CHAPTER II

COLONIZATION IN BRAZIL

The story of colonization in Brazil is unique in the annals of the human

movement across the world that has been going on ever since man began to

multiply and to seek elbow-room; it is one of the phenomena of exodus.

Arrival upon the shores of Brazil of an extraordinary variety of races

was not a voluntary immigration in most instances. It was the result of

a studied policy, inaugurated by the Emperors of Brazil, and carried on

to the present day by the Federal Government and certain of the separate

States; experiments in various kinds of people were made on a concerted

plan, the colonies were grouped, in many cases isolated, retained their

language and customs, still produce the food to which they were

accustomed in the home land, and only become assimilated as their

populations leave them or touch in time the fringe of others. The

official mothering which they received tended rather to keep them

grouped than to spread them in the earlier years.

The first official, deliberate importation of colonists of blood foreign

to Brazil or Portugal began in 1817, when Dom João brought in Swiss

settlers. Agents of the Brazilian Government recruited no less than five

thousand in Bern, although owing to delays and accidents only about two

thousand sailed from Amsterdam and Rotterdam: landing on a hot coastal

belt after a trying voyage, fever took the mountaineers, and but a

sparse seventeen hundred reached the foot of the Serra do Mar. Climbing

to the pretty nook where the town of their founding, Nova Friburgo,

stands today in a shelter of green mountains, sickness still followed

them, and only the hardiest or most resistant clung to the colony,

survived and left their name to another generation. Many dispersed to

other localities. Nova Friburgo, now reached by the Leopoldina railway,

and a thriving city, fresh, flowery, producer of cereals and peaches,

owns few Swiss inhabitants today. A second batch of immigrants, three

hundred and forty-two Germans, filled some gaps in the ranks: their

readiness for labour may have been heightened by memories of the

difficulties of transit to Europe, for the journey had taken one hundred

and eighty days in a sailing-ship. Germany at this period had not begun

the industrial expansion which later kept all her people at home;

economic conditions were severe on the ambitious worker, laws and social

customs were irksome, and enterprising men looked across the seas for

free lands. Germany became for about twenty-five years the very best

recruiting ground for Brazil.

The second official colony was founded in Rio Grande do Sul, and

consisted entirely of Germans—one hundred and twenty-six persons

originally—who came in 1825. The colony was named São Leopoldo, used the

water highway of the Rio dos Sinos until a railway line was built

connecting it with Porto Alegre and with new colonies to the north, and

has developed into one of the chief towns of the state, with forty

thousand inhabitants. Its establishment was followed rapidly by that of

Tres Forquilhas and S. Pedro de Alcantara, both in Rio Grande and both

German, 1826; by another S. Pedro de Alcantara, also German, in Santa

Catharina, 1826; Rio Negro, in Paraná, 1828, formed by disbanded German

soldiers. Petropolis, the model city in the hills above Rio, owed its

inception to Dom Pedro and was founded with Germans and Swiss, but not

until 1848, for more than ten years of civil war down south in Rio

Grande, when the “República de Piritinim” was proclaimed, checked

colonizing projects in the Empire. With the suppression of trouble

German colonizing was resumed in the south, Santa Catharina creating the

Santa Isabel colony in 1845, while Rio Grande started five new centres

between 1849 and 1850. The latter year is also memorable for the

foundation of Blumenau, in Santa Catharina, by the good Herr Blumenau of

Brunswick. At the same point on the lovely river Itajahy a little

nucleus had existed precariously since 1827, added to by a group of one

hundred and twenty-two Belgians in 1844; Herr Blumenau brought in

Germans gradually at his own expense, supervising the colony in the rôle

of a kind of paternal burgomaster, and in 1864 was able to count two

thousand five hundred people; his efforts had, however, cost him about

twelve thousand dollars. The Brazilian Government repaid him his outlay

and made him official Director. Today Blumenau, once a small

self-contained _nucleo_, is a bustling city with fifty thousand people,

a lively exporting business and a railroad line. In 1850 the Dona

Thereza colony in Paraná was started, while the famous Joinville, first

called Dona Francesca, began in 1851 in Santa Catharina; it owed its

existence to the fact that an Orleans scion, the Prince de Joinville,

married a Brazilian princess who inherited large estates chiefly

consisting of _matto_ in Santa Catharina. The family ceded twelve square

leagues of this land to the “Colonizing Union” of Hamburg, whence

settlers were promptly sent, both the Prince and the Brazilian

Government making a protégé of the _nucleo_. The large sums of money

spent resulted in a fine town, now numbering some twenty-five thousand

people, served by the Brazil Railways. A little later (1852) the Minas

Geraes colony of Mucury was founded, but by this time German colonizing

in arranged shipments had come to an end; any additional German

colonists came singly. The German Government, both alarmed at the losses

in blood—for emigration to North America and other parts of South

America was also proceeding, although along different lines—and by

reports sent home as the result of investigation which gave a poor

account of the condition of the isolated _nucleos_, passed a law to

forbid emigration to Brazil. Dom Pedro had to turn his attention to

other countries.

Before the coming of the Germans, South Brazil was almost totally

neglected; demand for tropical produce such as sugar and tobacco had

kept the attention of Portuguese and their mixed-blood descendants for

over three centuries to North Brazil, where negro slaves multiplied on

the warm coast; the grassy uplands of the south attracted few

Brazilians, and these chiefly bandeirantes whose main business was to

keep out Spaniards from the Plate, and whose wild cattle strayed and

bred on the natural pastures. So wild and untenanted was the country

that up to the middle of the nineteenth century the German colonists had

trouble with Indian raiders. But it was the right climate for the

north-born Europeans, a wise choice that proved a success while other

settlements dwindled out. During the same period there were several

attempts to colonize Espirito Santo, notably at Santa Isabel, and

Cachoeiras and Transylvania, six or seven starting between 1847 and

1856. The energy of the settlers was discounted by the hot climate, and

many moved south, where the great increase in settlers’ populations is a

fair criterion of their success. The official figures of German entries

into Brazil from 1820 to the end of 1915 are one hundred and twenty-two

thousand eight hundred and thirty, but the people of German blood in

Brazil are now reckoned at about 250,000. The southerly towns under

their influence are clean, well-kept, live centres, with constantly

expanding industries. Rio Grande today is quite one of the best sections

of Brazil: the influx of Italians brings them more than equal in numbers

to the German element, taking the state as a whole.

With organized German settlement checked, Brazil during the eighteen

fifties turned her attention to the mother country, and brought in

Portuguese; they were settled in the warmer latitudes. In 1853, such a

colony was begun in Maranhão, at Santa Isabel, followed by five more in

the same northern and sultry state in 1855; in the same year three

Portuguese colonies were established in Pará, at Nossa Senhora d’O, at

Peçanha and at Silva, while Rio de Janeiro was planted with another

five. A little later Bahia was given Portuguese colonies at Sinimbú,

Engenho Novo and Rio Pardo. These and others were not strikingly

successful until or unless joined by other colonists, for the

Portuguese, who are artisans rather than agriculturists, melted from the

lonely settlements and found jobs in the coast cities.

By this time coffee culture was coming into favour, the slave business

was doomed, although the actual abolition of slavery did not occur until

1888, and planters invited immigrants to their developing estates. The

work of obtaining immigrants was undertaken by individuals, as the

Vergueiro family by Theophilo Ottoni and the Visconde de Baependy, with

varying success, as well as by the International Society of Immigration

of Rio, with headquarters in Antwerp. Colonists sent to coffee estates

worked on the _métayer_ or _parceria_ system, inherently vicious. The

colonist had the satisfaction of considering himself an independent

worker, but as he started with a large debt, never owned land and earned

no wages, his lot was a poor one if crops failed or the _fazendeiro_

chanced to be unfair. He arrived owing for the passage of himself and

family, and was given a house and a quantity of food—of the country; he

cultivated a certain number of coffee trees, or allotment of sugarcane,

took the harvest to the owner’s mill and received half the result after

milling. It is said by J. L. Moré, in his book _Le Brésil en 1852_, that

the hardworking Bavarians and Holsteiners who worked on this system in

São Paulo often paid off their debts in four years and then had money in

hand; but other investigators spoke adversely on the subject, finding

colonists of ten and twelve years’ standing still indebted and living

hopelessly. In the end the _parceria_ gave way before a general wages

system. The _métayer_ plan still exists in some parts of Minas, Espirito

Santo, São Paulo and other coffee regions, and can be found in the sugar

districts and in the cacao region of Bahia, but large ownership of great

scientifically-run estates has driven it from general employment.

Investigations made by J. von Tschudi, sent by the Swiss Government in

1857, and by the German Consul Haupt ten years later, proved the failure

of the share system; colonists could be seized and imprisoned if they

tried to leave the estate on which they worked, and, unable to support

life on the produce of their allotments, would have been even worse off

had it not been for the “many acts of benevolence for which the

emigrants had to thank the kindness natural to so many Brazilians,” says

the author of _Brazilian Colonization_, a little brochure published

under a pseudonym in London in the year 1873.

The same writer, giving a list of nationalities comprising the

immigration into Brazilian states up to that time, nearly thirty-five

years ago, before the great entry of the Italians had begun, or that of

the Poles and Russians with their gift of hardy persistence, names a

French colony taken to the banks of the Ivahy river in Paraná about

1850, which expired for want of transportation and therefore of markets;

this, with the influx of Algerian French in 1868–1869 to a spot near

Curityba, also in Paraná, is the most important attempt of the Gallic

race to found settlements in Brazil; the disturbances of the latter, the

first vine-growers of the state, gave the authorities as much trouble as

the subsequent adventures of the Russians ten years later in the same

region.

“Jacaré Assu” also mentions a few Alsatians in Nova Petropolis (Rio

Grande); the Dutch families in Joinville, Rio Novo, Petropolis, and

Leopoldina (Espirito Santo); the Tyrolian wanderers; the Danes of

Estrella; the Mongolians—five hundred and sixty-six of them, who came by

contract in 1856; and the colony of Icelanders who went to Joinville,

and were “said to be doing very well.” He also speaks of the “colonies

of Brazilians” in Brazil, who were settled in Estrella, at Sinimbú,

Iguape and Itajahy; and the North American influx of 1867. This later

item was the result neither of population overflow nor invitation, but

was the result of the struggle between the North and South of the United

States, the disappointed slave-owning southerners seeking a land where

their losses could be forgotten. The exodus, of course, was in several

directions: groups went into Mexico, some to Canada, to different parts

of South America; I have seen an excellent colony of these migrants and

their descendants at Toledo in the south of British Honduras, growing

sugarcane and prospering. Those who came to Brazil were brought from the

port of New York by the “United States and Brazil Mail Ships,” since

defunct, the first batch of two hundred leaving in December, 1866. They

were followed by some thousands, but today it is difficult to trace

them, the groups into which they were originally assembled having long

since broken up.

Seeking these settlements, I visited Villa Americana in São Paulo state

but found it long since turned into a villa Italiana, with only one

family of American origin which seemed to have thriven; forty miles or

so across country, at Piracicaba, however, I found an American school,

admirably conducted by a little old lady who told me that she had come

with the original settlers of Santa Barbara, founded in the parish of

Piracicaba, but now a shadow. Her school was a delightful one, with the

stocky girl pupils going through gymnastic exercises in unwonted

rational clothes, but they were all Brazilians; the Americans had

melted, the ones who remained not being able to keep up in the struggle.

There seem to have been at least four definite attempts at settlement

besides individual selection of dwelling places: these were at Santarem,

on the Amazon’s junction with the Tapajoz river; Cannavieiras, on the

coast of southern Bahia; Juquiá, or Cananea, below Iguape in southern

São Paulo; and the Santa Barbara-Villa Americana group in central São

Paulo. Some of the immigrants had money, but in many cases the war had

swallowed it; former owners of slaves, they were often less fitted to

make a living from the soil than the negroes they had left behind. The

one crop that they understood thoroughly was cotton, and it seems to

have been tried at each of the four spots named, but in at least two

regions success was nullified by climate. In São Paulo’s interior lands

a fair measure of reward was obtained and an impulse to cotton growing

dates from this time. The Cananea colony, where some English were

introduced about the same time, was a notable scene of discontent; both

groups of colonists hurried back to Rio and made so many complaints that

the consuls went through sieges. The fact was that the site for the

settlement was unsuited to Anglo-Saxon modes of life and that

insufficient preparation had been made: a few years ago a colony of

Japanese was given land a few miles from the ill-fated spot, at Iguape,

and, settling down to grow rice, have made a striking success. But the

points of view of the two nationalities, as well as colonization methods

pursued by the organizers in the different cases, had nothing in common.

At Cannavieiras there is today a thriving series of cacao plantations

and a Brazilian population: these people keep in order, carefully

weeded, a grave. There is a fence of hard Brazilian _massaranduba_ about

it, perennial flowers blossom above; under the soil lie the three little

children of the leader of the American colony, and of it there is no

other trace.

Of the Santa Barbara colony there is a story told which is comedy

instead of tragedy. The colonists grew, besides cotton, watermelons: one

year just as the crop ripened, cholera broke out in S. Paulo, the sale

of melons was forbidden, and the growers faced ruin. At this time

President Cleveland had come into office in the United States, and had

just appointed a new consul at Santos: he must, then, be a good

Democrat. The settlers, who on landing in Brazil had ceremonially torn

up the Constitution of the United States and offered thanks to heaven

for having permitted them to reach a land where the sacred Biblical

institution of slavery was still in force, remembered that they were

American citizens. They wrote to the consul a letter of congratulation

on his arrival and at the same time detailed their grievances with

regard to watermelon sales. The consul replied cordially, suggested that

he should visit them, and received post haste a warm welcome. The

afternoon of his arrival at the colony found the entire population drawn

up on the platform, a southern Colonel at the head of the deputation.

The train rolls up, a first-class compartment door opens, a gentleman

steps out with a suitcase, and walks up to the Colonel with outstretched

hand. It was the consul—but a consul as black as the ace of spades.

It is said that the Colonel, rising nobly to the occasion, gasped once,

shook the hand of the consul, and that he and the other southerners gave

the official the time of his life; but when he departed they vowed that

never, never again would they trust a Democratic administration....

There are a few descendants of this group who have attained true

distinction in Brazil and genuinely work for the land of their adoption.

It was after the dwindling of the flow of German incomers about 1860

that a steady stream of Italians was directed towards Brazil. Their

wooing was in a great measure due to the systematized efforts of the

coffee-growers of S. Paulo state, and, after the establishment of the

republic in 1889, of the state authorities. Workers from North Italy

were found to be those who best suited the needs of conditions of the

coffee industry, and to this part of Europe were directed the attentions

of recruiting agents. Laborious, serious, economical, bent upon

acquiring a little fortune, the Italians came with their wives and

families, accepted their position as _colonos_ upon the great estates,

never very ardently attached to one particular piece of soil, and ready

to pick up and move on wherever advantageous conditions beckoned.

[Illustration:

_Agriculture in S. Paulo State._

Cutting sugar cane.

Rice cultivation.

Coffee gathering.

]

From the year 1820 to the end of 1919, a total of one million, three

hundred and seventy-eight thousand, eight hundred and seventy-six

Italians have officially entered Brazil as immigrants. With their

children born in Brazil they total well over two millions today, greatly

out-numbering any other entering race. Their colonization has been a

marked success, due not only to their personal characteristics, but to

the just treatment given them by the authorities. There was a time, soon

after the abolition of slavery, when the _colonos_ brought in to fill

labour gaps complained of the relations between themselves and the

_fazendeiros_; realizing that the existence of friction and subsequent

scandals would defeat their object, the São Paulo Government put

machinery into working order, known as the _Patronato Agricola_ which

adjusted differences, looked into social conditions, and took in hand

the work of giving medical care and schooling to immigrants. The Italian

has remained upon coffee fazendas, acquired land and coffee trees of his

own or taken up commercial work in the towns, rather than remained in

_nucleos_; he has identified himself with the modern progress of South

Brazil, taken up manufacturing, built himself some of the most splendid

and extravagant houses in São Paulo city, famed as it is for luxurious

dwellings; the Avenida Paulista, pride of São Paulo, was “built on

coffee,” and much of the wealth displayed there is Italian wealth,

created during the last twenty-five years. The year of greatest

immigration in Brazil is said to have been that of 1891 when out of a

total of nearly two hundred and seventy-six thousand, about one hundred

and sixteen thousand were Italians; their influence upon prosperity in

São Paulo may be estimated by the fact that more than one million out of

the State’s three million population are of Italian blood. No other

state has so systematized immigration, perhaps because none had the

pressing need and the immediate rewards to offer, as has São Paulo; she

no longer pays passages on steamships, but she maintains free hotels in

Santos and São Paulo city, where five meals a day are given, good airy

rooms, baths, etc., and where immigrants are lodged for a week or until

work is found.

Preponderant as are the numbers of Italians, they are by no means the

only southern settlers of the last fifty years; Poles and Russians came

in notable quantities in the late 1870’s and early 1880’s, settling in

the Paraná uplands as well as in _nucleos_ in São Paulo. At the end of

the century there were two thousand Russo-Germans from the Volga,

farming land on methods of their own in the neighbourhood of Curityba;

an obstinate folk, they insisted upon tilling prairies like their own

steppes instead of choosing forestal land, shared all goods on the

Russian communistic plan, and gave the Brazilian authorities so much

trouble that there must have been sighs of relief when bodies of them

deserted the _nucleos_ and demanded to be sent back to Russia. From

those who stayed has grown up the tribe of Russian carters who do the

road-transportation work of the high Paraná plateau; there are groups of

farmers, too, both Russians and Poles, who share land in common and are

raisers of wheat, their favourite rye, and other cereals; some have

taken up the business of gathering and curing _matte_, the “tea” which

South Brazil grows and exports to the Argentine.

There is one specially thriving Russian settlement to be seen in São

Paulo state, at Nova Odessa; the wooden buildings are Russian in type,

the tall churches are like pictures from a traveller’s Russian notebook,

and the institution of the samovar and the huge family stove is clung

to. These people are great lovers of land, and its possession has

contented them; as yet there is little mingling with the social or

political life of Brazil.

The system under which land is made over to colonists demands more

explanation than space permits; São Paulo, briefly, only sanctions the

establishment of _nucleos_ near a railway line or navigable river, with

an eye to marketing, and has inserted colonization clauses in more than

one railroad concession to help develop these settlements along the

route; lots are never, originally, of more than fifty hectares, and may

be half this size if quite close to rail or river; “urban” lots are

granted to settlers with money in hand to start a business, and “rural”

lots to intending agriculturists; nobody can obtain a lot unless he has

a wife and family, but sons twenty-one years old can also obtain grants

while bachelors; payments are made on easy terms, generally at the end

of each harvest for five successive years, prices varying according to

locality from a few milreis to a couple of hundred per hectare—roughly

speaking; I have never heard of unfeeling treatment in cases where

settlers are unable to keep up payments in bad years, but encountered

many stories of help given by the authorities. When the male head of a

family dies before payments are complete, the widow and family are

handed clear titles if three-quarters of the debt has been liquidated,

and if ability to continue work is demonstrated; if not, the family is

sent back to Europe at State expense. Rebates of ten per cent are given

to settlers able to pay on taking up land.

Following this plan, it happens that for several years after the

foundation of a new centre the colony is in debt, becoming _emancipado_

as the obligations are paid off; São Paulo state is dotted with pleasant

examples of these “emancipated” colonies, today flourishing agricultural

regions well-farmed by the industrious and ambitious Europeans, adding

enormously to the productivity of the State. At the end of 1915 the

State was acting as god-mother to half a score of _nucleos_, of which

the most promising are Campos Salles, Jorge Tibirçia, Nova Europa, Nova

Veneza, Gavião Peixoto, and the Martinho Prado group. In the same year,

the President’s message states, two hundred and ninety-three colonists

completed payments on their lots and received definite titles in place

of the provisionary ones first issued: over one hundred and eighty-five

contos was paid on lots. “The total population still under State

administration is 13,793 persons, who occupy an area of 54,666 hectares;

of these over 14,000 are in cultivation, yielding produce worth 1800

contos of reis last year,” said Dr. Altino Arantes (July, 1916). Twenty

thousand people came into the state in 1915, of whom six thousand were

Portuguese, four thousand Spanish and four thousand Italian; this is but

twenty per cent of pre-war average immigration to S. Paulo.

In the course of years very many colonies have developed into regular

towns, long since “emancipated;” São Bernardo, Sabaúna and Bom Successo

are notable instances, while the capital city itself has reached out and

absorbed _nucleo_ hangers-on to her spreading petticoats.

One of the interesting recent experiments of São Paulo was the cession

of some twelve million acres of coastal land to a Japanese company with

the object of creating an agricultural colony with Oriental brains and

labour. The organizing syndicate, with the approval of the Japanese

Government, was formed in Tokio in 1913, used Japanese capital,

emigrants and ships, and has already settled several thousand people.

Studied preparations and soil experiments were made before any colonists

were carried over. Practical results so far have included a large

addition to Brazil’s production of rice, while the resurrection of the

once flourishing tea industry is also said to be in sight. This Japanese

colony is notable for its tactful introduction: wishing to avoid even

the chance of friction, the organizers stipulated its location in a spot

which, able to communicate by water with markets, does not rub shoulders

with other centres of population. Iguape is reached either by small

steamers from Santos, or by rail from Santos to a spot on the river

Iguape communicating with the colony by riverine boats, but little is

heard of the Japanese settlement in São Paulo; they live to themselves

and their chief appearance is in statistical reports. Besides the

members of this agricultural colony there are at least another eight or

ten thousand Japanese in Brazil, chiefly house servants, greatly liked

for their quick, sophisticated resource.

Apart from the serious, long-continued work of the São Paulo authorities

to win labour from abroad, there is still a remarkable amount of support

given to immigration by the Federal Government; _nucleos_ to the number

of twenty are supervised by the authorities, seven of which have been

“emancipated” while thirteen are still paying for their allotments. The

seven free centres, Tayó, Ivahy, Jesuino Marcondes, Itapará, Iraty and

Vera-Guarany, in Paraná, and Affonso Penna in Espirito Santo, contain

nearly 33,000 persons, the remaining thirteen counting 19,000 persons:

together the colonies had an agricultural yield in 1915 worth 14,223

contos of reis, and own livestock valued at 2,427 contos.

The State of Minas Geraes has made repeated efforts to encourage

immigration and spent large sums upon propaganda and the establishment

of _nucleos_. She has under supervision sixteen state colonies, with a

total population of 26,000 persons, agricultural production from the

lands under cultivation amounting in 1915 to the value of 3,155 contos

of reis. There are also within the state borders two Federal colonies,

one of which, João Pinheiro, has freed itself from indebtedness and is

on the way to become an important agricultural and stock-raising centre;

these two _nucleos_ contain over two thousand persons.

In Rio Grande do Sul colonization has been seriously checked since 1913,

but there are two important centres under State control which call for

mention: one is the Guarany _nucleo_, in existence for a quarter of a

century but counting only 25,000 inhabitants because it is off the line

of communication with state markets; its position is strikingly

contrasted with the Erechim colony, six years old, planted on the Rio

Grande-S. Paulo railway line when the latter was opened to traffic, and

which today has over 30,000 population grouped in six or seven bright

little villages.

In 1915, when entries from abroad were checked on account of the war in

Europe there were still immigrants from Portugal to the number of

15,000, 6,000 Italians, nearly as many Spanish, 600 Russians and 500

“Turco-Arabs:” also some two thousand Brazilians were moved from the

“scourged” districts of the rainless north and sent south. From 1820 to

the end of 1919 the number of immigrants entering Brazil has been as

follows:—

Italians 1,378,876

Portuguese 1,021,271

Spaniards 500,378

Germans 127,321

Russians 105,225

Austrians 79,302

Turk-Arabs 54,120

French 29,665

British 28,798

Japanese 18,402

Swiss 11,376

Swedes 5,502

Belgians 5,289

In addition, official lists give another 200,000 of “diversas”

nationalities and a margin must also be allowed for persons who did not

enter as immigrants.

Where is the future immigrant of Brazil to come from, and to what part

of the country is he to go? I have put this question frequently to

Brazilians, and have almost invariably received an answer to this

effect: “We want white immigrants, and they can settle healthily either

in the cool south of Brazil or on the high interior uplands.” The

sertões of Matto Grosso and Goyaz will not attract foreign settlers

until there is better communication; the land is there, but the markets

are not available. But there is land and to spare still in São Paulo

with its network of railways and good riverways, and there is excellent

cereal and cattle land in Paraná, Santa Catharina and Rio Grande do Sul,

for the northern-born, who cannot face a semi-tropical climate: for him

who can face it—as the Texas cotton grower should do—there are extensive

regions farther north in Pernambuco and her sister states. The extreme

north is not fitted for white, Anglo-Saxon or Latin, families, and

although single men can live healthily in such latitudes for many years,

the life of such tropic exiles is not good for the individual or for

society. Coloured or Asiatic colonists have been suggested for the

Amazonian valley, but it is at least doubtful whether the Brazilian

Government would favour such plans, or whether, in view of the fertility

of the native population, such introductions would be necessary; saving

babies by improved sanitation would solve the problem better than any

other method of populating.

The question of where white immigration is to come from is a difficult

one; after the close of the European War, there was an exodus from

Russia and the most troubled regions of Central Europe. But on the other

hand the formation of new States created an appeal to national feeling

that kept at home as creative builders many men who would otherwise have

been, probably, among the emigrants. São Paulo received in 1920 nearly

45,000 immigrants, the bulk of all entrants, and has added considerably

to the southerly Japanese colonies producing rice, silk and tea; and the

conclusion, in late 1921, of an emigration treaty between Brazil and

Italy immediately set flowing a strong tide of Italian workers.

Many ex-service men with camp experiences are still looking about them

for the country offering most to farmers and stock-raisers. To such men

there are few parts of the world which offer as much as does Brazil,

with her sincere invitation to foreigners, square dealing, stability,

and rewards for enterprise. The lack of development along certain

definite lines is Brazil’s best recommendation to the enterprising and

persistent.

No seeker after _dolce far niente_ should come here. No thought of

tropic paradises should obscure the vision of the newcomer. Brazil is a

good country for the worker, with wide southern lands where careful

cultivation will bring excellent results; it is a really free country of

tolerant views as well as of wide spaces. The foreigner who comes here

to work, to develop, will feel himself remarkably soon at home in a

friendly atmosphere, and if he cares to identify himself with

progressive movements he will be warmly welcomed; a very long list could

be made up of high-class foreigners who have attained not only to wealth

but to positions which proved the open mind and confidence of the

Brazilian authorities. Naturalized foreigners are eligible to the

legislative assemblies of Brazil, and whether naturalized or not

foreigners enjoy precisely the same rights and privileges as Brazilians

before the law.

[Illustration:

The Barra Road, Upper City, Bahia.

Resaca along the Avenida Beira Mar, Rio; Morro da Gloria in

background.

On the Upper Amazon.

]

For the mining engineer, the stock-raiser, the expert agriculturist, the

fruit-grower, there is plenty of room in Brazil; along certain special

lines his work is much wanted, and he can look forward to getting a

better return for his investment of personality and cash than in most

places in a world that has not many great untouched spaces left. The

pioneer, hardy and determined, has still a chance in Brazil.

Brazil today and tomorrow · 第 2 / 9 章