=Rāna Kūmbha, A.D. 1433-68.=—Kumbha succeeded his father in S. 1475
(A.D. 1419);[4.8.1] nor did any symptom of dissatisfaction appear to
usher in his reign, which was one of great success amidst no common
difficulties. The bardic historians[4.8.2] do as much honour to the
Marwar prince, who had made common cause with their sovereign in
revenging the death of his father, as if it had involved the security of
his crown; but this was a precautionary measure of the prince, who was
induced thus to act from several motives, and, above all, in accordance
with usage, which stigmatizes the refusal of aid when demanded: besides
‘Kumbha was the nephew of Marwar.’
It has rarely occurred in any country to have possessed successively so
many energetic princes as ruled Mewar through several centuries. She was
now in the middle path of her glory, and enjoying the legitimate triumph
of seeing the foes of her religion captives on the rock of her power. A
century had elapsed since the bigot Ala had wreaked his vengeance on the
different monuments of art. Chitor had recovered the sack, and new
defenders had sprung up in the place [287] of those who had fallen in
their ‘saffron robes,’ a sacrifice for her preservation. All that was
wanting to augment her resources against the storms which were
collecting on the brows of Caucasus and the shores of the Oxus, and were
destined to burst on the head of his grandson Sanga, was effected by
Kumbha; who with Hamir’s energy, Lakha’s taste for the arts, and a
genius comprehensive as either and more fortunate, succeeded in all his
undertakings, and once more raised the ‘crimson banner’ of Mewar upon
the banks of the Ghaggar, the scene of Samarsi’s defeat. Let us contrast
the patriarchal Hindu governments of this period with the despotism of
the Tatar invader.
From the age of Shihabu-d-din, the conqueror of India, and his
contemporary Samarsi, to the time we have now reached, two entire
dynasties, numbering twenty-four emperors and one empress, through
assassination, rebellion, and dethronement, had followed in rapid
succession, yielding a result of only nine years to a reign. Of Mewar,
though several fell in defending their altars at home or their religion
abroad, eleven princes suffice to fill the same period.
It was towards the close of the Khilji dynasty that the satraps of Delhi
shook off its authority and established subordinate kingdoms: Bijapur
and Golkonda in the Deccan; Malwa, Gujarat, Jaunpur in the east; and
even Kalpi had its king. Malwa and Gujarat had attained considerable
power when Kumbha ascended the throne. In the midst of his prosperity
these two States formed a league against him, and in S. 1496 (A.D. 1440)
both kings, at the head of powerful armies, invaded Mewar. Kumbha met
them on the plains of Malwa bordering on his own State, and at the head
of one hundred thousand horse and foot and fourteen hundred elephants,
gave them an entire defeat, carrying captive to Chitor Mahmud the Khilji
sovereign of Malwa.
Abu-l Fazl relates this victory, and dilates on Kumbha’s greatness of
soul in setting his enemy at liberty, not only without ransom but with
gifts.[4.8.3] Such is the character of the Hindu: a mixture of
arrogance, political blindness, pride, and generosity. To spare a
prostrate foe is the creed of the Hindu cavalier, and he carries all
such maxims to excess. The annals, however, state that Mahmud was
confined six months in Chitor; and that the trophies of conquest were
retained we have evidence from Babur, who mentions receiving from the
son of his opponent, Sanga, the crown of the Malwa king.
=The Tower of Victory.=—But there is a more durable [288] monument than
this written record of victory: the triumphal pillar in Chitor, whose
inscriptions detail the event, “when, shaking the earth, the lords of
Gujarkhand and Malwa, with armies overwhelming as the ocean, invaded
Medpat.” Eleven years after this event Kumbha laid the foundations of
this column, which was completed in ten more: a period apparently too
short to place “this ringlet on the brow of Chitor, which makes her look
down upon Meru with derision.” We will leave it, with the aspiration
that it may long continue a monument of the fortune of its
founders.[4.8.4]
It would appear that the Malwa king afterwards united his arms with
Kumbha, as, in a victory gained over the imperial forces at Jhunjhunu,
when ‘he planted his standard in Hissar,’ the Malwa troops were combined
with those of Mewar. The imperial power had at this period greatly
declined: the Khutba was read in the mosques in the name of Timur, and
the Malwa king had defeated, single-handed, the last Ghorian sultan of
Delhi.
=The Fortresses of Mewār.=—Of eighty-four fortresses for the defence of
Mewar, thirty-two were erected by Kumbha. Inferior only to Chitor is
that stupendous work called after him Kumbhalmer,[4.8.5] ‘the hill of
Kumbha,’ from its natural position, and the works he raised, impregnable
to a native army. These works were on the site of a more ancient
fortress, of which the mountaineers long held possession. Tradition
ascribes it to Samprati Raja, a Jain prince in the second century, and a
descendant of Chandragupta;[4.8.6] and the ancient Jain temples appear
to confirm the tradition. When Kumbha captured Nagor he brought away the
gates, with the statue of the god Hanuman, who gives his name to the
gate which he still guards. He also erected a citadel on a peak of Abu,
within the fortress of the ancient Pramara, where he often resided. Its
magazine and alarm-tower still bear Kumbha’s name; and in a rude temple
the bronze effigies of Kumbha and his father still receive divine
honours.[4.8.7] Centuries have passed since the princes of Mewar had
influence here, but the incident marks the vivid remembrance of their
condition. He fortified the passes between the western frontier and Abu,
and erected the fort Vasanti near the present Sirohi, and that of
Machin, to defend the Shero Nala and Deogarh against the Mers of
Aravalli. He re-established Ahor and other smaller [289] forts to
overawe the Bhumia[4.8.8] Bhil of Jharol and Panarwa, and defined the
boundaries of Marwar and Mewar.
=Temples.=—Besides these monuments of his genius, two consecrated to
religion have survived: that of Kumbha Sham, on Abu, which, though
worthy to attract notice elsewhere, is here eclipsed by a crowd of more
interesting objects; the other, one of the largest edifices existing,
cost upwards of a million sterling, towards which Kumbha contributed
eighty thousand pounds. It is erected in the Sadri pass leading from the
western descent of the highlands of Mewar, and is dedicated to
Rishabhadeva.[4.8.9] Its secluded position has preserved it from bigoted
fury, and its only visitants now are the wild beasts who take shelter in
its sanctuary. Kumbha Rana was also a poet: but in a far more elevated
strain than the troubadour princes, his neighbours, who contented
themselves with rehearsing their own prowess or celebrating their lady’s
beauty. He composed a _tika_, or appendix to the ‘Divine
Melodies,’[4.8.10] in praise of Krishna. We can pass no judgment on
these inspirations of the royal bard, as we are ignorant whether any are
preserved in the records of the house: a point his descendant, who is
deeply skilled in such lore, might probably answer.
=Mīra Bāi.=—Kumbha married a daughter of the Rathor of Merta, the first
of the clans of Marwar. Mira Bai[4.8.11] was the most celebrated
princess of her time for beauty and romantic piety. Her compositions
were numerous, though better known to the worshippers of the Hindu
Apollo than to the ribald bards. Some of her odes and hymns to the deity
are preserved and admired. Whether she imbibed her poetic piety from her
husband, or whether from her he caught the sympathy which produced the
‘sequel to the songs of Govinda,’ we cannot determine. Her history is a
romance, and her excess of devotion at every shrine of the favourite
deity with the fair of Hind, from the Yamuna to ‘the world’s
end,’[4.8.12] gave rise to many [290] tales of scandal. Kumbha mixed
gallantry with his warlike pursuits. He carried off the daughter of the
chief of Jhalawar, who had been betrothed to the prince of Mandor: this
renewed the old feud, and the Rathor made many attempts to redeem his
affianced bride. His humiliation was insupportable, when through the
purified atmosphere of the periodical rains “the towers of Kumbhalmer
became visible from the castle of Mandor, and the light radiated from
the chamber of the fair through the gloom of a night in Bhadon,[4.8.13]
to the hall where he brooded o’er his sorrows.” It was surmised that
this night-lamp was an understood signal of the Jhalani, who pined at
the decree which ambition had dictated to her father, in consigning her
to the more powerful rival of her affianced lord. The Rathor exhausted
every resource to gain access to the fair, and had once nearly succeeded
in a surprise by escalade, having cut his way in the night through the
forest in the western and least guarded acclivity: but, as the bard
equivocally remarks, "though he cut his way through the _jhal_
(brushwood), he could not reach the _Jhalani_."
=The Assassination of Rāna Kūmbha, A.D. 1468.=—Kumbha had occupied the
throne half a century; he had triumphed over the enemies of his race,
fortified his country with strongholds, embellished it with temples, and
with the superstructure of her fame had laid the foundation of his
own—when, the year which should have been a jubilee was disgraced by the
foulest blot in the annals; and his life, which nature was about to
close, terminated by the poignard of an assassin—that assassin, his son!
=Rāna Uda, A.D. 1468-73.=—This happened in S. 1525 (A.D. 1469). Uda was
the name of the parricide, whose unnatural ambition, and impatience to
enjoy a short lustre of sovereignty, bereft of life the author of his
existence. But such is the detestation which marks this unusual crime
that, like that of the Venetian traitor, his name is left a blank in the
annals, nor is Uda known but by the epithet _Hatyara_, ‘the murderer.’
Shunned by his kin, and compelled to look abroad for succour to maintain
him on the throne polluted by his crime, Mewar in five years of
illegitimate rule lost half the consequence which had cost so many to
acquire. He made the Deora prince independent in Abu, and bestowed
Sambhar, Ajmer, and adjacent districts on the prince of Jodhpur[4.8.14]
as the price of his friendship. But, a prey to remorse, he felt that he
[291] could neither claim regard from, nor place any dependence upon,
these princes, though he bribed them with provinces. He humbled himself
before the king of Delhi, offering him a daughter in marriage to obtain
his sanction to his authority; “but heaven manifested its vengeance to
prevent this additional iniquity, and preserve the house of Bappa Rawal
from dishonour.” He had scarcely quitted the divan (_diwankhana_), on
taking leave of the king, when a flash of lightning struck the _Hatyara_
to the earth, whence he never arose.[4.8.15] The bards pass over this
period cursorily, as one of their race was the instrument of Uda’s
crime.
=Banishment of the Chārans.=—There has always been a jealousy between
the Mangtas, as they term all classes ‘who extend the palm,’ whether
Brahmans, Yatis, Charans, or Bhats; but since Hamir, the Charan
influence had far eclipsed the rest. A Brahman astrologer predicted
Kumbha’s death through a Charan, and as the class had given other cause
of offence, Kumbha banished the fraternity his dominions, resuming all
their lands: a strong measure in those days, and which few would have
had nerve to attempt or firmness to execute. The heir-apparent, Raemall,
who was exiled to Idar for what his father deemed an impertinent
curiosity,[4.8.16] had attached one of these bards to his suite, whose
ingenuity got the edict set aside, and his race restored to their lands
and the prince’s favour. Had they taken off the Brahman’s head, they
might have falsified the prediction which unhappily was too soon
fulfilled.[4.8.17]
=Rāna Rāemall, A.D. 1473-1508.=—Raemall succeeded in S. 1530 (A.D. 1474)
by his own valour to the seat of Kumbha. He had fought and defeated the
usurper, who on this occasion fled to the king of Delhi and offered him
a daughter of Mewar. After his death in the manner described, the Delhi
monarch, with Sahasmall [292] and Surajmall, sons of the parricide,
invaded Mewar, encamping at Siarh, now Nathdwara. The chiefs were
faithful to their legitimate prince, Raemall, and aided by his allies of
Abu and Girnar, at the head of fifty-eight thousand horse and eleven
thousand foot, he gave battle to the pretender and his imperial ally at
Ghasa. The conflict was ferocious. ‘The streams ran blood,’ for the sons
of the usurper were brave as lions; but the king was so completely
routed that he never again entered Mewar.
Raemall bestowed one daughter on Surji (Yadu), the chief of Girnar; and
another on the Deora, Jaimall of Sirohi, confirming his title to Abu as
her dower. He sustained the warlike reputation of his predecessors, and
carried on interminable strife with Ghiyasu-d-din of Malwa, whom he
defeated in several pitched battles, to the success of which the valour
of his nephews, whom he had pardoned, mainly contributed. In the last of
these encounters the Khilji king sued for peace, renouncing the
pretensions he had formerly urged.[4.8.18] The dynasty of Lodi next
enjoyed the imperial bauble, and with it Mewar had to contest her
northern boundary.
=The Sons of Rāna Rāemall.=—Raemall had three sons, celebrated in the
annals of Rajasthan: Sanga, the competitor of Babur, Prithiraj, the
Rolando of his age, and Jaimall. Unhappily for the country and their
father’s repose, fraternal affection was discarded for deadly hate, and
their feuds and dissensions were a source of constant alarm. Had discord
not disunited them, the reign of Raemall would have equalled any of his
predecessors. As it was, it presented a striking contrast to them: his
two elder sons banished; the first, Sanga, self-exiled from perpetual
fear of his life, and Prithiraj, the second, from his turbulence; while
the youngest, Jaimall, was slain through his intemperance. A sketch of
these feuds will present a good picture of the Rajput character, and
their mode of life when their arms were not required against their
country’s foes.
Sanga[4.8.19] and Prithiraj were the offspring of the Jhali queen;
Jaimall was by another mother. What moral influence the name he bore
had on Prithiraj we can surmise only from his actions, which would
stand comparison with those of his prototype [293] the Chauhan of
Delhi, and are yet the delight of the Sesodia. When they assemble at
the feast after a day’s sport, or in a sultry evening spread the
carpet on the terrace to inhale the leaf or take a cup of
kusumbha,[4.8.20] a tale of Prithiraj recited by the bard is the
highest treat they can enjoy. Sanga, the heir-apparent, was a contrast
to his brother. Equally brave, his courage was tempered by reflection;
while Prithiraj burned with a perpetual thirst for action, and often
observed “that fate must have intended him to rule Mewar.” The three
brothers, with their uncle, Surajmall, were one day discussing these
topics, when Sanga observed that, though heir to ‘the ten thousand
towns’ of Mewar, he would waive his claims, and trust them, as did the
Roman brothers, to the omen which should be given by the priestess of
Charani Devi at Nahra Magra,[4.8.21] the ‘Tiger’s Mount.’ They
repaired to her abode. Prithiraj and Jaimall entered first, and seated
themselves on a pallet: Sanga followed and took possession of the
panther hide of the prophetess; his uncle, Surajmall, with one knee
resting thereon. Scarcely had Prithiraj disclosed their errand, when
the sibyl pointed to the panther-hide[4.8.22] as the decisive omen of
sovereignty to Sanga, with a portion to his uncle. They received the
decree as did the twins of Rome. Prithiraj drew his sword and would
have falsified the omen, had not Surajmall stepped in and received the
blow destined for Sanga, while the prophetess fled from their fury.
Surajmall and Prithiraj were exhausted with wounds, and Sanga fled
with five sword-cuts and an arrow in his eye, which destroyed the
sight for ever. He made for the sanctuary of Chaturbhuja, and passing
Sivanti, took refuge with Bida (Udawat), who was accoutred for a
journey, his steed standing by him. Scarcely had he assisted the
wounded heir of Mewar to alight when Jaimall galloped up in pursuit.
The Rathor guarded the sanctuary, and gave up his life in defence of
his guest, who meanwhile escaped.
=Retirement of Sanga.=—Prithiraj recovered from his wounds; and Sanga,
aware of his implacable enmity, had recourse to many expedients to avoid
discovery. He, who at a future period leagued a hundred thousand men
against the descendant of Timur, was compelled to associate with
goat-herds, expelled the peasant’s abode as too stupid [294] to tend his
cattle, and, precisely like our Alfred the Great, having in charge some
cakes of flour, was reproached with being more desirous of eating than
tending them. A few faithful Rajputs found him in this state, and,
providing him with arms and a horse, they took service with Rao
Karamchand, Pramar, chief of Srinagar,[4.8.23] and with him ‘ran the
country.’ After one of these raids, Sanga one day alighted under a
banian tree, and placing his dagger under his head, reposed, while two
of his faithful Rajputs, whose names are preserved,[4.8.24] prepared his
repast, their steeds grazing by them. A ray of the sun penetrating the
foliage, fell on Sanga’s face, and discovered a snake, which, feeling
the warmth, had uncoiled itself and was rearing its crest over the head
of the exile:[4.8.25] a bird of omen[4.8.26] had perched itself on the
crested serpent, and was chattering aloud. A goat-herd named Maru,
‘versed in the language of birds,’ passed at the moment Sanga awoke. The
prince repelled the proffered homage of the goat-herd, who, however, had
intimated to the Pramara chief that he was served by ‘royalty.’[4.8.27]
The Pramara kept the secret, and gave Sanga a daughter to wife, and
protection till the tragical end of his brother called him to the
throne.
=The Adventures of Prithirāj.=—When the Rana heard of the quarrel which
had nearly deprived him of his heir, he banished Prithiraj, telling him
that he might live on his bravery and maintain himself with strife. With
but five horse[4.8.28] Prithiraj quitted the paternal abode, and made
for Bali in Godwar. These dissensions following the disastrous
conclusion of the last reign, paralysed the country, and the wild tribes
of the west and the mountaineers of the Aravalli so little respected the
garrison of Nadol (the chief town of Godwar), that they carried their
depredations to the plains. Prithiraj halted at Nadol, and having to
procure some necessaries pledged a ring to the merchant who had sold it
to him; the merchant recognized the prince, and learning the cause of
his disguise, proffered his services in the scheme which the prince had
in view for the restoration of order in Godwar, being determined to
evince to his father that he had resources independent of birth. The
Minas were the aboriginal proprietors of all these regions; the Rajputs
were interlopers and conquerors. A Rawat of this tribe had regained
their ancient haunts, and held his petty court at the [295] town of
Narlai in the plains, and was even served by Rajputs. By the advice of
Ojha, the merchant, Prithiraj enlisted himself and his band among the
adherents of the Mina. On the Aheria, or ‘hunter’s festival,’ the
vassals have leave to rejoin their families. Prithiraj, who had also
obtained leave, rapidly retraced his steps, and despatching his Rajputs
to dislodge the Mina, awaited the result in ambush at the gate of the
town. In a short time the Mina appeared on horseback, and in full flight
to the mountains for security, Prithiraj pursued, overtook, and
transfixed him with his lance to a kesula tree, and setting fire to the
village, he slew the Minas as they sought to escape the flames. Other
towns shared the same fate, and all the province of Godwar, with the
exception of Desuri, a stronghold of the Madrecha Chauhans, fell into
his power. At this time Sada Solanki, whose ancestor had escaped the
destruction of Patan and found refuge in these mountainous tracts, held
Sodhgarh. He had espoused a daughter of the Madrecha, but the grant of
Desuri and its lands[4.8.29] in perpetuity easily gained him to the
cause of Prithiraj.
Prithiraj having thus restored order in Godwar, and appointed Ojha and
the Solanki to the government thereof, regained the confidence of his
father; and his brother Jaimall being slain at this time, accelerated
his forgiveness and recall. Ere he rejoins Raemall we will relate the
manner of this event. Jaimall was desirous to obtain the hand of Tara
Bai, daughter of Rao Surthan,[4.8.30] who had been expelled Toda by the
Pathans. The price of her hand was the recovery of this domain: but
Jaimall, willing to anticipate the reward, and rudely attempting access
to the fair, was slain by the indignant father. The quibbling remark of
the bard upon this event is that "Tara was not the star (_tara_) of his
destiny." At the period of this occurrence Sanga was in concealment,
Prithiraj banished, and Jaimall consequently looked to as the heir of
Mewar. The Rana, when incited to revenge, replied with a magnanimity
which deserves to be recorded, "that he who had thus dared to insult the
honour of a [296] father, and that father in distress, richly merited
his fate"; and in proof of his disavowal of such a son he conferred on
the Solanki the district of Badnor.
=Prithirāj recalled.=—This event led to the recall of Prithiraj, who
eagerly took up the gage disgraced by his brother. The adventure was
akin to his taste. The exploit which won the hand of the fair Amazon,
who, equipped with bow and quiver, subsequently accompanied him in many
perilous enterprises, will be elsewhere related.
Surajmall (the uncle), who had fomented these quarrels, resolved not to
belie the prophetess if a crown lay in his path. The claims acquired
from his parricidal parent were revived when Mewar had no sons to look
to. Prithiraj on his return renewed the feud with Surajmall, whose
‘vaulting ambition’ persuaded him that the crown was his destiny, and he
plunged deep into treason to obtain it. He joined as partner in his
schemes Sarangdeo, another descendant of Lakha Rana, and both repaired
to Muzaffar, the sultan of Malwa.[4.8.31] With his aid they assailed the
southern frontier, and rapidly possessed themselves of Sadri, Bataro,
and a wide tract extending from Nai to Nimach, attempting even Chitor.
With the few troops at hand Raemall descended to punish the rebels, who
met the attack on the river Gambhir.[4.8.32] The Rana, fighting like a
common soldier, had received two-and-twenty wounds, and was nearly
falling through faintness, when Prithiraj joined him with one thousand
fresh horse, and reanimated the battle. He selected his uncle Surajmall,
whom he soon covered with wounds. Many had fallen on both sides, but
neither party would yield; when worn out they mutually retired from the
field, and bivouacked in sight of each other.
=Interview between Prithirāj and Sūrajmall.=—It will show the manners
and feelings so peculiar to the Rajput, to describe the meeting between
the rival uncle and nephew,—unique in the details of strife, perhaps,
since the origin of man. It is taken from a MS. of the Jhala chief who
succeeded Surajmall in Sadri. Prithiraj visited his uncle, whom he found
in a small tent reclining on a pallet, having just had ‘the barber’
(_nai_) to sew up his wounds. He rose, and met his nephew with the
customary respect, as if nothing unusual had occurred; but the exertion
caused some of the wounds to open afresh, when the following dialogue
ensued:
_Prithiraj._—“Well, uncle, how are your wounds?”
_Surajmall._—“Quite healed, my child, since I have the pleasure of
seeing you” [297].
_Prithiraj._—"But, uncle (_kaka_), I have not yet seen the
Diwanji.[4.8.33] I first ran to see you, and I am very hungry; have you
anything to eat?"
Dinner was soon served, and the extraordinary pair sat down and ‘ate off
the same platter’;[4.8.34] nor did Prithiraj hesitate to eat the
pan,[4.8.35] presented on his taking leave.
_Prithiraj._—“You and I will end our battle in the morning, uncle.”
_Surajmall._—“Very well, child; come early!”
They met; but Sarangdeo bore the brunt of the conflict, receiving
thirty-five wounds. During “four gharis[4.8.36] swords and lances were
plied, and every tribe of Rajput lost numbers that day”; but the rebels
were defeated and fled to Sadri, and Prithiraj returned in triumph,
though with seven wounds, to Chitor. The rebels, however, did not
relinquish their designs, and many personal encounters took place
between the uncle and nephew: the latter saying he would not let him
retain “as much land of Mewar as would cover a needle’s point”; and
Suja[4.8.37] retorting, that he would allow his nephew to redeem only as
much “as would suffice to lie upon.” But Prithiraj gave them no rest,
pursuing them from place to place. In the wilds of Batara they formed a
stockaded retreat of the dhao tree,[4.8.38] which abounds in these
forests. Within this shelter, horses and men were intermingled: Suja and
his coadjutor communing by the night-fire in their desperate plight,
when their cogitations were checked by the rush and neigh of horses.
Scarcely had the pretender exclaimed “This must be my nephew!” when
Prithiraj dashed his steed through the barricade and entered with his
troops. All was confusion, and the sword showered its blows
indiscriminately. The young prince reached his uncle, and dealt him a
blow which would have levelled him, but for the support of Sarangdeo,
who upbraided him, adding that “a buffet now was more than a score of
wounds in former days”: to which Suja rejoined, “only when dealt by my
nephew’s hand.” Suja demanded a parley; and calling on the prince to
stop the combat, he continued: "If I am killed, it matters not—my
children are Rajputs, they will run the [298] country to find support;
but if you are slain, what will become of Chitor? My face will be
blackened, and my name everlastingly reprobated."
The sword was sheathed, and as the uncle and nephew embraced, the latter
asked the former, "What were you about, uncle, when I came?"—“Only
talking nonsense, child, after dinner.” "But with me over your head,
uncle, as a foe how could you be so negligent?"—“What could I do? you
had left me no resource, and I must have some place to rest my head!”
There was a small temple near the stockade, to which in the morning
Prithiraj requested his uncle to accompany him to sacrifice to
Kali,[4.8.39] but the blow of the preceding night prevented him.
Sarangdeo was his proxy. One buffalo had fallen, and a goat was about to
follow, when the prince turned his sword on Sarangdeo. The combat was
desperate; but Prithiraj was the victor, and the head of the traitor was
placed as an offering on the altar of Time. The Gaunda[4.8.40] was
plundered, the town of Batara recovered, and Surajmall fled to Sadri,
where he only stopped to fulfil his threat, “that if he could not retain
its lands he would make them over to those stronger than the
king”;[4.8.41] and having distributed them amongst Brahmans and bards,
he finally abandoned Mewar. Passing through the wilds of
Kanthal,[4.8.42] he had an omen which recalled the Charani’s prediction:
“a wolf endeavouring in vain to carry off a kid defended by maternal
affection.” This was interpreted as ‘strong ground for a dwelling.’ He
halted, subdued the aboriginal tribes, and on this spot erected the town
and stronghold of Deolia, becoming lord of a thousand villages, which
have descended to his offspring, who now enjoy them under British
protection. Such was the origin of Partabgarh Deolia.[4.8.43]
=Prithirāj poisoned: Death of Rāna Rāemall.=—Prithiraj was poisoned by
his brother-in-law, of Abu, whom he had punished for maltreating his
sister, and afterwards confided in. His death was soon followed by that
of Rana Raemall, who, though not equal to his predecessors, was greatly
respected, and maintained the dignity of his station amidst no ordinary
calamities [299].[4.8.44]