CHAPTER 7

If devotion to the fair sex be admitted as a criterion of civilization,

the Rajput must rank high. His susceptibility is extreme, and fires at

the slightest offence to female delicacy, which he never forgives. A

satirical impromptu, involving the sacrifice of Rajput prejudices,

dissolved the coalition of the Rathors and Kachhwahas, and laid each

prostrate before the Mahrattas, whom when united they had crushed: and a

jest, apparently trivial, compromised the right of primogeniture to the

throne of Chitor, and proved more disastrous in its consequences than

the arms either of Moguls or Mahrattas.

=Chonda renounces his Birthright.=—Lakha Rana was advanced in years, his

sons and grandsons established in suitable domains, when ‘the coco-nut

came’ from Ranmall, prince of Marwar, to affiance his daughter with

Chonda, the heir of Mewar. When the embassy was announced, Chonda was

absent, and the old chief was seated in his chair of state surrounded by

his court. The messenger of Hymen was courteously received by Lakha, who

observed that Chonda would soon return and take the gage; “for,” added

he, drawing his fingers over his moustaches, “I don’t suppose you send

such playthings to an old greybeard like me.” This little sally was of

course applauded and repeated; but Chonda, offended at delicacy being

sacrificed to wit, declined accepting the symbol which his father had

even in jest supposed might be intended for him: and as it could not be

returned without gross insult to Ranmall, the old Rana, incensed at his

son’s obstinacy, agreed to accept it himself, provided Chonda would

swear to renounce his birthright in the event of his having a son, and

be to the child but the ‘first of his Rajputs.’ He swore by Eklinga to

fulfil his father’s wishes.

=Rāna Mokala, A.D. 1397-1433.=—Mokalji was the issue of this union, and

had attained the age of five when the Rana resolved to signalize his

finale by a raid against the enemies of their faith [277], and to expel

the ‘barbarian’ from the holy land of Gaya. In ancient times this was by

no means uncommon, and we have several instances in the annals of these

States of princes resigning ‘the purple’ on the approach of old age, and

by a life of austerity and devotion, pilgrimage and charity, seeking to

make their peace with heaven “for the sins inevitably committed by all

who wield a sceptre.” But when war was made against their religion by

the Tatar proselytes to Islam, the Sutlej and the Ghaggar were as the

banks of the Jordan—Gaya, their Jerusalem, their holy land; and if there

destiny filled his cup, the Hindu chieftain was secure of

beatitude,[4.7.1] exempted from the troubles of ‘second birth’;[4.7.2]

and borne from the scene of probation in celestial cars by the

Apsaras,[4.7.3] was introduced at once into the ‘realm of the

sun.’[4.7.4] Ere, however, the Rana of Chitor journeyed to this bourne,

he was desirous to leave his throne unexposed to civil strife. The

subject of succession had never been renewed; but discussing with Chonda

his warlike pilgrimage to Gaya, from which he might not return, he

sounded him by asking what estates should be settled on Mokal. “The

throne of Chitor,” was the honest reply; and to set suspicion at rest,

he desired that the ceremony of installation should be performed

previous to Lakha’s departure. Chonda was the first to pay homage and

swear obedience and fidelity to his future sovereign: reserving, as the

recompense of his renunciation, the first place in the councils, and

stipulating that in all grants to the vassals of the crown, his symbol

(the lance) should be superadded to the autograph of the prince. In all

grants the lance of Salumbar[4.7.5] still precedes the monogram of the

Rana.[4.7.6]

The sacrifice of Chonda to offended delicacy and filial respect was

great, for he had all the qualities requisite for command. Brave, frank,

and skilful, he conducted all public affairs after his father’s

departure and death, to the benefit of the minor and the State. The

queen-mother, however, who is admitted as the natural guardian of her

infant’s rights on all such occasions, felt umbrage and discontent at

her loss of power; forgetting that, but for Chonda, she would never

[278] have been mother to the Rana of Mewar. She watched with a jealous

eye all his proceedings; but it was only through the medium of suspicion

she could accuse the integrity of Chonda, and she artfully asserted

that, under colour of directing state affairs, he was exercising

absolute sovereignty, and that if he did not assume the title of Rana,

he would reduce it to an empty name. Chonda, knowing the purity of his

own motives, made liberal allowance for maternal solicitude; but

upbraiding the queen with the injustice of her suspicions, and advising

a vigilant care to the rights of Sesodias, he retired to the court of

Mandu, then rising into notice, where he was received with the highest

distinctions, and the district of Halar[4.7.7] was assigned to him by

the king.

=Rāthor Influence in Mewār.=—His departure was the signal for an influx

of the kindred of the queen from Mandor. Her brother Jodha (who

afterwards gave his name to Jodhpur) was the first, and was soon

followed by his father, Rao Ranmall, and numerous adherents, who deemed

the arid region of Maru-des, and its rabri, or maize porridge, well

exchanged for the fertile plains and wheaten bread of Mewar.

=Raghudeva, the Mewār Hero.=—With his grandson on his knee, the old Rao

“would sit on the throne of Bappa Rawal, on whose quitting him for play,

the regal ensigns of Mewar waved over the head of Mandor.” This was more

than the Sesodia nurse[4.7.8] (an important personage in all Hindu

governments) could bear, and bursting with indignation, she demanded of

the queen if her kin was to defraud her own child of his inheritance.

The honesty of the nurse was greater than her prudence. The creed of the

Rajput is to ‘obtain sovereignty,’ regarding the means as secondary and

this avowal of her suspicions only hastened their designs. The queen

soon found herself without remedy, and a remonstrance to her father

produced a hint which threatened the existence of her offspring. Her

fears were soon after augmented by the assassination of Raghudeva, the

second brother of Chonda, whose estates were Kelwara and Kawaria. To the

former place, where he resided aloof from the court, Rao Ranmall sent a

dress of honour, which etiquette requiring him to put on when presented,

the prince was assassinated in the act. Raghudeva was so much beloved

for his virtues, courage, and manly beauty, that his [279] murder became

martyrdom, and obtained for him divine honours, and a place amongst the

_Di Patres_ (_Pitrideva_) of Mewar. His image is on every hearth, and is

daily worshipped with the Penates. Twice in the year his altars receive

public homage from every Sesodia, from the Rana to the serf.[4.7.9]

=The Expulsion of the Rāthor Party.=—In this extremity the queen-mother

turned her thoughts to Chonda, and it was not difficult to apprise him

of the danger which menaced the race, every place of trust being held by

her kinsmen, and the principal post of Chitor by a Bhatti Rajput of

Jaisalmer. Chonda, though at a distance, was not inattentive to the

proverbially dangerous situation of a minor amongst the Rajputs. At his

departure he was accompanied by two hundred Aherias or huntsmen, whose

ancestors had served the princes of Chitor from ancient times. These had

left their families behind, a visit to whom was the pretext for their

introduction to the fort. They were instructed to get into the service

of the keepers of the gates, and, being considered more attached to the

place than to the family, their object was effected. The queen-mother

was counselled to cause the young prince to descend daily with a

numerous retinue to give feasts to the surrounding villages, and

gradually to increase the distance, but not to fail on the ‘festival of

lamps’[4.7.10] to hold the feast (_got_) at Gosunda.[4.7.11]

These injunctions were carefully attended to. The day arrived, the feast

was held at Gosunda; but the night was closing in, and no Chonda

appeared. With heavy hearts the nurse, the Purohit,[4.7.12] and those in

the secret moved homeward, and had reached the eminence called Chitori,

when forty horsemen passed them at the gallop, and at their head Chonda

in disguise, who by a secret sign paid homage as he passed to his

younger brother and sovereign. Chonda and [280] his band had reached the

Rampol,[4.7.13] or upper gate, unchecked. Here, when challenged, they

said they were neighbouring chieftains, who, hearing of the feast at

Gosunda, had the honour to escort the prince home. The story obtained

credit; but the main body, of which this was but the advance, presently

coming up, the treachery was apparent. Chonda unsheathed his sword, and

at his well-known shout the hunters were speedily in action. The Bhatti

chief, taken by surprise, and unable to reach Chonda, launched his

dagger at and wounded him, but was himself slain; the guards at the

gates were cut to pieces, and the Rathors hunted out and killed without

mercy.

=Death of Rāo Ranmall.=—The end of Rāo Ranmall was more ludicrous than

tragical. Smitten with the charms of a Sesodia handmaid of the queen,

who was compelled to his embrace, the old chief was in her arms,

intoxicated with love, wine, and opium, and heard nothing of the tumult

without. A woman’s wit and revenge combined to make his end afford some

compensation for her loss of honour. Gently rising, she bound him to his

bed with his own Marwari turban:[4.7.14] nor did this disturb him, and

the messengers of fate had entered ere the opiate allowed his eyes to

open to a sense of his danger. Enraged, he in vain endeavoured to

extricate himself; and by some tortuosity of movement he got upon his

legs, his pallet at his back like a shell or shield of defence. With no

arms but a brass vessel of ablution, he levelled to the earth several of

his assailants, when a ball from a matchlock extended him on the floor

of the palace. His son Jodha was in the lower town, and was indebted to

the fleetness of his steed for escaping the fate of his father and

kindred, whose bodies strewed the _terre-pleine_ of Chitor, the merited

reward of their usurpation and treachery.

=The Revenge of Chonda.=—But Chonda’s revenge was not yet satisfied. He

pursued Rao Jodha, who, unable to oppose him, took refuge with Harbuji

Sankhla, leaving Mandor to its fate. This city Chonda entered by

surprise, and holding it till his sons Kantatji and Manjaji arrived with

reinforcements, the Rathor treachery was repaid by their keeping

possession of the capital during twelve years. We might here leave the

future founder of Jodhpur, had not this feud led to the junction of the

rich [281] province of Godwar to Mewar, held for three centuries and

again lost by treachery. It may yet involve a struggle between the

Sesodias and Rathors.[4.7.15]

“Sweet are the uses of adversity.” To Jodha it was the first step in the

ladder of his eventual elevation. A century and a half had scarcely

elapsed since a colony, the wreck of Kanauj, found an asylum, and at

length a kingdom, taking possession of one capital and founding another,

abandoning Mandor and erecting Jodhpur. But even Jodha could never have

hoped that his issue would have extended their sway from the valley of

the Indus to within one hundred miles of the Jumna, and from the desert

bordering on the Sutlej to the Aravalli mountains: that one hundred

thousand swords should at once be in the hands of Rathors, ‘the sons of

one father’ (_ek Bap ke Betan_).

If we slightly encroach upon the annals of Marwar, it is owing to its

history and that of Mewar being here so interwoven, and the incidents

these events gave birth so illustrative of the national character of

each, that it is, perhaps, more expedient to advert to the period when

Jodha was shut out from Mandor, and the means by which he regained that

city, previous to relating the events of the reign of Mokal.

=Harbuji Sānkhla.=—Harbuji Sankhla, at once a soldier and a devotee, was

one of those Rajput cavaliers ‘_sans peur et sans reproche_,’ whose life

of celibacy and perilous adventure was mingled with the austere devotion

of an ascetic; by turns aiding with his lance the cause which he deemed

worthy, or exercising an unbounded hospitality towards the stranger.

This generosity had much reduced his resources when Jodha sought his

protection. It was the eve of the _Sada-bart_, one of those hospitable

rites which, in former times, characterized Rajwara. This ‘perpetual

charity’ supplies food to the stranger and traveller, and is distributed

not only by individual chiefs and by the government, but by

subscriptions of communities. Even in Mewar, in her present impoverished

condition, the offerings to the gods in support of their shrines and the

establishment of the _Sada-bart_ were simultaneous. Hospitality is a

virtue pronounced to belong more peculiarly to a semi-barbarous

condition. Alas! for refinement and ultra-civilization, strangers to the

happiness enjoyed by Harbuji Sankhla. Jodha, with one hundred and twenty

followers, came to solicit the ‘stranger’s fare’: but unfortunately it

was too late, the _Sada-bart_ had been distributed. In this exigence,

Harbuji recollected that there was a wood [282] called _mujd_,[4.7.16]

used in dyeing, which among other things in the desert regions is

resorted to in scarcity. A portion of this was bruised, and boiled with

some flour, sugar, and spices, making altogether a palatable pottage;

and with a promise of better fare on the morrow, it was set before the

young Rao and his followers, who, after making a good repast, soon

forgot Chitor in sleep. On waking, each stared at his fellow, for their

mustachios were dyed with their evening’s meal; but the old chief, who

was not disposed to reveal his expedient, made it minister to their

hopes by giving it a miraculous character, and saying “that as the grey

of age was thus metamorphosed into the tint of morn[4.7.17] and hope, so

would their fortunes become young, and Mandor again be theirs.”

Elevated by this prospect, they enlisted Harbuji on their side. He

accompanied them to the chieftain of Mewa, “whose stables contained one

hundred chosen steeds.” Pabuji, a third independent of the same stamp,

with his ‘coal-black steed,’ was gained to the cause, and Jodha soon

found himself strong enough to attempt the recovery of his capital. The

sons of Chonda were taken by surprise: but despising the numbers of the

foe, and ignorant who were their auxiliaries, they descended sword in

hand to meet the assailants. The elder[4.7.18] son of Chonda with many

adherents was slain; and the younger, deserted by the subjects of

Mandor, trusted to the swiftness of his horse for escape; but being

pursued, was overtaken and killed on the boundary of Godwar. Thus Jodha,

in his turn, was revenged, but the ‘feud was not balanced.’ Two sons of

Chitor had fallen for one chief of Mandor. But wisely reflecting on the

original aggression, and the superior power of Mewar, as well as his

being indebted for his present success to foreign aid, Jodha sued for

peace, and offered as the _mundkati_, or ‘price of blood,’ and ‘to

quench the feud,’ that the spot where Manja fell should be the future

barrier of the two States. The entire province of Godwar was

comprehended in the cession, which for three centuries withstood every

contention, till the internal dissensions of the last half century,

which grew out of the cause by which [283] it was obtained, and the

change of succession in Mewar severed this most valuable

acquisition.[4.7.19]

Who would imagine, after such deadly feuds between these rival States,

that in the very next succession these hostile frays were not only

buried in oblivion, but that the prince of Marwar abjured ‘his turban

and his bed’ till he had revenged the assassination of the prince of

Chitor, and restored his infant heir to his rights? The annals of these

States afford numerous instances of the same hasty, overbearing

temperament governing all; easily moved to strife, impatient of revenge,

and steadfast in its gratification. But this satisfied, resentment

subsides. A daughter of the offender given to wife banishes its

remembrance, and when the bard joins the lately rival names in the

couplet, each will complacently curl his mustachio over his lip as he

hears his ‘renown expand like the lotus,’ and thus ‘the feud is

extinguished.’ Thus have they gone on from time immemorial, and will

continue, till what we may fear to contemplate. They have now neither

friend nor foe but the British. The Tatar invader sleeps in his tomb,

and the Mahratta depredator is muzzled and enchained. To return.

=Mokal, A.D. 1397-1433.=—Mokal, who obtained the throne by Chonda’s

surrender of his birthright, was not destined long to enjoy the

distinction, though he evinced qualities worthy of heading the Sesodias.

He ascended the throne in S. 1454 (A.D. 1398), at an important era in

the history of India; when Timur, who had already established the race

of Chagatai in the kingdoms of Central Asia, and laid prostrate the

throne of Byzantium, turned his arms towards India. But it was not a

field for his ambition; and the event is not even noticed in the annals

of Mewar: a proof that it did not affect their repose. But they record

an attempted invasion by the king of Delhi, which is erroneously stated

to have been by Firoz Shah. A grandson of this prince had indeed been

set up, and compelled to flee from the arms of Timur, and as the

direction of his flight was Gujarat, it is not unlikely that the

recorded attempt to penetrate by the passes of Mewar may have been his

[284]. Be this as it may, the Rana Mokal anticipated and met him beyond

the passes of the Aravalli, in the field of Raepur, and compelled him to

abandon his enterprise. Pursuing his success, he took possession of

Sambhar and its salt lakes, and otherwise extended and strengthened his

territory, which the distracted state of the empire consequent to

Timur’s invasion rendered a matter of little difficulty. Mokal finished

the palace commenced by Lakha, now a mass of ruins; and erected the

shrine of Chaturbhuja, ‘the four-armed deity,’[4.7.20] in the western

hills.

=Lāl Bāi.=—Besides three sons, Rana Mokal had a daughter, celebrated for

her beauty, called Lal Bai, or ‘the ruby.’ She was betrothed to the

Khichi chieftain of Gagraun, who at the Hathleva[4.7.21] demanded the

pledge of succour on foreign invasion. Dhiraj, the son of the Khichi,

had come to solicit the stipulated aid against Hoshang of Malwa, who had

invested their capital. The Rana’s headquarters were then at Madri, and

he was employed in quelling a revolt of the mountaineers, when Dhiraj

arrived and obtained the necessary aid. Madri was destined to be the

scene of the termination of Mokal’s career: he was assassinated by his

uncles, the natural brothers of his father, from an unintentional

offence, which tradition has handed down in all its details.

=Assassination of Rāna Mokal.=—Chacha and Mera were the natural sons of

Khetsi Rana (the predecessor of Lakha); their mother a fair handmaid of

low descent, generally allowed to be a carpenter’s daughter. ‘The fifth

sons of Mewar’ (as the natural children are figuratively termed) possess

no rank, and though treated with kindness, and entrusted with

confidential employments, the sons of the chiefs of the second class

take precedence of them, and ‘sit higher on the carpet.’ These brothers

had the charge of seven hundred horse in the train of Rana Mokal at

Madri. Some chiefs at enmity with them, conceiving that they had

overstepped their privileges, wished to see them humiliated. Chance

procured them the opportunity: which, however, cost their prince his

life. Seated in a grove with his chiefs around him, he inquired the name

of a particular tree. The Chauhan chief, feigning ignorance, whispered

him to ask either of the brothers; and not perceiving their scope, he

artlessly did so. “Uncle, what tree is this?” The sarcasm thus prompted

they considered as reflecting on their birth (being sons [285] of the

carpenter’s daughter), and the same day, while Mokal was at his

devotions, and in the act of counting his rosary, one blow severed his

arm from his body, while another stretched him lifeless. The brothers,

quickly mounting their steeds, had the audacity to hope to surprise

Chitor, but the gates were closed upon them.

=Rāna Kūmbha, A.D. 1433-68.=—Though the murder of Mokal is related to

have no other cause than the sarcasm alluded to, the precautions taken

by the young prince Kumbha,[4.7.22] his successor, would induce a belief

that this was but the opening of a deep-laid conspiracy. The traitors

returned to the stronghold near Madri, and Kumbha trusted to the

friendship and good feeling of the prince of Marwar in this emergency.

His confidence was well repaid. The prince put his son at the head of a

force, and the retreat of the assassins being near his own frontier,

they were encountered and dislodged. From Madri they fled to Pai, where

they strengthened a fortress in the mountains named Ratakot; a lofty

peak of the compound chain which encircles Udaipur, visible from the

surrounding country, as are the remains of this stronghold of the

assassins. It would appear that their lives were dissolute, for they had

carried off the virgin daughter of a Chauhan, which led to their

eventual detection and punishment. Her father, Suja, had traced the

route of the ravishers, and, mixing with the workmen, found that the

approaches to the place of their concealment were capable of being

scaled. He was about to lay his complaint before his prince, when he met

the cavalcade of Kumbha and the Rathor. The distressed father, ‘covering

his face,’ disclosed the story of his own and daughter’s dishonour. They

encamped till night at Delwara, when, led by the Chandana, they issued

forth to surprise the authors of so many evils.

=Suja and the Tiger.=—Arrived at the base of the rock, where the parapet

was yet low, they commenced the escalade, aided by the thick foliage.

The path was steep and rugged, and in the darkness of the night each had

grasped his neighbour’s skirt for security. Animated by a just revenge,

the Chauhan (Suja) led the way, when on reaching a ledge of the rock the

glaring eyeballs of a tigress flashed upon him. Undismayed, he squeezed

the hand of the Rathor prince who followed him, and who on perceiving

the object of terror instantly buried his poignard in her heart. This

omen was superb. They soon reached the summit. Some had ascended the

parapet; others were scrambling over, when the minstrel [286] slipping,

fell, and his drum, which was to have accompanied his voice in singing

the conquest, awoke by its crash the daughter of Chacha. Her father

quieted her fears by saying it was only “the thunder and the rains of

Bhadon”: to fear God only and go to sleep, for their enemies were safe

at Kelwa. At this moment the Rao and his party rushed in. Chacha and

Mera had no time to avoid their fate. Chacha was cleft in two by the

Chandana, while the Rathor prince laid Mera at his feet, and the spoils

of Ratakot were divided among the assailants.

-----

Footnote 4.7.1:

_Mukti._

Footnote 4.7.2:

This is a literal phrase, denoting further transmigration of the soul,

which is always deemed a punishment. The soldier who falls in battle

in the faithful performance of his duty is alone exempted, according

to their martial mythology, from the pains of ‘second birth.’

Footnote 4.7.3:

The fair messengers of heaven.

Footnote 4.7.4:

_Suraj Mandal._

Footnote 4.7.5:

The abode of the chief of the various clans of Chondawat.

Footnote 4.7.6:

_Vide_ p. 235.

Footnote 4.7.7:

[Hālār in W. Kāthiāwār (_BG_, viii. 4).]

Footnote 4.7.8:

The _Dhāi_. The _Dhābhāis_, or ‘foster-brothers,’ often hold lands in

perpetuity, and are employed in the most confidential places; on

embassies, marriages, etc.

Footnote 4.7.9:

On the 8th day of the Dasahra, or ‘military festival,’ when the levies

are mustered at the Chaugan, or ‘Champ de Mars,’ and on the 10th of

Chait his altars are purified, and his image is washed and placed

thereon. Women pray for the safety of their children; husbands, that

their wives may be fruitful. Previously to this, a son of Bappa Rawal

was worshipped; but after the enshrinement of Raghudeva, the adoration

of Kulisputra was gradually abolished. Nor is this custom confined to

Mewar: there is a deified _Putra_ in every Rajput family—one who has

met a violent death. Besides Eklinga, the descendants of Bappa have

adopted numerous household divinities: the destinies of life and

death, Baenmata the goddess of the Chawaras, Nagnachian the serpent

divinity of the Rathors, and Khetrapal, or ‘fosterer of the field,’

have with many others obtained a place on the Sesodia altars. This

festival may not unaptly be compared to that of Adonis amongst the

Greeks, for the _Putra_ is worshipped chiefly by women.

Footnote 4.7.10:

The _Diwali_, from _diwa_, ‘a lamp.’ This festival is in honour of

Lakshmi, goddess of wealth.

Footnote 4.7.11:

Seven miles south of Chitor, on the road to Malwa.

Footnote 4.7.12:

The family priest and instructor of youth.

Footnote 4.7.13:

_Rampol_, ‘the gate of Ram.’

Footnote 4.7.14:

Often sixty cubits in length.

Footnote 4.7.15:

[Godwār, including the Bāli and Desuri districts in S.E. Mārwār, is

now known as the Desuri Hukūmat: see Erskine iii. A. 180 f.]

Footnote 4.7.16:

The wood of Solomon’s temple is called _almug_; the prefix _al_ is

merely the article [?]. This is the wood also mentioned in the annals

of Gujarat, of which the temple to Adinath was constructed. It is said

to be indestructible even by fire. It has been surmised that the

fleets of Tyre frequented the Indian coast: could they thence have

carried the _Almujd_ for the temple of Solomon? [Almug, according to

the _Encyclopædia Biblica_ (i. 1196) is either Brazil-wood or red

sandalwood (_Pterocarpus santalinus_). Sir G. Watt, who has kindly

examined the question, thinks it very improbable that the _mujd_ of

the text is almug wood, because neither the true sandalwood (_Santalum

album_) nor the red sandalwood (_Pterocarpus santalinus_) is found in

Rājputāna. He identifies the _mujd_ of the text with _Moringa

concanensis_, a small tree found wild in Sind and the Konkan, which

yields a gum of considerable value, and its congener _Moringa

pterygosperma_ (_Comm. Prod._ 784), the horse-radish tree of India, is

used as a dye in Jamaica, and probably could be so used in India.]

Footnote 4.7.17:

This wood has a brownish-red tint.

Footnote 4.7.18:

This is related with some variation in other annals of the period.

Footnote 4.7.19:

There is little hope, while British power acts as high constable and

keeper of the peace in Rajwara, of this being recovered: nor, were it

otherwise, would it be desirable to see it become an object of

contention between these States. Marwar has attained much grandeur

since the time of Jodha, and her resources are more unbroken than

those of Mewar, who, if she could redeem, could not, from its exposed

position, maintain the province against the brave Rathor.

Footnote 4.7.20:

[The four-armed Vishnu, the favourite deity of the Mertia Rāthors

(_Census Report, Rajputana, 1891_, ii. 26).]

Footnote 4.7.21:

The ceremony of joining hands.

Footnote 4.7.22:

[His mother was a Pramār, Subhāgya Devi, daughter of Rāja Jaitmall,

Sānkhla.]

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Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, v. 1 of 3 or the Central and Western Rajput States of India · 第 7 / 18 章