CHAPTER VI.

IMAGES AND THE MASS ABOLISHED.

(8TH TO 11TH AUGUST 1535.)

The Reformation protested against a ritualistic and meritorious worship;

against the multiplicity of feasts, consecrations, ecclesiastical usages

and customs; against any adoration whatever rendered to creatures,

images, and relics; against the invocation of mediators who usurped the

function of the Son of God; lastly, and chiefly, against a pretended

expiatory sacrifice, effected by the priests, which was substituted for

the only sacrifice offered by Jesus Christ.

[Sidenote: CHANTS OF THE PRIESTS.]

All these human vanities were about to disappear. Farel and his friends

waited for the reformatory ordinance; but the ardent huguenots, among

whom Ami Perrin was the most active, became impatient at the perpetual

hesitations of the council. A chance event called forth an energetic

demonstration on their part. The same Sunday (8th August) in the

afternoon at vespers, the canons, assembling again in their church,

chanted the Psalm _In exitu Israël_, 'When Israel went out of

Egypt,'[563] and, with the utmost simplicity, repeated in Latin what

Farel had said in the morning in French:

Simulacra gentium argentum et aurum,

Opera manuum hominum.

Os habent et non loquentur.

Oculos habent et non videbunt.

Similes illis fiant qui faciunt ea

Et omnes qui confidunt in illis.[564]

The canons could not have chosen a fitter text. Some huguenots, who knew

Latin better perhaps than they did, smiled and called out: 'Ho there,

you priests, you curse in your chants those who made the images and

trusted in them, and yet you allow them to remain.' They restrained

themselves, however, for the moment. The magistrates continued

repeating, 'There is no need to abolish the mass and images; else very

formidable princes will be to you like ravening wolves rushing upon

sheep.'[565]

A very extraordinary thing occurred at this moment. Nobody was willing

to begin the work and yet it was accomplished. 'God,' said the

reformers, 'who holds the world in his hand, loves to choose the

contemptible rather than what is great and apparent.' In fact, it was a

mischievous jest of some children which dealt the first blow. 'For this

work,' says Froment, 'God stirred up a score of little boys.' These

children had often heard the priests, and their errors and abuses spoken

of; and their parents had added that it was time they were ended. They

slipped into St. Pierre's; stopped and listened, and were struck with

the strange intonations of the canons. Making their way towards a part

of the church remote from that in which the reverend fathers were

chanting, they began to play like boys of their age, 'while nobody

thought anything about it,' says the chronicler. They commenced singing

and shouting in imitation of the canons' voices. Presently they lifted

up the seats of the low stalls, on which the reverend fathers used to

sit when they were not engaged in the service, and let them fall with a

noise. Everybody knows the fondness little boys have for amusements of

this kind. They gambolled about, but in their games there was a certain

opposition to the worship which their fathers condemned. The petulance

of their age carried them away. They saw in a corner certain things that

resembled dolls; they could not resist their desire to take them; and

catching hold of the 'priests' mannikins,'[566] as Froment calls them,

they began to toss to one another the small grotesque figures with which

the chapels were decorated.

[Sidenote: THE IMAGES BROKEN.]

At this moment Perrin, Goulay, and their friends, attracted perhaps by

the noise, entered the cathedral. They saw that the great execution had

begun; children were beforehand with them. Passion and impulse carried

them away. They knew that it was the province of the government only to

work out a reform; but when the government hangs back from its duty,

what is to be done? 'We have petitioned the council to pull down the

idols,' they said; 'and it has not done so for want of courage. Let us

then come to its help and do what God commands.' At once the daring

citizens, going farther than the children, penetrated into the choir

where the priests were singing, and the latter asked in alarm what these

laymen were going to do. 'On a sudden,' says the chronicler, 'Perrin and

his companions threw the idols to the ground and broke them.' The

children who saw this began to run about and 'jump upon those little

gods.' Taking up the pieces, they ran to the door with glee, and called

to the people collected in front of the church: 'Here are the gods of

the priests, will you have a piece?' At the same time they threw the

fragments among the crowd. There was great confusion. The wiser heads

ineffectually argued that this work of reform should be left to the

council; those huguenots had no doubts as to their duty. If the

magistrates were unwilling to have the images destroyed, the Bible

commands it. 'The sun is now rising,' they said, 'and scattering

throughout Christendom the dense clouds that obscure the religion of

Jesus Christ.'

The order of things in the middle ages was indeed incompatible with the

new wants of society. Later, in the time of Calvin, after the first

victory had been gained, it was important to establish Christian

doctrine and to constitute Christian society; but now it was the time of

Farel. It was necessary to appeal to the spirit of liberty and to the

energetic development of the will—this a conservative writer has

acknowledged[567]—a necessity in the first ages at the time of the

establishment of Christianity; it was no less a necessity in the

sixteenth century. The powers that had invaded the Church were so

tenacious that the labor necessary to pull them down was a work of

revolution and of war. The moral fact was the same at the epoch of these

two great dispensations. Whoever applauds the axe which shattered the

colossal statue of Serapis at Alexandria,[568] cannot blame that which

threw down the images of a corrupt worship in the temples of Geneva.

Great was the sorrow felt by the devotees during that execution; they

seemed looking at the fall of the papacy itself. Some who had remained

in the church contemplated the heart-rending spectacle from afar.

Foolish women of the city, says Froment, began to weep and to groan.

'Alas! our good saints, our sacred images (they said) before which we

used to kneel!... Whom shall we adore now?'—and they 'cursed those dogs

(_cagnes_).'

A new and still more striking act increased the wrath of the priests and

that of their partisans. Of all the Romish dogmas there was none which

more disgusted the huguenots than transubstantiation. To affirm it (they

maintained) was to presume that Jesus Christ, man and God, was

transformed into a little cake. And hence a French refugee, Maigret,

surnamed the Magnificent, a man without pity for Roman errors, having

found some wafers in the church, threw them upon the ground; his dog,

who followed him, sprang upon them and ate them up. 'Now if these little

cakes had been real gods,' said the pitiless Maigret, 'they would not

have allowed themselves to be eaten by that beast.'[569] No one has

combated the doctrine of transubstantiation more vigorously than Calvin,

but he would not have approved of such a rude mode of acting; later, he

expressly condemned it. 'Let us not take too great license,' he said.

[Sidenote: HUGUENOT DISCOVERIES.]

The horror of the priests knew no bounds; they ran out of the church,

hastened to the hôtel-de-ville, and described to the council the violent

scenes that had just taken place. The syndics, irritated because the

huguenots had despised their orders, sent two of their number to the

cathedral—Antoine Chiquand and Ami Bandière. They were 'much excited,'

shouting and threatening 'those who had done this.' But the reformed

were not inclined to give way. They had made strange discoveries. Some

who had begun to search after the famous arm of St. Anthony—upon which,

in important cases, oaths used to be made with the ringing of bells and

great pomp, found—not the arm of the saint, but the limb of a stag.

Others, opening the precious shrine which inclosed the head of St.

Peter, brought out a piece of pumice-stone instead of the skull. 'See,'

they exclaimed, showing these objects to the surrounding crowd, 'see

what the priests used to make us worship.' This gave another direction

to the indignation of the delegates from the council, and one of them,

disgusted at such mean frauds, said to the other: 'If the gods of the

priests are true gods, let them defend themselves. As for us we can do

no more.' The huguenots, wishing to make these scandals known to the

people, put the pumice-stone and the stag's bone under magnificent

canopies, and prepared to carry these precious relics of an apostle and

a saint all round the city. The novel procession attracted an immense

crowd, and the disgusting falsehoods, of which it was a proof, opened

the eyes of the most obstinate. 'Now we know,' they said, 'the value of

the priests' words! They made us pay five florins for the ceremony; they

pretended that if any one made a false oath, the saint would wither up

his hand. All that was only to frighten and plunder us.' Every one began

to despise a clergy who, for so many ages, had thus played upon the good

faith of the people. An old writer has said: '_Justæ quibus est

iræ_.'[570] 'Woe unto the Scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites!'[571]

In the evening, a certain number of citizens met together after supper,

when the more excited 'proposed that they should make the round of the

other churches and throw down the idols everywhere.'—'No,' replied the

wiser ones, 'not now; if we did it at so late an hour, folks would say,

as they did of old at Pentecost, that we are _full of new wine_. Let us

wait until to-morrow morning.'[572] This was the general opinion.

The next day, Monday the 9th of August, early in the morning, the drum

beat in the streets. Some people asked 'Whether there was any alarm of

the enemy.'—'Make yourselves easy,' they answered; 'it is only a fight

against Rome and her idols.' Everything was conducted with order: the

citizens were drawn up in their companies. Baudichon de la Maisonneuve,

Pierre Vandel, and Ami Perrin, who were the three captains of the city,

put themselves at their head, and then they all marched with drums

beating to the church of St. Gervais. It was not a tumultuous band, but

the majority of the people advancing under the orders of their regular

captains. None of those citizens had the least doubt as to the

lawfulness of his proceedings. The new crusade, like that of Peter the

Hermit, was accomplished to the cry of—_It is the will of God!_

[Sidenote: SCANDALS AT ST. GERVAIS'.]

There were at St. Gervais' scandals still greater than at St. Pierre's.

The priests, to procure money, pretended that St. Nazaire, St. Celsus,

and St. Pantaleon were buried under the high altar. When a poor woman

approached, she heard a confused noise.[573] 'It is the voices of the

holy bodies,' said the priests, 'praying to be taken up and canonized;

but that requires a large sum of money.' Others related how at the dead

of night small luminous creatures were often seen moving about the

cemetery. 'They are souls from purgatory,' explained the ecclesiastics;

'they wander about here and there asking for masses for their

deliverance.' Certain persons, wishing to learn the truth, crept one

night into the cemetery, caught some of those poor souls, and found that

they were—crabs, with small wax tapers lighted and fastened on their

backs.[574] Frivolous men laughed, but serious men, seeing to what

guilty manœuvres the priests had been driven by the love of gain, were

seized with horror. 'Avarice so excites them,' said Calvin one day,

'that there is nothing they will not try, how bad soever it may

be—treacheries, frauds innumerable, hatreds, poisonings—as soon as the

gleam of silver or gold has dazzled their eyes.'

The three captains and their companies, having reached the church, began

by exploring the vault where the three saints groaned, and discovered

the trick. They found under the altar two earthen vessels connected by a

tube, and pierced with holes like those in an organ-pipe, so that the

least noise over the vessels produced the effect of organ-bellows, and

caused a sound like the indistinct murmur of persons talking.[575] 'The

poor papists could not believe it.'—'No!' they said; 'it is St. Nazaire,

St. Celsus, and St. Pantaleon.'—'Come and see then,' answered the

reformers. They came and saw, and 'some of them from that hour refused

to believe any more in such abuses.'[576]

[Sidenote: MIRACLES AT ST. DOMINIC'S.]

The judgment having been accomplished at St. Gervais, the three captains

turned their steps towards the church of St. Dominic, one of the chief

sanctuaries of popery between the Jura and the Alps. Great miracles were

worked there: the huguenots called them 'great swindles.' A beautiful

image adorned in a costly manner, and representing Our Lady, stood in

the church, and had the power (it was said) of calling back to life the

children who had died without baptism. Poor people came to Geneva from

all the country round, with their lifeless little children, and laid

them on the altar before the image. Then a feather placed on the

infant's mouth flew into the air, or else the cheeks flushed with red:

sometimes the child perspired. The spectators cried out: 'A miracle!'

'The child is resuscitated' (_revicoullé_), said the monks. Immediately

the bells rang, the child was christened, and then buried. 'The child

had never been restored alive to its father or mother,' said the

huguenots, 'and yet they had to pay dearly for it.' The citizens lifted

up the altar and found two machines under it: on one side were certain

instruments in which they blew to make the child breathe, and on the

other some stones which were heated to make the child turn color or

perspire. An ointment with which they had smeared it became soft, and

gave a certain hue to its flesh. 'Really,' exclaimed the Genevans,

'those who believe such clumsy absurdities ought to have been

converted—into blocks!' Henceforth Our Lady ceased to work

miracles.[577]

The band of reformers, having passed to the refectory, found there a

carving representing a big fat woman at a table cutting up a large pie,

with monks seated round her. Beneath were these words from psalm

cxxxiii., _Behold, how good and how pleasant it is for brethren to dwell

together in unity!_ At this moment Farel came up: 'Is it thus, my

fathers,' he said, 'that you interpret Holy Scripture? Have you not

jeered enough at men, but you must jeer also at the Word of God? By what

right do you adapt it to your gluttony?' 'Alas!' exclaimed the monks,

'excuse us; you have come too late to make us renounce our good

customs.'[578]

Meanwhile some huguenots had stopped before another piece of sculpture,

at which they were quite amazed. At the top they saw a devil with seven

heads: from the devil issued the pope with his triple crown; from the

pope issued the cardinals; from the cardinals the bishops, monks, and

priests ... and below them was a burning furnace representing hell. The

reformed Genevans were astonished to find in a convent of St. Dominic a

satire upon the papacy, more cutting than all that they had ever

imagined.[579]

The three captains and their companies arrived at last near the Arve,

where stood the church of Notre Dame; but the syndic, informed of what

was going on, arrived at the same time, and wishing to save a famous

picture of the Virgin, had it carried before them to the hôtel-de-ville.

There was no lack of raillery; people asked if they were going to work

miracles with the picture? and they were compelled to burn it in the

great hall to escape the jokes that were showered upon them.

The campaign was over; the citizens returned to their homes; the

Christian conscience approved of their work. The suppression of so many

shameful frauds—was it not ordered in heaven? From that day mass was

sung no longer in any of the churches.[580] The action of the citizens

was more than a popular movement: the Reform was strengthened by it. No

one would have condemned the vile tricks of the priests more than the

honest and brave Luther. Yet Luther, putting specially in the foreground

the great doctrine of man's justification by faith, thundered against

indulgences and other pretended good works, but tolerated images; while

Zwingle, Farel, and Calvin, regarding especially God, His glory, and His

grace, protested against every apotheosis of the creature, against all

paganism, and particularly against all images in the Lord's temple. Here

then was a characteristic difference between Lutheranism and the Reform.

Great was the sorrow and anger of the priests. Gathered round the ruins

of what they had adored, some remained silent while others uttered cries

of horror. The threats of the clergy were such that the alarmed council

that very day called the three captains before them, and asked if they

intended to obey orders. 'Certainly,' they replied; 'we destroyed the

images, because they were set up contrary to God's Word.' The syndics,

struck with the firmness of those men, summoned the council of Two

Hundred for the next day.[581]

The next day was the 10th of August, a memorable day which was to decide

the destiny of Geneva. There was great agitation throughout the city.

Some of the friends of Rome still hoped, trusting in the antiquity of

their forms and traditions; but the reformed believed the cause of the

Reformation gained, since there was on its side God, His Word, and the

majority of the citizens and of the councils. The two hundred senators

having taken their place, and many other persons of note sitting near

them, Farel appeared, accompanied by Pierre Viret, Jacques Bernard, and

several laymen. His slight appearance, his complexion tanned by the sun,

and his red beard, so dreaded by the priests, had nothing imposing; but

there was in that man a heart burning with love for Christ's Gospel, and

from those thick lips flowed streams of masculine eloquence which

carried away all hearers. He advanced firm and sure of the victory of

the Reformation. It is written: _Whatsoever is born of God overcometh

the world. Fear not._ There was much talking and agitation in the

assembly: the men who composed it had a presentiment of great things;

they felt the importance of the crisis, and, full of anxiety about what

would happen, fixed their eyes on Farel.

[Sidenote: FAREL BEFORE THE COUNCIL.]

Silence having been proclaimed, the reformer, holding the minutes of the

disputation in his hand, began to speak, and selected as the principal

points of the debate the worship of images and the sacrifice of the

mass. He reminded them 'that most of those who demanded their

maintenance had abstained from appearing; that others had not been able

to defend them, and that many had rejected them. 'Why,' he exclaimed,

'should not all embrace the Gospel? We are ready, my colleagues and I,

not only to make a public confession, but (if necessary) to sprinkle it

with our blood.' Then addressing the council directly, and raising his

'voice of thunder,' says a Roman-catholic author, he called upon the

assembly to deliver a judgment that should give glory to God. 'What!'

said he: 'the dominion of the papacy is falling, and would you lift your

hands to support what God is overthrowing? Will you always halt between

two opinions? If the pope really utters oracles, listen to him; but if

the voice we hear in Scripture is God's voice, do what it ordains.'—Here

Farel stopped: he felt the importance of the decision that was about to

be taken, and a profound emotion came over him. Lifting his hands

towards heaven, he exclaimed: 'O God! enlighten this council, make it

understand that Thy glory and the salvation of all this people are

concerned; humble the loud boasting of the priests,[582] and make Thy

cause triumph.' This 'earnest prayer,' as a manuscript terms it, made a

deep impression upon all who heard it.

The deliberation began: it was calm, serious, thoughtful, and marked

with all the dignity such an important affair demanded. The most earnest

reformers would have liked the immediate cessation of popery in Geneva;

but the council thought it wiser to proceed slowly. As Farel had uttered

a new challenge against the priests, the premier syndic proposed to call

upon them to defend the mass and image-worship if they could. Meanwhile

it was ordered, that (not to offend the catholics) the pulling down of

images should be stopped, and that (not to offend the reformers) the

celebration of mass should cease. These resolutions passed almost

unanimously.[583]

But Rome was already vanquished and the friends of the reformed were

eager to prove it. A layman stood up and said: 'You call up the priests,

but I am much afraid there is not one left in the city. They are all

thinking of running away and carrying off the church treasures. Why

should we always temporize? The reform of the abuses which disfigured

religion, far from damaging its existence, will restore it to itself,

just as washing a smeared and dirty picture restores it to its primitive

condition. That bishop, those priests, those citizens who run away, are

not the Church, they are only deserters.' The council resolved

unanimously that the Romish priests who fled were not carrying the

Church of Geneva with them, and ordered an inventory to be taken of all

ecclesiastical property. The sitting then broke up.[584]

[Sidenote: CONFISCATION OF CHURCH PROPERTY.]

The mass was suppressed: this was an enormous step. The abolition of the

mass was the abolition of popery. The reform was immediately carried

into execution. The next day (11th August) a formal order was issued

'neither to sing nor to say mass' in the city of Geneva. The frightened

priests obeyed: they drew in their horns, they hid themselves, and took

good care not to permit the least chant to be heard. Ere long there was

a new trouble. They saw the commissioners of the council enter the

churches and draw up an inventory of the furniture, jewels, and

ecclesiastical property. With downcast eyes and silent lips, the

ministers of Rome beheld the disappearance of the fine portraits, pyxes,

chalices, and other precious works, which were removed to a place of

safety beyond the reach of dilapidation. They were valued at more than

ten thousand crowns. From that day no Roman service was celebrated in

the city. There was not to be found among the clergy one of those

enthusiastic souls who rush into the midst of danger to uphold and to

proclaim their faith.

These bold acts were not, however, accomplished without a murmur. The

populace generally was for the Roman worship, and some opposition cries

were heard. 'If the mass is no longer sung,' said some timid souls to

the syndics, 'the people may rise.'[585] 'Ah!' said some prudent men,

'if the mass is sung again, that would create a still greater

disturbance.' The council therefore maintained the prohibition. A few

catholics, faithful to the superstitions of ages, might be seen going at

the canonical hours into the silent churches, wandering like ghosts

through the deserted aisles, and shedding tears. Alas! there were no

more chants, no more prayers, no more masses, no more litanies, no more

incense! The priests and the organ—all were silent.

In those days of great alarm a few women only displayed any courage. 'We

will not strike our colors,' said the sisters of St. Claire. And in fact

they did hear the mass, but with closed doors and in low tones in the

middle of the choir, and sometimes, for greater security, in the

refectory. Zealous catholics went and knocked stealthily at the convent

gate and begged in a whisper to be admitted to the masses celebrated

without singing and without pomp. They joined in the service with

trembling: they pricked up their ears and were alarmed at the least

noise. This fidelity did not last long. Five days later, on the 5th of

August, the feast of the Assumption, the last communion took place. The

father-confessor and his companions, after saying mass timidly, stole

out of the city.[586]

[Sidenote: CHRIST, AND NOT CEREMONIES.]

While night was gradually stretching its veil over popery and its

followers, the sun rose higher upon the friends of the Holy Scriptures.

There were no more Latin chants, no more theatrical postures, sacerdotal

garments, pictures and incense; none of those practices pleasing to the

eye, to the ear, or to the smell, which had so long reigned in the

Church; but in their place Jesus Christ;—Christ, in the past, making

atonement on the cross for the sins of His people;—Christ, in the

present, always in the midst of His followers, vivifying, sanctifying,

and consoling their hearts. These Christian men had entered into the new

era of truth and charity, to which the reformers invited them. While the

councils were busy particularly with the maintenance of tranquillity;

while the great body sought only independence and liberty—precious

goods, but which cannot suffice—the small body of truly pious souls,

acknowledging the Son of God as the author of a new life, were decided

to follow wherever He should lead them.

The fall of the mass, which dates from the 10th of August, was regarded

by the reformed as a sign of victory, and the Genevan Church, adopting

this idea, celebrates every century in the month of August (reckoning

from 1535) the jubilee of its reformation. After three years of

struggles the first victory was gained; but a fourth year was to pass

away before the definitive establishment of the Reform. Let us therefore

continue our march until May 1536, and even until the arrival of Calvin.

[563] Psalms cxiv. and cxv. In the Vulgate cxiii.

[564] 'Their idols are silver and gold, the work of men's hands. They

have mouths but they speak not; eyes have they but they see not. They

that make them are like unto them, so is every one that trusteth in

them.'

[565] Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, p. 144.

[566] 'Les marmousets des prêtres.'

[567] M. Guizot.

[568] Sozomenes, vii. 15.

[569] Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, p. 146.

[570] Virgil, _Æneid_, x. 716.

But otherwise the troops, with hate inspired And _just revenge_,

against the tyrant _fired_.—Dryden.

[571] Matthew, xxiii. 14.

[572] Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, pp. 144-146.—Registres du Conseil du

8 Août 1535.

[573] 'Bonæ vetulæ mulieres solebant suos chapelettos, in eas quas

credebant ibidem esse sanctas reliquias, demergere.'—Registres du

Conseil du 8 Décembre 1535.

[574] Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, p. 149.

[575] 'Duo vasta terrea habebant vaginam seu conductum terreum de uno ad

alium; adeo ut vasa, sic sibi respondentia, resonarent ad modum murmuris

hominis.'—Registres du Conseil du 8 Août 1535.

[576] Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, p. 150.

[577] Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, p. 152.

[578] _Ibid._ p. 151.

[579] Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, p. 153. An engraving of this picture

is given in the edition of Froment published by M. Revilliod.

[580] Registres du Conseil du 9 Août 1535.

[581] Registres du Conseil du 9 Août 1535.

[582] 'Rabats le haut caquet des prêtres.'

[583] Registres du Conseil du 10 Août 1535.—MSC. Chouet.

[584] _Ibid._—Chronique de Roset, iii. ch. xxxvii.

[585] Registres du Conseil, ad annum.

[586] Jeanne de Jussie, _Commencement de l'Hérésie dans Genève_, pp.

144, 145.—Registres du Conseil des 10 et 12 Août.—Chron. MSC. de Roset.

History of the Reformation in Europe in the Time of Calvin, Vol. 5 (of 8) · 第 6 / 17 章