DEVELOPMENT TOWARD NATIONAL UNITY: CASTILE, 1252-1479
[Sidenote: General characteristics of the era.]
After the death of Ferdinand III and of Jaime I the reconquest of Spain
from the Moslems came to a virtual standstill for over two centuries.
Some slight accessions of territory were obtained by Castile, but no
serious effort was made to acquire the only remaining enemy stronghold,
the kingdom of Granada. Conditions had changed to such an extent that
Moslem Spain for the first tune in more than five centuries was of
secondary and even minor importance. Castile and Aragon devoted their
principal attention to other affairs, and both took great strides ahead
in the march of civilization. In Castile the chief problems were of an
internal social and political nature. On the one hand this period marked
the change from a seigniorial country type of life to that of the
developed town as the basis of society; on the other it witnessed the
struggle of monarchy and the ideal of national unity against seigniorial
anarchy and decentralization for which the lords (including many of the
great churchmen) and the towns contended. As before, the king’s
principal opponents were the nobles, and the civil wars of this era,
whatever the alleged causes, were really only the expression of the
struggle just referred to. Outwardly the kings appeared to have been
defeated, but in no period of the history of Spain has the external
narrative been more at variance with the actual results, as shown by a
study of the underlying institutions, than in this. The real victory lay
with monarchy and unity, and this was to be made manifest in the reign
of Ferdinand and Isabella following this era. That reign was therefore
the true end of this period, but as it was even more the beginning of
modern Spain it has been left for separate treatment. The institutions
of Castile from the thirteenth to the fifteenth century were therefore
of more than usual importance, and particularly so since they formed the
basis for the system which Spain was so soon to establish in the
Americas. In almost every aspect of life, social, political, economic,
and intellectual, Castile forged as far ahead over the preceding period
as that had over the one before it, although it did not reach that high
and intricate culture which is the product of modern times. Castile was
still medieval, like nearly all of Europe, but the new age was close at
hand.
[Sidenote: Alfonso “the Learned.”]
[Sidenote: His foreign policy.]
Alfonso X “the Learned,” or “the Wise” (1252-1284), was one of the kings
whose reign seemed to be a failure, but in fact it was he who sowed the
seed which was to bring about an eventual victory for the principles of
monarchy and national unity. Besides being a profound scholar Alfonso
was a brave and skilful soldier, but his good traits were balanced by
his lack of decision and will power, which caused him to be
unnecessarily stubborn and extremely variable. He engaged in a number of
campaigns against the Moslems, and made some minor conquests, but these
wars were of slight consequence except as they bore on his struggles
with the nobles. The same thing may be said for Alfonso’s European
policy, which aimed not only at the aggrandizement of Castile but also
at his acquisition of the title of Holy Roman Emperor. The kings of
Castile had long claimed the throne of Navarre, and Alfonso now
attempted to invade that realm, but desisted when it seemed that this
might lead to complications with Jaime I of Aragon. He also had a legal
claim to the Basque province of Gascony, which had come to the throne of
Castile as the dowry of the wife of Alfonso VIII, and planned to
incorporate it into a _de facto_ part of the kingdom, but he renounced
his rights to England upon the marriage of his sister to Prince Edward,
the later Edward I, of England. In 1257 the imperial electors chose
Alfonso X as Holy Roman Emperor, but many German princes supported the
pretensions of an English earl of Cornwall, and on the latter’s death
those of Count Rudolph of Hapsburg. For sixteen years Alfonso
endeavored to get possession of the imperial title, going to great
expense in wars for that purpose, but the opposition of the popes, wars
with Granada and with his own nobles, and a general lack of sympathy
with the project in Castile combined to prevent him from even making a
journey to Germany in order to be crowned. In 1273 Rudolph of Hapsburg
was formally chosen emperor, and Alfonso’s opportunity passed.
[Sidenote: Causes of his strife with the nobles.]
Meanwhile, influenced by the Roman law, Alfonso had been enunciating
monarchical doctrines which were at variance with the selfish and
unscrupulous designs of the nobles, who fought the king at every turn.
Other causes for strife existed, but they were not fundamental. These
were, especially, the unwise measures employed by Alfonso to procure
funds for his sadly depleted treasury, and on the other hand his
extravagant liberality. Alfonso reduced the tribute due from Granada,
debased the coinage, increased the salaries of court officials, expended
enormous sums in celebration of the marriage of his eldest son, and was
responsible for other acts of a like character. In line with his claim
of absolute royal power he ceded the province of Algarve to the king of
Portugal, renounced his right to homage from that king, and as already
noted gave Gascony to England, all of which he did on his own authority.
These acts were alleged by the nobles, who fought him themselves, or
even went so far as to join the Moslems of Granada and Morocco against
him. The most serious period of the struggle was reserved for the last
years of the reign. This was precipitated by a fresh appearance of the
Moslem peril.
[Sidenote: War of succession between Alfonso and Sancho.]
The Almohades had been succeeded in their rule of northern Africa by the
Benimerines, who were invited by the Moslems of Granada to join them in
a war against Castile. The invitation was accepted, but, although the
Benimerines landed and were for a time victorious, the danger was
averted. Its chief importance was that the king’s eldest son, Fernando
de la Cerda, was killed in battle in 1275, thereby precipitating a
dynastic question. According to the laws of succession which Alfonso had
enacted the eldest son of the dead prince should have been next heir to
the throne, but this did not suit Alfonso’s second son, Sancho, who
alleged the superiority of his own claim. He did not fail to support his
pretension by promises of favors to disaffected nobles, which procured
him a backing strong enough to persuade Alfonso himself to name Sancho
as his heir. Later, Alfonso decided to form a new kingdom in the
territory of Jaén, though subject to Castile, for the benefit of his
grandson. Sancho objected, and persisted even to the point of war, which
broke out in 1281. The partisans of Sancho, who included nearly all of
the nobles, the clergy, and most of the towns, held a _Cortes_ in
Valladolid in 1282, and deposed Alfonso. The latter soon won over some
of Sancho’s followers, and continued the war, but died in 1284,
disinheriting Sancho, leaving Castile to his grandson and smaller
kingdoms in southern Spain to two of his younger sons.
[Sidenote: Sancho “the Brave.”]
That the elements which supported Sancho were really fighting for their
own independent jurisdiction was early made clear. In 1282 they obtained
an acknowledgment from Sancho of the right of the nobles and towns to
rise in insurrection against the illegal acts of the king, and to bring
royal officials and judges to trial for their maladministration, being
privileged to inflict the death penalty on them. With their aid he was
able to set aside his father’s will and become King Sancho IV
(1284-1295), later styled “the Brave.” Once in possession of the throne
he too showed a disposition to check the turbulence of the nobles, for
it was as impossible for a king to admit the arbitrary authority of the
lords as it was for the latter to accept the same attribute in the king.
Internal strife continued, but the pretext changed, for Sancho’s
opponents alleged the will of Alfonso in justification of their
insurrections. Sancho was at least an energetic character, and put down
his enemies with a stern hand, on one occasion having no less than four
thousand partisans of his nephew put to death. His brother Juan, whom
Sancho had deprived of the small kingdom which Alfonso had left him,
gave him the most trouble, at one time enlisting the aid of the
Benimerines, but without success.[28]
[Sidenote: Ferdinand “the Summoned.”]
[Sidenote: María de Molina.]
Ferdinand IV “the Summoned”[29] (1295-1312) was only nine years old when
his father died, wherefore the opponents of strong monarchy seized the
occasion for a new period of civil strife which lasted fourteen years.
His uncle, Juan, and his cousin, Alfonso,[30] renewed their pretensions,
furnishing an opportunity for the lords and towns to join one side or
the other, according as they could best serve their own interests, as
also affording a chance for the intervention of Portugal, Aragon,
France, and Granada with a view to enlarging their kingdoms. Although
the towns usually supported the king, they did so at the price of such
privileges as had been exacted from Sancho in 1282, showing that they
had the same spirit of feudal independence as the lords, despite the
monarchical sentiment of the middle class and the interest which they
had in common with the king in checking the turbulence of the lords.
That the king was able to extricate himself from these difficulties was
due in greatest measure to his mother, María de Molina, one of the
regents during his minority. By her political skill, added to the
prestige of her word and presence, she was able to attract many towns
and nobles to Ferdinand’s side and to separate the more dangerous
foreign enemies from the conflict against him. This she did not do
without making concessions, but, at any rate, by the time the king had
attained his majority at the age of sixteen the most serious perils had
been overcome. Ferdinand IV showed himself an ingrate, demanding a
strict account from his mother of her use of the public funds. Not only
was she able to justify her administration, but she also demonstrated
her devotion to her son’s interests on later occasions, causing the
failure of two insurrections headed by Ferdinand’s uncle, Juan.
Ferdinand made several minor campaigns against the Moslems, but died
while engaged in one of them, leaving as his heir a year old boy.
[Sidenote: Able rule of Alfonso XI in domestic affairs.]
Alfonso XI (1312-1350) shares with Alfonso X the honor of being the
greatest Castilian king of this era, and he was by far more successful
than his great-grandfather had been. Naturally, civil wars broke out at
the beginning of the reign; a dispute over the regency served as one of
the pretexts. María de Molina came forward again, and saved her grandson
as she had saved his father, although she was unable to put down the
insurrections. In 1325, when he was but fourteen years old, Alfonso was
declared of age, and began his reign with an act which was
characteristic of the man and his time. He summoned an uncle of his, his
principal opponent, to a meeting at his palace, under a pretence of
coming to an agreement with him, and when the latter came had him put to
death. He tried the same policy with success against other leaders, and
intimidated the rest so that he soon had the situation under control.
Alfonso combined a hand of iron with great diplomatic skill, both of
which were necessary if a king were to succeed in that period. An
exponent of the monarchical ideas of Alfonso X, he proceeded by diverse
routes to his end. Thus, in dealing with the nobles he made agreements
with some, deceived others, punished still others for their infractions
of the law, developed a distrust of one another among them, employed
them in wars against the Moslems (in order to distract their forces and
their attention), destroyed their castles whenever he had a sufficient
pretext, and flattered them when he had them submissive,--as by
encouraging them in the practices of chivalry and by enrolling them in a
new military order which he created to reward warlike services. In fine
he employed all such methods as would tend to reduce the power of the
nobles without stirring up unnecessary opposition. He was strong, but
was also prudent. He followed the same policy with the towns and the
military orders. For example, he promised that no royal town should ever
be granted to a noble (or churchman),--a promise which was not observed
by his successors or even by Alfonso himself. He was also successful in
getting generous grants of money from the _Cortes_, which assisted him
materially in the carrying out of his policy. He won the favor of the
people by correcting abuses in the administration of justice and by his
willingness to hear their complaints alleging infractions of the law,
whether by his own officials or by the nobles. He procured the
comparative security of the roads, and in other ways interested himself
in the economic betterment of his people. Meanwhile, he enhanced his own
authority in local government, and always maintained that the national
legislative function belonged to the king alone, not only for the making
or amending of laws, but also for interpreting them.
[Sidenote: The acquisition of Álava and repulse of a Moslem invasion.]
Alfonso’s great work was the political and administrative organization
of the country, but there were two external events of his reign which
are worth recording. In 1332 the Basque province of Álava was added to
Castile, although with a recognition of the jurisdiction of the law of
Álava. More important, perhaps, was a great conflict with Granada and
the Benimerines of Morocco, who once more tried to emulate the successes
of their coreligionists of the eighth century. The kings of Aragon and
Portugal joined Alfonso to avert this peril, and a great battle was
fought in 1340 at the river Salado, near Tarifa, where the Moslem forces
were completely defeated. Though not yet forty at the time of his death
Alfonso had already written his name in large letters on the pages of
Castilian history.
[Sidenote: Pedro “the Cruel.”]
The work of Alfonso XI seemed to be rendered in vain by the civil wars
of the reign of his successor, Pedro I, variously called “the Cruel” or
“the Just” (1350-1369). In fact, the basis of the structure which
Alfonso had reared was not destroyed, and even Pedro took some steps
which tended to increase the royal power. He was not the man for the
times, however, since he lacked the patience and diplomacy which had
distinguished his father. He was, above all, impetuous and determined to
procure immediate remedies for any ill which beset him, even to the
point of extreme cruelty. He possessed a stern hand, energy, and
courage, but he had to deal with a nobility as turbulent and
unsubmissive as was the spirit of Pedro himself. The tale of his reign
may be told at somewhat greater length than some of the others,--not
that it was more important, but by way of illustrating the usual course
of the civil wars in that time.
[Sidenote: Civil wars of the reign of Pedro “the Cruel.”]
Pedro I was the only legitimate son of Alfonso XI, who had left five
illegitimate sons by his mistress, Leonor de Guzmán, to each of whom he
had given important holdings and titles. On the death of Alfonso, his
wife (Pedro’s mother) procured the arrest of Leonor de Guzmán and later
her assassination. Naturally, this incensed the five sons of Leonor,
although all but the eldest, Count Henry of Trastamara, appeared to
accept the situation. Other pretexts for internal strife were not
lacking. Pedro was a mere boy, and at one time became sick and seemed
about to die, whereupon the nobles began to prepare for a dynastic
struggle. Pedro lived, however, but caused discontent by choosing a
Portuguese, named Alburquerque, as his leading adviser and favorite; the
chief basis for the objections of the nobles was that each one wished
the post for himself. The resistance to Alburquerque was the
rallying-cry in the early period of the wars, in which Pedro’s
illegitimate brothers joined against him. Pedro was successful, and it
is noteworthy that he dealt leniently with his brothers, in contrast
with his energetic cruelty against the other rebels. In 1353, as the
result of negotiations which had been arranged by Alburquerque, Pedro
married a French princess, Blanche of Bourbon. Previously, however, he
had entered into relations with a handsome young lady of good family,
named María de Padilla, to whom he remained ardently devoted for the
rest of his life. So blindly in love with her was he that Alburquerque
had to take him from the arms of María in order to have him assist at
his own wedding. Three days later the youthful Pedro deserted his wife
in favor of his mistress. Alburquerque wisely took himself away, the
Padillas were established as the favorites at court, and the young queen
was imprisoned. The nobles could no longer pretend that they were
fighting Alburquerque; on the contrary, they joined the very man they
had assumed to oppose, in a war against the king, with various alleged
objects, but in fact with the usual desire of seizing an opportunity for
increasing their own power. At one time they contrived to capture Pedro,
but he escaped and wreaked a fearful vengeance on his enemies, though
once again he allowed his brothers, who as usual were against him, to
submit. Meanwhile, Pedro’s marital experiences included a new wife, for
he found two bishops who declared his first marriage null, despite the
pope’s efforts to get the king to return to Blanche of Bourbon. Pedro
married Juana de Castro, but this time was able to wait only one day
before returning to María de Padilla. These events had their influence
in the civil wars, for many towns refrained from giving Pedro aid or
joined against him out of disgust for his actions.
[Sidenote: The wars with Henry of Trastamara.]
The wars were renewed from the side of Aragon, where Henry of
Trastamara, who for years had been the Castilian monarch’s principal
opponent, formed an alliance with the king of Aragon. The ruler of
Aragon at that time was Pedro IV, a man of the type of Alfonso XI.
Having overcome the seigniorial elements in his own realm he did not
scruple to take advantage of Pedro I’s difficulties in the same regard
to seek a profit for himself, or at least to damage a neighboring king
of whom he felt suspicious. Prior to the outbreak of hostilities Pedro I
gave himself up to a riot of assassinations, and among his victims were
three of his half brothers and several members of their families. His
enemies were not yet able to defeat him, however, even with the aid of
Aragon, and a peace was signed in 1361. Shortly afterward, both Blanche
of Bourbon and María de Padilla died, the latter deeply bemoaned by
Pedro I. In 1363 Henry of Trastamara and Pedro IV again formed a league
against the Castilian king, and it was at this time that Henry first set
up a claim to the crown of Castile. To aid them in their project they
employed the celebrated “White companies,” an army of military
adventurers of all nations who sold their services to the highest
bidder. They were at that time in southern France and (as usually
happened in such cases) were regarded as unwelcome guests now that their
aid was no longer required there. The pope (then resident at Avignon)
gave them a vast sum of money on condition that they would go to Aragon,
and Pedro IV offered them an equal amount and rights of pillage (other
than in his own realm) if they would come. Therefore, led by a French
knight, Bertrand du Guesclin, they entered Spain, and in 1366 procured
the conquest of most of Castile for Henry, who had himself crowned king.
Pedro I sought aid of his English neighbors, for England at that time
possessed a great part of western France, and, in return for certain
concessions which Pedro promised, Edward III of England was persuaded to
give him an army under the command of the celebrated military leader,
Edward, the Black Prince. It was Henry’s turn to be defeated, and he
fled to France. Pedro I now took cruel vengeance on his enemies,
disgusting the English leader, besides which he failed to keep the
promises by which he had procured his aid. The English troops therefore
went back to France, at a time when a fresh insurrection was about to
break out in Castile, and when Henry of Trastamara was returning with a
new army. Pedro I was utterly defeated at Montiel, and was besieged in a
castle where he took refuge. Captured by Henry through a trick, he
engaged in a hand-to-hand struggle with his half brother, and seemed to
be winning, but with the aid of one of his partisans Henry at length got
the upper hand and killed Pedro,--a fitting close to a violent reign.
[Sidenote: Difficulties of Henry II.]
Henry II (1369-1379), as the victor of Montiel was now entitled to be
called, did not retain his crown in peace. Despite the fact that he had
gravely weakened the monarchy by his grants of lands and privileges in
order to gain support, he was beset by those who were still faithful to
Pedro, or who at least pretended they were, in order to operate in their
own interest. Aragon, Navarre, Portugal, and England waged war on
Henry, and the two last-named countries supported Pedro’s illegitimate
daughters by María de Padilla, Constanza and Isabel (for Pedro had no
legitimate children), in their pretensions to the throne, as against the
claims of Henry. The most serious demands were put forward by John of
Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster and husband of Constanza, backed by Edward III
of England. Henry overcame his difficulties, although at the cost of
concessions to the nobles which were to be a serious obstacle to future
kings.
[Sidenote: Juan I and the battle of Aljubarrota.]
[Sidenote: The Prince and Princess of Asturias.]
The reign of Juan I (1379-1390) was marked by two important events. Juan
married the heiress to the Portuguese throne, and the union of Spain and
Portugal seemed about to take place, but this arrangement did not suit
the Portuguese nobility. A new king of Portugal was chosen, and the
Castilian army was completely defeated at Aljubarrota in 1385. Shortly
afterward, the Duke of Lancaster landed in Spain with an English army to
prosecute the claims of his wife. This matter was settled by the
marriage of the Duke of Lancaster’s daughter, in 1388, to Juan’s heir,
Prince Henry. Thus was the conflict of Pedro I and Henry II resolved.
Their descendants, though tainted with illegitimacy in both cases, had
joined to form the royal family of Spain. The young prince and his
consort took the titles of Prince and Princess of Asturias, which have
been used ever since by the heirs to the Spanish throne.
[Sidenote: Henry “the Sickly.”]
Henry III “the Sickly” (1390-1406), though already married, was only a
minor when he became king, wherefore there occurred the usual troubled
years of a minority. Despite the pallor of his complexion (whence his
nickname) he was a spirited individual, and upon becoming of age (when
fourteen years old) set about to remedy some of the evils which had been
caused by the grants of favors to the nobles durng the regency and in
preceding reigns. He also adopted a vigorous policy in his relations
with Portugal, Granada, and the pirates of the North African coast, and
even went so far as to send two somewhat celebrated embassies to the
Mogul emperor and king of Persia, Tamerlane. One event of capital
importance in his reign may be taken as the first step in the Castilian
venture across the seas. In 1402 Rubín de Bracamonte and Juan de
Bethencourt commenced the conquest of the Canary Islands under the
patronage of Henry. The young king was also preparing to conquer
Granada, when at the age of twenty-seven his life was unfortunately cut
short.
[Sidenote: Juan II and Álvaro de Luna.]
It seemed likely that the opening years of the reign of Juan II
(1406-1454) would witness a fresh period of civil struggle, since the
king was not yet two years old. That this was not the case was due to
the appearance of a man who was both able and faithful to his trust, the
regent, Ferdinand of Antequera, an uncle of Juan II. In 1412, however,
he left Castile to become king of Aragon, and a few years later Juan’s
majority was declared at fourteen years of age. Juan II was the first
truly weak king of Castile. In the history of Spanish literature he
occupies a prominent place, and he was fond of games of chivalry, but he
lacked the decision and will-power to govern. Fortunately he had a
favorite in the person of Álvaro de Luna who governed for him. On
several occasions in the reign Álvaro de Luna was able to win successes
against Granada, but the fruits of victory were lost because of civil
discord in Castile. During most of the reign the nobles were in revolt
against Álvaro de Luna, and the weak king occasionally listened to their
complaints, banishing the favorite, but he could not manage affairs
without him, and Álvaro de Luna would be brought back to resume his
place at the head of the state. By 1445 the position of Álvaro de Luna
seemed secure, when a blow fell from an unexpected quarter. He had
procured a Portuguese princess as the second wife of Juan II, but she
requited him by turning against him. She persuaded Juan to give an order
for his arrest, and, since there was no cause for more serious charges,
he was accused of having bewitched the king, and was put to death in
1453. This time Juan could not call him back; so he followed him to the
grave within a year.
[Sidenote: Henry “the Impotent” and Juana “La Beltraneja.”]
The evil of internal disorder which for so many years had been hanging
over the Castilian monarchy came to a head in the reign of Henry IV “the
Impotent” (1454-1474). If Juan II had been weak, Henry IV was weaker
still, and he had no Álvaro de Luna to lean upon. He commenced his reign
with an act of characteristic flaccidity which was to serve as one of
the pretexts for the insurrections against him. War was declared upon
Granada, and the Castilian army reached the gates of the Moslem capital,
when the king developed a humanitarianism which hardly fitted the times,
declining to engage in a decisive battle lest it prove to be bloody. A
more important pretext for rebellion arose out of a dynastic question.
Failing to have issue by his first wife, Henry procured a divorce and
married again. For six years there were no children by this marriage,
wherefore the derisive name “the Impotent” was popularly applied to the
king, but at length a daughter appeared, and was given the name Juana.
Public opinion, especially as voiced by the nobles, proclaimed that the
father was the king’s favorite, Beltrán de la Cueva, on which account
the young Juana became known vulgarly as “La Beltraneja.” The _Cortes_
acknowledged Juana, and she was also recognized as heir to the throne by
the king’s brothers and by his sister, Isabella, but the nobles formed a
league on the basis of her supposed illegitimacy with the object of
killing the favorite. They directed an insulting letter to the king,
demanding that his brother, Alfonso, should be named heir. Instead of
presenting a bold front against these demands, Henry was weak enough to
consent to them.
[Sidenote: The seigniorial program and the vacillation of the king.]
The dynastic question was far from being the principal one in the eyes
of the nobles. By this time it was perfectly clear that the real
struggle was political, between the elements of seigniorial independence
and strong monarchy. Thus the nobles and their allies had insisted that
the king’s guard should be disarmed and that its numbers should be
fixed; that the judges in royal towns and certain other royal officials
should be deprived of their office and be replaced by the appointees of
the league; that the king should be subjected to a council of state
formed of nobles and churchmen, which body was to intervene in the
affairs formerly handled by the king himself, including even the
exercise of ordinary judicial authority; that all cases against nobles
and churchmen should be tried by a tribunal of three nobles, three
churchmen, and three representatives of the towns, and several of the
members who were to compose the tribunal (all of them opponents of the
king) were named in the document of these demands; and that there should
be a right of insurrection against the king if he should contravene the
last-named provision. After he had accepted the nobles’ terms Henry
realized the gravity of his act and changed his mind, declaring his
agreement void. The nobles then announced the deposition of the king,
and named his brother, Alfonso, in his stead, but the royal troops
defeated them soon afterward, and Alfonso suddenly died. The nobles then
offered the crown to Isabella, but she declined to take it while her
brother was living, although consenting to do so in succession to him,
thus retracting her previous recognition of Juana. On this basis the
nobles offered peace to the king, and he consented, which for the second
time put him in the position of acknowledging the dishonor of his wife
and the illegitimacy of Juana. The queen protested, and in 1470 Henry
again recanted, but at the time of his death, in 1474, he had not yet
resolved the succession to the throne.
[Sidenote: The marriage of Ferdinand and Isabella.]
[Sidenote: The union of Castile and Aragon.]
Meanwhile Isabella had contracted a marriage of surpassing importance in
the history of Spain. In 1469 she married Ferdinand, heir to the throne
of Aragon, rejecting Henry IV’s proposal of a marriage with the king of
Portugal. Isabella was proclaimed queen on the death of her brother, but
many nobles now took the other side, upholding the cause of Juana,
including some who had formerly fought on the side of Isabella,--for
example, the archbishop of Toledo. The hand of Juana was promised to the
king of Portugal, who therefore joined in the war on her side. The
forces of Isabella were victorious, and in 1479 a treaty was made
whereby she was recognized as the queen. The unfortunate Juana chose to
enter a convent. In the same year, 1479, Ferdinand became king of
Aragon, and at last a political union of the greater part of Christian
Spain had become a fact.