SECT. II.

_The sense of Beauty in Homer; human, animal, and inanimate._

The idea of Beauty, especially as it is connected with its most

signal known manifestation in the human form, and again the φθορὰ, or

corruption of that idea, have each their separate course and history

in the religion and manners, as well as in the arts, of Greece. By the

idea of Beauty, I mean here the conception of it in the human mind as

a pure and wonderful essence, nearly akin to the Divine; derived from

heaven, and both continually and spontaneously tending to revert to its

source. By the corruption of that idea, I mean the conception of it

either mainly or wholly with reference to animal enjoyment; sometimes

within, and sometimes beyond, the laws of Nature.

In the works of Homer, we find the first of these conceptions

exceedingly prominent and powerful. It approaches almost to a worship:

and yet is scarcely at all tainted with the second, scarcely presents

the smallest deflection from the very loftiest type. In Homer, that

is to say, in the Homeric descriptions of human characters and life,

we never find Beauty and Vice pleasurably associated: he seems to

have felt in the sanctuary of his mind as much at least as this, if

not more; that a derogation from purity involved of itself a descent

from the highest to a lower form of beauty: and therefore he never

associates his highest descriptions of beauty with vice: differing

in this not only from so many heathen, but even from many Christian

authors.

~_The Dardanid traditions._~

But yet it is most remarkable that, even in Homer’s time, the level

of popular tradition on the subject of beauty had begun to descend,

and though he had escaped the taint, yet it had touched his age.

Let us, for example, take that most striking series of traditions

in the Dardanian royal family, which are recorded in the poems of

Homer. That family appears to have had personal beauty for an almost

entailed inheritance. Not only Hector, Deiphobus, Æneas, as well as

Paris, possessed it, but Priam, even in his old age and affliction,

was divinely beautiful as he entered the apartment of Achilles; and,

as they sat at meat, and he admired Achilles, Achilles returned his

admiration[738].

[738] Il. xxiv. 483, 631. Sup. Ilios, p. 216.

The line of traditions in this family, to which I now refer, affords

the best illustration of the idea of beauty as ever striving, by

an inner law, to rise to a heavenly life. There are four of these

traditions: and as we pass from the older to the more recent, at

each step that we make, we lose some grain of the first ethereal

purity. The earliest of them all is the translation, since coarsely

and without ground called the rape, of Ganymede: consistently indeed

so called, according to the idea of the fable which has prevailed in

later ages, but most absurdly, if it be applied to the tradition in

the shape in which it stands with Homer. With him the tale of Ganymede

is the most simple and perfect assertion of the principle that beauty,

heavenly in its origin, is heavenly also in its destiny; and that

the heaven-born and heaven-bound should contract no taint upon its

intermediate passage. There were three sons, says Homer, born to Tros;

Ilus was one, Assaracus another: and the third was Ganymede, a match

for gods. Ganymede, the most beauteous of men, whom, for his beauty,

and seemingly before he had come to maturity for succession, the gods

snatched up and made the cupbearer of Jupiter, that he might dwell for

ever among the Immortals[739]:

[739] Il. xx. 233-5.

ὃς δὴ κάλλιστος γένετο θνητῶν ἀνθρώπων·

τὸν καὶ ἀνηρείψαντο θεοὶ Διὶ οἰνοχοεύειν

κάλλεος εἵνεκα οἷο, ἵν’ ἀθανάτοισι μετείη.

The idea of sanctity, indeed, is not to be discovered here; its traces

can only be found among the inspired records; the resemblance to the

deity does not reach beyond the flesh and mind; yet the sum of the tale

is full of interest. The other sons grew up, and became kings; he,

that he might not linger, might not suffer, might not contract taint

or undergo decay on earth, was taken up to that sphere, which is the

proper home of all things beautiful and good.

The thought is somewhat related to that of the following remarkable

lines by Emerson:

Perchance not he, but nature ailed;

The world, and not the infant, failed.

It was not ripe yet to sustain

A genius of so fine a strain,

Who gazed upon the sun and moon

As if he came unto his own:

And pregnant with his grander thought,

Brought the old order into doubt.

_His beauty once their beauty tried;

They could not feed him, and he died,_

And wandered backward, as in scorn,

To wait an Æon to be born.

Far as the tradition of Ganymede, according to Homer, is below that

of Enoch, it is set by a yet wider distance above the later version

of the same tale. Thus, in Euripides, we find him the Διὸς λέκτρων

τρύφημα φίλον (Iph. Aul. 1037): and what is more sad is to find, that

this utterly debased and depressed idea prevailed over the original and

pure one, even to its extinction, and was adopted and propagated by the

highest and the lowest poets of the Italian romance[740].

[740] For example, we might quote the Orlando Furioso of Ariosto; and

the very vulgar poet, Forteguerra, in the Ricciardetto, vi. 23:

Il nettar beve, e Ganimede il mesce,

Che tanto a Giuno sua spiace e rincresce.

Next in order to the tradition of Ganymede comes that of Tithonus,

who, on account of his beauty, was carried up, not by the gods at

large, to be as one of them, but by Aurora to become her husband, in

which capacity he remained in the upper regions[741]. This is a step

downwards; but the next is a stride. In the third tradition, so far as

is known from the authentic works of Homer, Æneas is the son of Venus

and Anchises, but without their standing in the relation of husband and

wife. The particulars of the narrative are supplied in the early Hymn,

which perhaps was the more readily ascribed to Homer, because it was

believed to embody a primitive form of the tradition. Jupiter inspired

Venus with a passion for Anchises, and, after having arrayed herself in

fine vestments and golden ornaments, she presented herself to him as he

was playing the lyre in solitude on Ida; when the connection was formed

that gave birth to Æneas[742].

[741] Il. xi. 1. Od. v. 1.

[742] Hymn. ad Ven. 45-80.

The next fall is the greatest of all: according to the later tradition,

Venus, to obtain a favourable judgment from Paris (of the next

generation to Anchises), promised him a wife of splendid beauty and

divine extraction, whom he was to obtain by treachery and robbery, as

well as adultery; and filled him with what Homer pronounces an evil

passion[743].

[743] Il. xxiv. 30.

The Poet, indeed, tells us nothing of this promise, which appears to

imply powers far greater than any that the Homeric Aphrodite possessed.

But he mentions the contest, informs us that Venus was the winner,

makes Paris boast of her partiality, and introduces her as mentioning

her own favours to Helen[744].

[744] Il. iii. 64, 440, 415.

Such was the downward course of all in the nature of man that belonged

to the moral sphere, apart from the cherishing power of Divine

Revelation; for the chronological order of these legends is also that

of their descent, step by step, from innocence to vice.

Homer, as we have already seen, represents a very early and chaste

condition of human thought. We have now to observe how strong and

genuine, as well as pure, was his appetite for beauty.

Since here, as elsewhere, it is not the Poet’s usage to declare himself

by express statements and elaborate descriptions, we must resort in the

usual manner to secondary evidence; which, however, converging from

many different and opposite quarters upon a single point, is perhaps

more conclusive than mere statement, because it shows that we are not

dealing with a simple opinion, but with a sentiment, a passion, and a

habit, which penetrated through the Poet’s whole nature.

I shall notice Homer’s sense of beauty with reference, first and

chiefly, to the human countenance and form; next, with respect to

animals; and thirdly, with respect to inanimate objects and to

combinations of them.

As regards the first and chief branch of this inquiry, we must notice

to what persons, and in what degrees, Homer assigns beauty, from whom

he withholds it; and how far he considers it to give a title to special

notice, in cases where no other claim to such a distinction can be made

good.

We may then observe that Homer does not commonly assign personal

beauty to any human person, who is morally odious. In any questionable

instance where he does so assign it, he seems to follow an historical

tradition, or to be constrained by his subject. He has covered

Thersites with every sort of deformity; and in the description of the

persons and of the twelve dissolute women among the fifty domestic

servants of Ulysses, there is barely a word that implies beauty[745].

[745] Od. xxii. 424-73.

Melantho indeed, the most conspicuous offender, is called in the

Eighteenth Odyssey[746] καλλιπάρῃος. But it seems probable, that he

followed a local tradition concerning her; for, if she had been simply

a creation of his own, he certainly would not have represented her as

the daughter of the old and faithful Dolius[747], who, with his six

sons, bore arms for Ulysses.

[746] Od. xviii. 321-5.

[747] Od. xxiv. 496.

~_Treatment of the beauty of Paris._~

So also the beauty of Paris was an inseparable incident of the Trojan

tale. Yet it is remarkable how little it is brought into relief. Where

he is called beautiful, it is by way of sarcasm and reproach[748],

[748] Il. iii. 39.

Δύσπαρι, εἶδος ἄριστε.

The only passage, in which his beautiful appearance is described at

all, is from the mouth of Venus[749], to whom Homer never intrusts

anything, to be either said or done, that he wishes us to regard with

favour.

[749] Ibid. 391.

Compelled, however, to set off the imposing exterior of this prince,

if only for the purpose of heightening the contrast with his cowardice

in action, he introduces him flourishing his pair of spears at the

commencement of the Third Iliad; and what is more, when he again goes

forth in his newly burnished arms at the close of the Sixth, bestows

upon him one of the very noblest of his similes, that of the stall-kept

horse, high fed and sleek in coat, who having broken away from his

manger rushes neighing over the plain[750].

[750] Il. iii. 18. and vi. 506.

It was necessary, in order to make up the true portrait of Paris, that

his exterior should be thus splendid, and his movements imposing; and

it was also a part of the subtle plan, by which Homer made use of words

and appearances to bring up the Trojan chieftains and people to some

kind of level with the Greek. Yet there is something singular in the

fact that Homer, who does not, I think, repeat his similes in any other

remarkable case, reproduces the whole of this splendid passage in the

Fifteenth Iliad for Hector[751]. There is here, we may rely upon it,

some peculiar meaning. Possibly he grudged the exclusive appropriation

of so splendid a passage to so despicable a person. There is also

another singularity in his mode of proceeding. The simile is given to

Hector without addition, and the poem proceeds

[751] Il. xv. 263.

ὣς Ἕκτωρ λαιψηρὰ πόδας καὶ γούνατ’ ἐνώμα.

But where he applies it to Paris, immediately after the conclusion of

the noble passage he subjoins (Il. vi. 512.),

ὣς υἱὸς Πριάμοιο Πάρις κατὰ Περγάμου ἄκρης

τεύχεσι παμφαίνων, ὥστ’ ἠλέκτωρ, ἐβεβήκει.

What is the meaning of ἠλέκτωρ? It is commonly taken as equivalent to

ἠλέκτωρ Ὑπερίων, which means the Sun. I cannot but believe that Homer

means by it to signify the cock, called in Greek ἀλέκτωρ. The ἠλέκτωρ

Ὑπερίων, is used as a simile for Achilles; and it would be much against

the manner of Homer to use the same simile for a Trojan, and that

Trojan Paris. Whereas by the strut of the cock he may mean to reduce

and modify the effect of the noble figure of the stall-horse.

~_Beauty of the Greek chiefs and nation._~

Achilles, who is not only the bravest but by far the most powerful man

of the host, is also by far the most beautiful; and the very strongest

terms are used to describe the impression which his appearance produced

on Priam amidst the profoundest sorrow[752];

[752] Il. xxiv. 629.

θαύμαζ’ Ἀχιλῆα,

ὅσσος ἔην, οἷός τε· θεοῖσι γὰρ ἄντα ἐῴκει.

It may be doubted, whether any other Poet would have ventured to

combine the highest and most delicate beauty, with a strength and size

approaching the superhuman. It was requisite for Achilles, as the

ideal man, not only to want no great human gift, but also to have in

unmatched degrees whatever gifts he possessed. The beauty of Achilles

is the true counterpart to the ugliness and deformity of Thersites.

It appertains to the character of Ulysses, who comes next to Achilles,

that he too should not be wanting in any thing that pertains to the

excellence of human nature; while completeness and manifoldness is

the specific character of his endowments, as unparalleled splendour

is of those possessed by Achilles. Ulysses[753], therefore, is also

beautiful. Again, the office and function of Agamemnon require him

to be an object capable of attracting admiration and reverence. He,

accordingly, is of remarkable beauty, but of the kind of beauty that

has in it most of dignity[754];

[753] Od. xiii. 430-3.

[754] Il. iii. 169.

καλὸν δ’ οὕτω ἐγὼν οὔπω ἴδον ὀφθαλμοῖσιν,

οὐδ’ οὕτω γεραρόν.

Homer never absolutely withholds beauty from any of his Greek heroes,

yet he does not always expressly state that they possessed it. This

endowment is, for instance, never given to Diomed, but it is ascribed

to Ajax in the Eleventh Odyssey[755];

[755] Od. xi. 469.

ὃς ἄριστος ἔην εἶδός τε, δέμας τε,

τῶν ἄλλων Δαναῶν, μετ’ ἀμύμονα Πηλείωνα.

It is probably because Diomed equals Ajax in chivalry, and very far

excels him in mental gifts, that Homer has thrown weight into the scale

of Ajax by assigning to him expressly, while he is silent about Diomed,

the gift of a beautiful person.

As with individuals, so does Homer deal with masses. It may be observed

that he has a lower class of epithets for the Trojans than the Greeks,

and never allows them the benefit of the same national designations.

Individual beauty in men is confined on both sides to the higher ranks;

but no Trojan, however beautiful, is ever honoured with the title

of ξανθός. Again, while he never gives to the Trojans as a body any

epithet which describes them as possessed of beauty, he has assigned

several expressions of this order to the Greek race. Such are the

epithets καρηκομόωντες and ἑλίκωπες, and the phrase εἶδος ἀγητοὶ, (Il.

v. 787. viii. 228.)

~_Beauty of Nireus and others._~

We have yet to examine how far Homer makes beauty a title to

distinguished notice on behalf of those who have no other claim. The

passage in the Catalogue, where Nireus is named[756], is highly curious

with reference to this part of the subject. It is as follows:

[756] Il. ii. 671-5.

Νιρεὺς αὖ Σύμηθεν ἄγε τρεῖς νῆας ἐΐσας,

Νιρεὺς, Ἀγλαΐης υἱὸς Χαρόποιό τ’ ἄνακτος,

Νιρεὺς, ὃς κάλλιστος ἀνὴρ ὑπὸ Ἴλιον ἦλθεν

τῶν ἄλλων Δαναῶν, μετ’ ἀμύμονα Πηλείωνα·

ἀλλ’ ἀλαπαδνὸς ἔην, παῦρος δέ οἱ εἵπετο λαός.

These five lines form the largest of the merely personal descriptions

contained in the Catalogue. Yet they are given to a man, of whom we are

frankly told that he was a poor creature, and that he had but a small

following. Even this does not show the whole strength of the case.

1. His ships were only three: no other commander, having so few, is

named at all. The next smallest number is seven: these were the vessels

of Philoctetes, and they seem to be named on account of his peculiar

history and great merit.

2. This is the only instance, in which the contingent supplied by a

single and wholly insignificant place is named by itself.

3. This is also one among very few cases of an ordinary birth, where

the mother (Aglaïe) is named as well as the father (Charopos): the

others are usually cases of reputed descent from deities or heroes.

4. The names given to both parents are taken from their personal

beauty. They thus enhance the title of the son; and, as we cannot well

suppose them connected with history, they were probably invented by the

Poet for that purpose.

5. The repetition of the name of Nireus thrice, and in each case at

the beginning of the verse, the most prominent and emphatic part of it

according to the genius of the Greek hexameter, is plainly intentional.

6. All this care is taken in the most ingenious manner to mark a man,

who did nothing to enable Homer to name him in any other part of the

Iliad.

One and one only key is to be found, which will lay open the cause of

these singular provisions: it is Homer’s intense love of beauty, which

made it in his eyes of itself a title to celebrity. So he determined,

apparently, that the paragon of form should be immortal; and he has

given effect to his determination, for no reader of the Iliad can pass

by the place without remembering Nireus.

In a less marked manner, he has given a kindred emphasis to the case

of Nastes, who wore golden ornaments, and therefore was presumably of

strikingly handsome person. With his brother Amphimachus he commanded

the Carians, and his name is mentioned thrice (but that of his brother

twice only), together with the fact that he wore gold like a girl[757].

[757] Il. ii. 867.

There is something, as it appears to me, most tender and refined, in

this mode used by Homer of fastening attention through repetition of

the word, which he wishes gently but firmly to stamp upon the memory.

We have another instance of it in Il. xxii. 127,

ἅτε παρθένος ἠΐθεός τε,

παρθένος ἠΐθεός τ’ ὀαρίζετον ἀλλήλοιϊν.

There is yet another passage which affords a striking proof of what

may be called the worship of beauty in Homer. In the Seventeenth

Iliad, Euphorbus, the son of Panthoos, falls by the hand of Menelaus.

Homer gives him great credit for charioteering, the use of the spear,

and other accomplishments; but he performs no other feat in the poem

than that of wounding in the back the disarmed, and astounded, and

heaven-deserted Patroclus. At best, we must call him a very secondary

personage. Though his personal comeliness was not defaced like that

of Paris by cowardice or vice, still he was of the same race that in

Italy has taken its name from Zerbino. Yet Homer adorns his death with

a notice, perhaps more conspicuous than any which he has attached to

the death of any warriors of the Iliad, with the exceptions of Hector,

Sarpedon, and Patroclus. Ten of the most beautiful lines of the poem

are bestowed in lamenting him, chiefly by an unsurpassed simile, which

compares the youth to a tender olive shoot, the victim, when its

blossoms are overcharged with moisture, of a sudden hurricane. The Poet

was moved to this tenderness by the remembrance of his beauty, of his

hair, like the hair of the Graces, in its tresses bound with golden and

silver clasps[758].

[758] Il. xvii. 50-60. Compare the sympathizing account of the death of

the _young_ bridegroom Iphidamas (Il. xi. 241-3).

~_Beauty placed among the prime gifts._~

Although it is true that Homer eschews with respect to beauty, as well

as in other matters, the didactic mode of conveying his impressions,

yet he has placed them distinctly on record in the answer of Ulysses to

Euryalus. Speaking not at all of women, but of men, he places the gift

of personal beauty among the prime endowments that can be received from

the providence of the gods, in a rank to which only two other gifts are

admitted, namely, the power of thought (νόος or φρένες), and the power

of speech (ἀγορητύς). In the idea of personal beauty, conveyed under

the names εἶδος, μορφὴ, and χάρις, evidently included vigour and power,

for it is to his supposed incapacity for athletic exercises[759], that

the discourse has reference. Nor can it be said, that this full and

large appreciation by Homer of the value of bodily excellence, was

simply a worldly or a pagan, as opposed to a Christian, view.

[759] Od. viii. 167-77.

It is not true, on the one hand, that when we cease to entertain

sufficiently elevated views of the destiny and prerogatives of the

soul, our standard for the body rises either in proportion or at all.

Nor is it true, on the other, that when we think highly of the soul,

we ought in consequence to think meanly of the body, which is both its

tabernacle and its helpmate. In truth, a somewhat sickly cast seems

to have come over our tone of thought now for some generations back,

the product, perhaps, in part of careless or emasculated teaching

in the highest matters, and due also in part to the overcrowding of

the several functions of our life. But Homer distinctly realized to

himself what we know faintly or scarce at all, though nothing is more

emphatically or conspicuously taught by our religion, namely, that the

body is part and parcel of the integer denominated man.

But the quality of measure ran in rare proportion through all the

conceptions of the Poet. Stature was a great element of beauty in the

view of the ancients for women as well as for men: and their admiration

of tallness, even in women, is hardly restrained by a limit. But

Homer, who frequently touches the point, has provided a limit. Among

the Læstrygonians, the women are of enormous size. Two of the crew of

Ulysses, sent forward to make inquiries, are introduced to the queen.

They find her ‘as big as a mountain,’ and are disgusted at her[760]:

[760] Od. x. 112.

τὴν δὲ γυναῖκα

εὗρον ὅσην τ’ ὄρεος κορυφὴν, κατὰ δ’ ἔστυγον αὐτήν.

The large humanity of Homer is also manifested, among other signs, by

his sympathy with high qualities in the animal creation. There is no

passage of deeper pathos in all his works, not Andromache with her

child, not Priam before Achilles, than that which recounts the death

of the dog Argus[761]. The words too are so calm and still, they seem

to grow faint and fainter, each foot of the verse falls as if it were

counting out the last respirations, and, in effect, we witness that

last slight and scarcely fluttering breath, with which life is yielded

up:

[761] Od. xvii. 327.

Ἄργον δ’ αὖ κατὰ Μοῖρ’ ἔλαβεν μέλανος θανάτοιο,

αὐτίκ’ ἰδόντ’ Ὀδυσῆα, ἐεικοστῷ ἐνιαυτῷ.

We may also trace the same sympathy in minor forms. As, for

instance, where he says Telemachus went to the Ithacan assembly not

unattended[762]:

[762] Od. ii. 10.

βῆ ῥ’ ἴμεν εἰς ἀγορὴν, παλάμῃ δ’ ἔχε χάλκεον ἔγχος,

οὐκ οἶος.

We are certainly prepared to hear that some adviser, either divine or

at the least human, some friend or faithful servant, was by his side:

but no--it is simply that some dogs went with him:

ἅμα τῷγε κύνες πόδας ἀργοὶ ἕποντο.

There is no sign, however, that Homer attached the peculiar idea of

beauty to the race of dogs in any remarkable degree. Indeed, it is only

in certain breeds that the dog can be called by comparison a beautiful

animal. What he always commends is their swiftness; and Homer’s ideas

of beauty were nowhere more lively than in regard to motion. But we see

the Poet’s feeling for form much more characteristically displayed in

the case to which we shall now proceed.

~_Beauty in animals, especially horses._~

Among other inferences which the poems raise in respect to Homer

himself, it can hardly be doubted that he was a great lover of horses,

and felt their beauty, partially in colour, much more in form, and in

movement most of all.

This was quite in keeping with the habits of his country and his race.

Both the Trojans and the Greeks appear not only to have employed horses

in such uses as war, journeys, races, and agricultural labour, but to

have given attention to developing the breeds and points of the animal.

In his Catalogue, Homer, at the close, invokes the Muse to inform him

which were the best of the horses, as well as of the heroes, on the

Greek side. He constantly uses epithets both for Trojans and Greeks

connected with their successful care and training of the animal:

εὔιππος, εὔπωλος, ταχύπωλος, ἱππόδαμος.

He not only treasures the traditions connected with the animal, but

treats them as a part of history. Accordingly, when Diomed desires

Sthenelus to make sure of the horses of Æneas he carefully proceeds to

state, that it is because their sires were of the race that Jupiter

gave to Tros. To them Anchises, without the knowledge of their owner

Laomedon, brought his own mares, and so obtained a progeny of six:

of whom he kept four himself, and gave two to his son Æneas (Il. v.

265-73) that he might take them to Troy.

Nay he goes back further yet: where, except in Homer, should we find a

tradition like that of the mares of Erichthonius, fetched from a time

five generations before his subject? Their children had Boreas for

their sire. Three thousand mothers ranged over the plains of the Troad,

and made their lord the wealthiest of men. So light was their footstep,

that if they skimmed the sea it touched the tips only of the curling

foam; and if they raced over the cornfield, the ripe ears sustained

their tread without one being broken[763].

[763] Il. xx. 220-9.

~_As to movement, form, and colour._~

In other places Homer describes with no less of sympathetic emotion the

vivid and fiery movements of the animal. The most remarkable of all is

the noble simile of the stall-kept horse, whom every reader seems to

see as with proud head and flowing mane, when he feels his liberty, he

scours the boundless pastures.

That adaptation, or effort at adaptation, of sound to sense, which with

poets in general (always excepting especially Dante and Shakespeare,)

is a sign that they have applied their whole force to careful

elaboration, is with Homer only a proof of a fuller and deeper flow

of his sympathies: wherever we find it, we may be sure that his whole

heart is in the passage. In this very simile how admirable is the

transition from the fine stationary verse that describes the charger’s

customary bathe,

εἰωθὼς λούεσθαι ἐϋρρεῖος ποταμοῖο,

to his rapid and easy bounding over the plain, when every dactyl marks

a spring[764];

[764] Il. vi. 511.

ῥίμφα ἑ γοῦνα φέρει μετά τ’ ἤθεα καὶ νόμον ἵππων.

For this adaptation of metre to sense in connection with the movement

of horses, we may take another example. To describe Agamemnon dealing

destruction among the routed Trojans on foot, we have a line and a half

of somewhat accelerated but by no means very rapid movement[765];

[765] Il. xi. 158.

ὣς ἄρ’ ὑπ’ Ἀτρείδῃ Ἀγαμέμνονι πῖπτε κάρηνα

Τρώων φευγόντων.

But when he comes to the Trojan horses in their flight, we have two

lines, dactylic to the utmost extent that the metre will allow, except

in one half-foot;

πολλοὶ δ’ ἐριαύχενες ἵπποι

κείν’ ὄχεα κροτάλιζον ἀνὰ πτολέμοιο γεφύρας,

ἡνιόχους ποθέοντες ἀμύμονας.

Then, coming back to the dead charioteers, he visibly slackens again;

οἱ δ’ ἐπὶ γαίῃ

κείατο, γύπεσσιν πολὺ φίλτεροι ἢ ἀλόχοισιν.

To exhibit numerically the relative distribution of times in these

members of the sentence, we have these three very different proportions;

In the first, 13 long syllables to 8 short.

In the second, 16 long syllables to 22 short.

In the third, 11 long syllables to 10 short.

He has imparted much of the same glowing movement to the speech,

which in the Nineteenth Iliad is assigned to the Immortal horses of

Achilles; though the subject includes a reference to the death of their

master[766]. In nearly every line, throughout the passage, that relates

to their own motion, the number of dactyls is at the maximum, and in

the ten lines there are eighty-six short syllables to sixty long ones;

a proportion, which I doubt our finding elsewhere in Homer, except it

be among the similes, to which Homer seems in many cases to give a

peculiarly elastic prosodial movement.

[766] Il. xix. 408-17.

Rhesus, king of the Thracians, who arrives at Troy after the

commencement of the Wrath, becomes sufficiently distinguished for the

central point of interest in the Doloneia, by virtue chiefly of his

horses. They are the most beautiful, says Dolon, and the largest that

I have ever seen[767];

[767] Il. x. 437.

λευκότεροι χιόνος, θείειν δ’ ἀνέμοισιν ὁμοῖοι.

The justice of this panegyric is corroborated by the emphatic

expression of Nestor, who pronounces them,

αἰνῶς ἀκτίνεσσιν ἐοικότες ἠελίοιο·

and their unparalleled excellence forms the subject of the speech of

the old king, on the return of Ulysses and Diomed to the camp[768].

[768] Il. x. 544-53.

It is not only, however, in elaborate pictures that Homer shows his

feeling for horses, but also, and not less markedly, in minor touches.

Does he not speak with the manifest feeling of a skilled admirer of the

animal, when he describes the pair driven by Eumelus, rapid as birds,

the same in shade of colour, the same in years, the same to a hair’s

breadth in height across their backs[769]?

[769] Il. ii. 764.

ποδώκεας, ὄρνιθας ὣς,

ὄτριχας, οἰέτεας, σταφύλῃ ἐπὶ νῶτον ἐΐσας.

Again, we are met by the same feeling which, in a bolder flight, made

the horses of Rhesus weep, when Pandarus falls headlong from the

chariot of Æneas, and his arms rattle over him in death. The horses,

instead of plunging or starting off, with a finer feeling tremble by

the corpse[770];

[770] Il. v. 295.

παρέτρεσσαν δέ οἱ ἵπποι

ὠκύποδες.

We may trace the same disposition, under a lighter and more amusing

form, in what had already passed between Æneas and Pandarus. Pandarus

had excused himself for not having brought a chariot and horses to

Troy, on account of his fears about finding forage for them where

such crowds were to be gathered into a small space; at the same time

describing, rather boastfully, his father Lycaon’s eleven carriages

with a pair for each. (Il. v. 192-203.) Æneas replies by inviting him

into his chariot when he will see what Trojan horses are like. Then, he

continues, do you fight, and I will drive; or, as you may choose, do

you drive, and I will fight. Pandarus immediately replies, that Æneas

had better by all means be the driver of his own horses.

Then again, Homer will have the utmost care taken of them; and, so to

speak, he looks to it himself. When he describes them as unemployed, he

specifies their food; those of Achilles during the Wrath stand[771],

[771] Il. ii. 776.

λωτὸν ἐρεπτόμενοι ἐλεόθρεπτόν τε σέλινον.

Studies on Homer and the Homeric Age, Vol. 3 of 3 I. Agorè: Polities of the Homeric Age. II. Ilios: Trojans and Greeks Compared. III. Thalassa: The Outer Geography. IV. Aoidos: Some Points of the Poetry of Homer. · 第 59 / 85 题