riuiere. Depuis cet Islet
iusques à vne bonne traite de chemin an de-là, le passage est fort
dangereux, à qui n'a cognoissance du vray chenal, nous touchasmes vne
fois, eschoüasmes vne autre, & nostre barque, dans vn grand nordest,
frisa vne roche, qui donna de l'horreur à tous ceux qui la virent. Dieu
semble auoir armé ce passage pour la conseruation du Pays, entre les
mains des François qui le possedent.
On the third of September, we, Father Buteux and I, embarked to go
and help our French in the New Settlement they are beginning at
the three Rivers. We passed near the Island of Rich[e]lieu, called
by the [62] Savages _Ka ouapassiniskakhi_. Monsieur de Champlain
has had a platform erected there, upon which they have placed some
Cannon in order to command the whole River.[6] From this Islet to a
considerable distance above, the passage is very dangerous to any
one who does not know the real channel. Once we touched bottom,
another time we were stranded; and in a strong northeaster our bark
grazed a rock, which filled with horror all those that saw it.
God seems to have armed this passage for the preservation of the
Country in the hands of the French, who now possess it.
Le huictiesme nous arriuasmes aux trois Riuieres, le seiour y est fort
agréable, la terre sablonneuse, la pesche en son temps tres-abõdante.
Vn Sauuage rapportera quelquefois dans son Canot douze ou quinze [63]
Esturgeons, dont le moindre sera par fois de la hauteur d'vn homme.
Il y a quantité d'autres poissons tres-excellens. Les Français ont
nõmé ce lieu les trois Riuieres, pource qu'il sort des terres vn assez
beau fleuue, qui se vient dégorger dans la grande Riuiere de sainct
Laurens par trois principales emboucheures, causées par plusieurs
petites Isles, qui se rencontrent à l'entrée de ce fleuue, nommé des
Sauuages _Metaberoutin_. Ie décrirois volontiers la beauté de ce lieu,
mais ie crains d'estre long; Tout le pays entre Kebec & ceste nouuelle
Habitation, que nous appellerõs la Residence de la Conception, m'a
semblé fort agreable, il est entrecoupé de ruisseaux & de fleuues, qui
se déchargent d'espaces en espaces dans le Roy des fleuues, c'est à
dire, dans la grande riuiere de S. Laurens, [64] qui a bien encore en
ce lieu là quelque deux à trois mille pas de large quoy qu'il soit à
trente lieuës au dessus de Kebec.
On the eighth, we arrived at the three Rivers. We found living
there very agreeable; the ground is sandy, the fish very abundant
in its season. A Savage will sometimes bring in his Canoe twelve
or fifteen [63] Sturgeon, the smallest of which is occasionally as
long as the height of a man; besides these, there are also a number
of other very good fish. The French have named this place the three
Rivers, because there emerges here a very beautiful river which
flows into the great River saint Lawrence through three principal
mouths, caused by several little Islands which are found at the
entrance of this river, which the Savages call _Metaberoutin_.[7]
I would like to describe the beauty of this place, but I am afraid
of being tedious. The whole country between Kebec and this new
Settlement, which we will call the Residence of the Conception,
seems to me very pleasant; it is intersected by brooks and streams,
which empty at short distances from each other into the King of
rivers, that is, into the great river St. Lawrence, [64] which
is, even at this place, fully two or three thousand paces wide,
although it is thirty leagues above Kebec.
Le vingt-septiesme du mesme mois de Septembre vn Elan parut de l'autre
bord de ceste grande riuiere, nos François en donnerent aduis à
quelques Sauuages cabanez proche de l'Habitation, quelques-vns d'eux
s'en vont attaquer ce grand animal, qui se rafraichissoit dedans l'eau,
l'allant prendre du costé des terres, pour le pousser plus auant dans
le fleuue, ils voloient apres dans leurs petits Canots d'écorce,
ils l'approcherent à la portée d'vn iauelot, & l'vn d'eux luy lança
vne espée qui le fit bondir, & chercher le chemin de la terre pour
se sauuer; ce qu'il eust fait aisément, s'il eust peu aborder; mais
voyant ses ennemis de ce costé là, il [65] se iette à l'eau, où il
fut bien-tost lardé de coups d'espées. Comme il tiroit à la mort, ils
le repousserent vers le bord du fleuue, & là le mirent en vn momẽt en
pieces, pour le pouuoir apporter en leur cabane. Nous voyons ceste
chasse de nostre Habitation esleuée sur vne platte forme naturelle, qui
a veuë sur la grande Riuiere. Ie consideray particulierement la teste
de cest animal, il auoit poussé vn bois de la longueur seulement des
cornes d'vn bœuf; car il estoit encore tout ieune ce bois estoit tout
velu, assez mince, & d'vne grosseur quasi égale partout.
On the twenty-seventh of the same month of September, an Elk
appeared on the other bank of this great river; our Frenchmen gave
notice of it to some Savages who were encamped near the Settlement,
and some of them went to attack this great animal, which was
standing in the water drinking. Approaching it from the land side,
to drive it farther into the water, they flew after it in their
little bark Canoes; and, approaching it within range, one of them
launched a javelin at it, which made it give a bound and start for
the shore to save itself; it might easily have done this if it had
been able to touch the shore; but seeing its enemies there, it [65]
rushed into the water where it was soon run through with javelins.
When it was near its death, they drove it to the shore, and there
in a moment they had cut it in pieces, to be able to carry it to
their cabin. We saw this chase from our Settlement, which is on
a natural elevation and commands a view of the great River. I
carefully examined the head of this animal; its antlers had grown
only as long as the horns of an ox, for it was still young; these
antlers were covered with hair which was quite fine and almost
equally thick throughout.
Le vingt-huictiesme le Pere Buteux & moy trouuasmes vne troupe de
Sauuages, qui faisoient festin auprés des fosses de leurs parens
trespassez; ils leur donnerent la meilleure part du banquet qu'ils
ietterent [66] au feu, & s'en voulans aller vne femme rompit des
branches, & des rameaux d'arbres, dont elle couurit ces fosses; ie luy
en demanday la raison, elle repartit qu'elle abrioit l'ame de ses amis
trespassez, contre l'ardeur du Soleil, qui a esté fort grande cet
Automne. Ils philosophent des ames des hommes & de leurs necessitez,
comme des corps, conformément à leur doctrine, se figurans que nos
ames ont les mesmes besoins que nos corps; nous luy dismes assez
que les ames des creatures raisonnables descendoiẽt aux enfers, ou
montoient au Ciel; elle ne laissa pas, sans nous rien respondre, de
garder la vieille coustume de ses ayeux. Ceux qui ne resentent pas les
obligations qu'ils ont à Dieu, d'auoir pris naissance en vn lieu où il
est cogneu & adoré, peuuent icy veoir à l'œil quel preciput [67] ils
ont par dessus vn monde de barbares.
On the twenty-eighth, Father Buteux and I found a band of Savages
who were having a feast near the graves of their deceased
relatives; they gave them the best part of the banquet, which they
threw [66] into the fire; and, when they were about to go away,
a woman broke some twigs and branches from the trees, with which
she covered these graves. I asked her why she did this, and she
answered that she was sheltering the souls of her dead friends
from the heat of the Sun, which has been very great this Autumn.
They reason about the souls of men and their necessities as they
do about the body; according to their doctrine, they suppose that
our souls have the same needs as our bodies. We told her repeatedly
that the souls of reasonable beings descended into hell or went up
into Heaven; but, without giving us any answer, she continued to
follow the old custom of her ancestors. Those who do not appreciate
the obligations they are under to God, for having been born in a
place where he is known and worshiped, can see here at a glance
what an advantage [67] they have over a world of barbarians.
Le vingt-troisiesme iour d'Octobre, quinze ou vingt Sauuages reuindrent
de la guerre, amenans vn prisonnier. Si tost qu'il peurent découurir
nostre Habitation & leurs cabanes, ils rassemblerent leurs canots, &
s'en vindrent doucement par le milieu du grand fleuue, poussant de
leur estomach des chants tout remplis d'allegresse; si tost qu'on les
apperceut, il se fit vn grand cry dans les cabanes; chacun sortit au
deuant pour veoir ces gueriers, qui firent leuer tout debout le pauure
prisonnier, & le firent danser à leur mode au milieu d'vn canot; il
chãtoit & eux frappoient de leurs auirons à la cadence; il estoit lié
d'vne corde qui luy passoit de bras en bras derriere le dos, & d'vne
autre aux pieds, & encore d'vne autre [68] assez longue par le trauers
du corps; ils luy auoient arraché les ongles des doigts, afin qu'il ne
se peust délier. Admirez ie vous prie la cruauté de ces peuples, vne
Sauuage nous ayant apperceu le Pere Buteux & moy dans la meslée auec
les autres, nous vint dire toute remplie de ioye & de contentement,
_Tapoue kouetakiou nigamouau_; en vérité ie mangeray de l'Hiroquois.
En fin ce pauure homme sorty du canot fut conduit dans vne cabane, à
l'entrée les enfans, les filles & les femmes le frappoient, qui d'vn
baston, qui d'vne pierre: vous eussiez dit qu'il estoit insensible,
passant chemin, & receuant ces coups, sans destourner la veuë: si tost
qu'il fust entré, on le fit dancer à la cadence de leurs hurlemens.
Apres auoir fait quelques tours, frappant la terre, & s'agitant le
corps, en quoy consiste toute [69] leur dance, on le fit asseoir, &
quelques Sauuages nous apostrophans, nous dirent que cet Hiroquois
estoit l'vn de ceux qui l'année precedente auoient surpris & massacré
trois de nos François, c'estoit pour estouffer en nous la compassion
que nous en pouuiõs auoir, ils oserent bien demander à quelques-vns de
nos François, s'ils n'en mangeroient pas bien leur part, puis qu'ils
auoient tué de nos Compatriotes. On leur repartit que ces cruautez
nous déplaisoient, & que nous n'estions point des antropophages. Il
ne mourut point neantmoins; car ces Barbares ennuyez de la guerre,
parlerent à ce ieune prisonnier, qui est homme fort, & d'vne riche &
haute taille, de faire la paix; ils ont esté long-tẽps à la traiter,
mais en fin ils l'ont concluë. Ie croy bien qu'elle ne durera gueres,
[70] car le premier vertige qui prendra à quelque estourdy, sur le
souuenir que l'vn de ses parens aura esté tué par les Hiroquois, en ira
surprendre quelqu'vn, & le massacrera en trahison: & ainsi recommencera
la guerre. Il ne faut pas attendre de fidelité des peuples qui n'ont
point la vraye Foy.
On the twenty-third day of October, fifteen or twenty Savages
returned from the war, bringing a prisoner. As soon as they could
descry our Settlement and their cabins, they collected their canoes
and sailed slowly down the middle of the great river, uttering
from their chests songs full of gladness; as soon as they were
seen, there was a great outcry among the cabins, each one coming
out to see these warriors, who made the poor prisoner stand up and
dance in their fashion in the middle of a canoe. He sang, and they
kept time with their paddles; he was bound with a cord which tied
his arms behind his back, another was around his feet, and still
another, [68] a long one, around his body; they had torn out his
finger-nails, so that he could not untie himself. Marvel, I pray
you, at the cruelty of these people. A Savage, having perceived
Father Buteux and me mingling with the others, came up to us and
said, full of joy and satisfaction, _Tapoue kouetakiou nigamouau_;
"I shall really eat some Hiroquois." Finally this poor man came
out of the canoe, and was taken into a cabin, the children, girls,
and women striking him, some with sticks, others with stones, as
he entered; you would have said he was insensible, as he passed
along and received these blows without looking around; as soon
as he entered, they made him dance to the music of their howls.
After having made a few turns, striking the ground and agitating
his body, which is all there is of [69] their dancing, they made
him sit down; and some of the Savages, addressing us, told us that
this Hiroquois was one of those who the year before had surprised
and killed three of our Frenchmen; this was done to stifle in us
the pity that we might have for him, and they even dared to ask
some of our French if they did not want to eat their share of
him, since they had killed our Countrymen. We replied that these
cruelties displeased us, and that we were not cannibals. He did not
die, however; for these Barbarians, weary of the war, spoke with
this young prisoner, who was a strong man, tall and finely formed,
about making peace; they have been treating about it for a long
time, but at last it is concluded. In truth, I believe it will not
last long; [70] for the first impulse that seizes some hot-headed
fellow, at the remembrance that one of his relations was killed
by the Hiroquois, will make him go and surprise one of them, and
treacherously assassinate him; and thus the war will begin again.
Fidelity cannot be expected from people who have not the true Faith.
Le vingt-quatriesme du mesme mois grand nombre d'Algonquains estans
arriuez, ie m'en allay chercher par leur[s] cabanes, vne petite
fillette que i'auois baptisée, & nommée Marguerite l'ã passé: sa
mere me recogneut bien, & me dit qu'elle estoit morte, c'est autant
de gaigné pour le Ciel, ie ne l'auois pas fait Chrestienne qu'à fin
qu'elle y allast. Cõme ie vins à demãder des nouuelles du pere de cét
enfant que i'auois cõmencé d'instruire, vn Sauuage me respondit qu'il
estoit mort; à ceste [71] parole vne sienne fille aagée de dix-huict à
vingt ans, fit vn grand cry toute éplorée; on me fit signe que ie ne
parlasse point de la mort, dont le seul nom leur semble insupportable.
On the twenty-fourth of the same month, a great many Algonquains
having arrived, I went through their cabins, looking for a little
girl I had baptized and named Marguerite, the year before. Her
mother readily recognized me, and told me that she was dead; that
was so much gained for Heaven; I had only made her a Christian
that she might go there. When I came to ask news of the father of
the child whom I had begun to instruct, a Savage told me that he
was dead; at this [71] answer, one of his daughters, about eighteen
or twenty years old, uttered a loud cry and burst into tears; they
made me a sign that I should not speak of death, its very name
seeming to them unbearable.
Le vingt-neufiesme il arriua vne chose assez facetieuse, que ie
coucheray icy, pour faire veoir la simplicité d'vn esprit qui ne
cognoist point Dieu. Deux Sauuages estans entrez en nostre Habitation,
pendant le Diuin Seruice, que nous faisions à la Chapelle, se disoient
l'vn à l'autre, Ils prient celuy qui a tout fait, leur donnera-il ce
qu'ils demandent? Or comme nous tardions trop à leur gré, Asseurément,
disoient-ils, il ne leur veut pas donner: voyla ils crient tous
tant qu'ils peuuent (nous chantions Vespres pour lors). Or vn ieune
truchement venant à sortir, ils l'aborderent, & [72] luy dirent, Hé
bien! celuy qui a tout fait, vous a-il accordé ce que vous demandiez?
Ouy, respond-il, nous l'aurons. Asseurémẽt, repartent-ils, il ne s'en
est gueres fallu qu'il ne vous ait éconduit; car vous auez bien crié &
bien chanté pour l'auoir: nous disions à tous coups, que vous n'auriez
rien; mais encore que vous a-il promis? Ce ieune homme soufriant,
leur respondit, conformément à leur grande attente, Il nous a promis
que nous n'aurions point faim: c'est la grande beatitude des Sauuages
d'auoir dequoy contenter leur ventre.
On the twenty-ninth, a rather amusing thing happened, which I
shall relate here to show the simplicity of a mind that does not
know God. Two Savages having entered our Settlement during Divine
Service, which we were holding in the Chapel, said to each other,
"They are praying to him who made all things; will he give them
what they ask?" Now as we were going rather slowly, according to
their ideas, "Certainly," they said, "he does not want to give it
to them, see how they are all shouting as loud as they can," (we
were singing Vespers at the time). Now, as a young interpreter was
going away, they approached him and [72] said "Well, now, he who
made all things, has he granted what you ask?" "Yes," he answered,
"we shall get it." "Certainly," they replied, "he must have very
nearly refused you, for you have cried and sung so hard to get it;
we were saying all the time that you would not get anything; but
tell us now, what did he promise you?" This young man, smiling,
answered them according to their expectations, "He promised us that
we should not be hungry." It is the highest state of happiness for
the Savages to have something with which to satisfy their stomachs.
Le cinquiesme de Nouembre, i'allay veoir les reliquas d'vne
bonne-pallissade, qui a autrefois entouré vne Bourgade, au lieu mesme
où nos François ont planté leur Habitation. Les Hiroquois ennemis de
ces Peuples ont tout bruslé; on voit encore [73] le bout des pieux tous
noirs; il y a quelques arpens de terre défrichée, où ils cultiuoient du
bled d'Inde. I'espere qu'auec le temps nos Canadiens reprendront cet
exercice, qui leur sera autant profitable pour le Ciel, que pour la
terre; car s'ils s'arrestent, on aura moyen de les instruire.
On the fifth of November, I went to see the remains of a good
palisade, which formerly surrounded a Village in the very place
where our French have established their Abode. The Hiroquois
enemies of these Tribes have burned everything; there can still be
seen [73] the ends of the blackened stakes; there are some arpents
of cleared land, where they cultivated Indian corn. I hope in the
course of time our Canadians will resume this industry, which will
be as profitable to them for Heaven as for earth; for, if they stop
their wanderings there will be opportunities of instructing them.
Le septiesme on nous décriuit vne façon de dance des Sauuages que nous
n'auions point encore veuë. L'vn d'eux commence, pendant que les autres
chantẽt; la chanson finie, il va donner le bouquet, c'est à dire, qu'il
va faire vn present à celuy qu'il veut faire dancer apres soy; l'autre
finissant la dance en fait de mesme, & si nos François se trouuent auec
eux, on leur porte le bouquet & le present aussi bien qu'aux autres.
On the seventh we had described to us a kind of Savage dance that
we had not yet seen. One of them begins while the others sing; the
song finished, he goes and gives the bouquet, that is, he goes and
makes a present to the one whom he wishes to dance after him; the
other does the same thing when he finishes the dance; and, if our
French are with them, they bring the bouquet and the present to our
men as well as to the others.
Le dix-huictiesme de ce mois, [74] tous les Sauuages s'escarterent,
qui deça, qui de là dans les bois, pour aller pendant l'hyuer chercher
l'Elan, le Cerf & le Caribou, dont ils viuent; Si bien que nous
demeurasmes sans voisins, nos seuls François restans en nostre nouuelle
Demeure.
On the eighteenth of this month, [74] all the Savages dispersed,
some here and some there into the woods, to go during the winter to
hunt the Elk, the Deer and the Caribou, upon which they live; so
that we were without neighbors, our French alone remaining in our
new Dwelling place.
Le trentiesme de Decembre la neige n'estant ny assez dure ny assez
profonde, pour arrester les grandes iambes de l'Elan, vne troupe de ces
pauures Barbares, s'en vindrent crier misericorde en nostre Habitation;
la famine qui fut cruelle l'an passé les a encore traicté plus rudement
cet hyuer, du moins en plusieurs endroits; on nous a rapporté que vers
Gaspé les Sauuages ont tué & mangé vn ieune garçon que les Basques
leur auoient laissé pour apprẽdre leur langue. Ceux de Tadoussac auec
lesquels i'hyuernay il y a vn an, se sont mangez les vns les autres
[75] en quelques endroits. Monsieur du Plessis Bochart montant à Kebec,
nous a dit qu'il y en auoit encore quelques-vns dans les bois, qui
n'osoient paroistre deuant les autres, à raison qu'ils ont meschamment
surpris, massacré, & mangé leurs compagnons. Nous auons esté témoins
de leur famine aux trois Riuieres: ils venoient par bandes, tous
défigurez, décharnez comme des squelets, aymans, disoient-ils autant
mourir auprés des François, que dans leurs Forests: le malheur pour
eux, estoit, que comme ceste Habitation ne faisoit que de commencer, il
n'y auoit point encore de magasins aux trois Riuieres, nos François &
nous n'ayans apporté de Kebec que les viures necessaires pour le nombre
des hommes qui y residoient: nous nous efforçasmes pourtant de les
secourir, chacun de son costé leur [76] faisant la charité selon ses
forces, ou selon son affection, pas vn de ceux qui vindrent vers nous
ne mourut de faim.
On the thirtieth of December, the snow having been neither hard
nor deep enough to arrest the long legs of the Elk, a troop of
these poor Barbarians came crying for pity at our Settlement; the
famine, which was cruel last year, has treated them still worse
this winter, at least in several places; we have heard a report
that, near Gaspé, the Savages killed and ate a young boy whom the
Basques left with them to learn their language. Those of Tadoussac,
with whom I passed the winter a year ago, have eaten each other
[75] in some localities. Monsieur du Plessis Bochart, on his way to
Kebec, told us that there were still some in the woods who do not
dare appear before the others because they had wickedly surprised,
massacred, and eaten their companions. We have been witnesses to
their famine at the three Rivers; they came in bands, greatly
disfigured and as fleshless as skeletons, liking, they said, as
well to die near the French as in their own Forests; the misfortune
for them was that, as this Settlement was only in its first stages,
there was not yet a storehouse at three Rivers, our French and we
having brought from Kebec only the food necessary for the number
of men who were residing there; we tried, however, to help them,
each on his side [76] exercising charity according to his means, or
according to his inclinations; not one of those who came to us died
of hunger.
Le Pere Buteux & moy entrans dans vne cabane, vne femme nous dit, qu'il
n'estoit resté qu'elle & sa compagne, de tous ceux auec lesquels elles
auoient hyuerné dans les bois. On a trouué des Chasseurs roides morts
sur la neige, tuez du froid & de la faim, entre autres, celuy qui auoit
pris le prisonnier Hiroquois duquel i'ay parlé cy dessus.
When Father Buteux and I entered a certain cabin, a woman told us
that no one remained but she and her companion, of all those with
whom they had wintered in the forest. Hunters had been found stiff
in death upon the snow, killed by cold and starvation,--among
others, the one who had taken prisoner the Hiroquois of whom I have
spoken above.
Vn Sauuage me dit dans ceste famine, que sa femme & sa belle sœur
estoient en deliberation de tuer leur propre frere: I'en demanday la
raison, nous craignons, fit-il, qu'il ne nous assomme pendant nostre
sommeil pour nous manger. Nous vous apportons, luy dis-je, tous les
iours vne partie de nos viures [77] pour vous secourir. Cela est vray,
respond-il, tu nous donne la vie, mais cét homme est à demy fol; il ne
mange point, il a quelque méchant dessein, nous le voulons preuenir, en
seras-tu marry? Ie me trouuay vn peu en peine, de consentir à sa mort,
ie ne pouuois: ie croyois d'ailleurs qu'ils auoient iuste occasion de
craindre. Nous luy donnasmes conseil de ne point laisser de haches ny
d'espees en sa cabane, sinon celle dont il auroit à faire, laquelle
il poseroit sous sa teste en dormant; il s'accorda à cela, & nous
donna ses haches & ses espees, pour les emporter en nostre chambrette.
A trois iours de là ce pauure miserable s'en alla à Kebec, où ayant
voulu tuer quelque François, Monsieur le Gouuerneur recognoissant sa
folie, le fit enchaisner pour le rendre aux premiers Sauuages qui [78]
viendroient.