His summers were commonly spent at Nahant, then a simple and somewhat

primitive seaside spot, and his childhood was also largely passed in the

house in Brookline built by Colonel Perkins for his daughter. Elliot

Cabot went to school in Boston under the well-known teachers of that

day,—Thayer, Ingraham, and Leverett. When twelve years old, during the

absence of his parents in Europe, he was sent to a boarding-school

in Brookline, but spent Saturday and Sunday with numerous cousins at

the house of Colonel Perkins, their common grandfather, who lived in a

large and hospitable manner, maintaining an ampler establishment than

is to be found in the more crowded Boston of to-day. This ancestor was

a man of marked individuality, and I remember hearing from one of his

grandchildren an amusing account of the scene which occurred, on one

of these Sunday evenings, after the delivery of a total abstinence

sermon by the Rev. Dr. Channing, of whose parish Colonel Perkins was

one of the leading members. The whole theory of total abstinence was

then an absolute innovation, and its proclamation, which came rather

suddenly from Dr. Channing, impressed Colonel Perkins much as it might

have moved one of Thackeray’s English squires; insomuch that he had a

double allowance of wine served out that evening to each of his numerous

grandsons in place of their accustomed wineglass of diluted beverage, and

this to their visible disadvantage as the evening went on.

Elliot Cabot entered Harvard College in 1836 as Freshman, and though he

passed his entrance examinations well, took no prominent rank in his

class, but read all sorts of out-of-the-way books and studied natural

history. He was also an early reader of Carlyle’s “Sartor Resartus,”

then just published; and was, in general, quite disposed to pursue his

own course in mental culture. He belonged to the Hasty Pudding Club

and to the Porcellian Club, but spent much time with his classmates,

Henry Bryant and William Sohier, in shooting excursions, which had then

the charm of being strictly prohibited by the college. The young men

were obliged to carry their guns slung for concealment in two parts,

the barrels separated from the stock, under their cloaks, which were

then much worn instead of overcoats. This taste was strengthened by

the example of Cabot’s elder brother, afterwards Dr. Samuel Cabot, an

ornithologist; and as the latter was then studying medicine in Paris,

the young men used to send him quantities of specimens for purposes of

exchange. Dr. Henry Bryant is well remembered in Boston for the large

collection of birds given by him to the Boston Natural History Society.

Soon after his graduation, in 1840, Elliot Cabot went abroad with the

object of joining his elder brother in Switzerland, visiting Italy,

wintering in Paris, and returning home in the spring; but this ended

in his going for the winter to Heidelberg instead, a place then made

fascinating to all young Americans through the glowing accounts

in Longfellow’s “Hyperion.” They were also joined by two other

classmates,—Edward Holker Welch, afterwards well known in the Roman

Catholic priesthood, and John Fenwick Heath, of Virginia, well remembered

by the readers of Lowell’s letters. All of these four were aiming at

the profession of the law, although not one of them, I believe, finally

devoted himself to its practice. Migrating afterwards to Berlin, after

the fashion of German students, they were admitted to the University on

their Harvard degrees by Ranke, the great historian, who said, as he

inspected their parchments, “Ah! the High School at Boston!” which they

thought showed little respect for President Quincy’s parchment, until

they found that “Hoch Schule” was the German equivalent for University.

There they heard the lectures of Schelling, then famous, whom they found

to be a little man of ordinary appearance, old, infirm, and taking snuff

constantly, as if to keep himself awake. Later they again removed, this

time to Göttingen, where Cabot busied himself with the study of Kant,

and also attended courses in Rudolph Wagner’s laboratory. Here he shared

more of the social life of his companions, frequented their Liederkränze,

learned to fence and to dance, and spent many evenings at students’

festivals.

Cabot sums up his whole European reminiscences as follows: “As I look

back over my residence in Europe, what strikes me is the waste of time

and energy from having had no settled purpose to keep my head steady.

I seem to have been always well employed and happy, but I had been

indulging a disposition to mental sauntering, and the picking up of

scraps, very unfavorable to my education. I was, I think, naturally

inclined to hover somewhat above the solid earth of practical life, and

thus to miss its most useful lessons. The result, I think, was to confirm

me in the vices of my mental constitution and to cut off what chance

there was of my accomplishing something worth while.”

In March, 1843, he finally left Göttingen for home by way of Belgium and

England, and entered the Harvard Law School in the autumn, taking his

degree there two years later, in 1845. Renewing acquaintance with him

during this period, I found him to be, as always, modest and reticent in

manner, bearing unconsciously a certain European prestige upon him, which

so commanded the respect of a circle of young men that we gave him the

sobriquet of “Jarno,” after the well-known philosophic leader in Goethe’s

“Wilhelm Meister.” Whatever he may say of himself, I cannot help still

retaining somewhat of my old feeling about the mental training of the

man who, while in the Law School, could write a paper so admirable as

Cabot’s essay entitled “Immanuel Kant” (“Dial,” iv, 409), an essay which

seems to me now, as it then seemed, altogether the simplest and most

effective statement I have ever encountered of the essential principles

of that great thinker’s philosophy. I remember that when I told Cabot

that I had been trying to read Kant’s “Critique of Pure Reason” in an

English translation, but could not understand it, he placidly replied

that he had read it twice in German and had thought he comprehended it,

but that Meiklejohn’s translation was beyond making out, so that I need

not be discouraged.

After graduating from the Law School, he went for a year into a law

office in Boston, acting as senior partner to my classmate, Francis

Edward Parker, who, being a born lawyer, as Cabot was not, found it

for his own profit to sever the partnership at the end of a year,

while Cabot retired from the profession forever. His German training

had meanwhile made him well known to the leaders of a new literary

enterprise, originating with Theodore Parker and based upon a meeting

at Mr. Emerson’s house in 1849, the object being the organization of a

new magazine, which should be, in Theodore Parker’s phrase, “the ‘Dial’

with a beard.” Liberals and reformers were present at the meeting,

including men so essentially diverse as Sumner and Thoreau. Parker

was, of course, to be the leading editor, and became such. Emerson

also consented, “rather weakly,” as Cabot says in his memoranda, to

appear, and contributed only the introductory address, while Cabot

himself agreed to act as corresponding secretary and business manager.

The “Massachusetts Quarterly Review” sustained itself with difficulty

for three years,—showing more of studious and systematic work than its

predecessor, the “Dial,” but far less of freshness and originality,—and

then went under.

A more successful enterprise in which he was meanwhile enlisted was

a trip to Lake Superior with Agassiz, in 1850, when Cabot acted as

secretary and wrote and illustrated the published volume of the

expedition,—a book which was then full of fresh novelties, and which is

still very readable. Soon after his return, he went into his brother

Edward’s architect office in Boston to put his accounts in order, and

ultimately became a partner in the business, erecting various buildings.

He was married on September 28, 1857, to Elizabeth Dwight, daughter

of Edmund Dwight, Esq., a woman of rare qualities and great public

usefulness, who singularly carried on the tradition of those Essex

County women of an earlier generation, who were such strong helpmates

to their husbands. Of Mrs. Cabot it might almost have been said, as was

said by John Lowell in 1826 of his cousin, Elizabeth Higginson, wife of

her double first cousin, George Cabot: “She had none of the advantages

of early education afforded so bountifully to the young ladies of the

present age; but she surpassed _all_ of them in the acuteness of her

observation, in the knowledge of human nature, and in her power of

expressing and defending the opinions which she had formed.”[21] Thus

Elliot Cabot writes of his wife: “From the time when the care of her

children ceased to occupy the most of her time, she gradually became one

of the most valuable of the town officials, as well as the unofficial

counselor of many who needed the unfailing succor of her inexhaustible

sympathy and practical helpfulness.”

Cabot visited Europe anew after his marriage, and after his return,

served for nine years as a school-committee-man in Brookline, where he

resided. He afterwards did faithful duty for six years as chairman

of the examining committee of Harvard Overseers. He gave for a single

year a series of lectures on Kant at Harvard University, and for a time

acted as instructor in Logic there, which included a supervision of the

forensics or written discussions then in vogue. The Civil War aroused

his sympathies strongly, especially when his brother Edward and his

personal friend, Francis L. Lee, became respectively Lieutenant-Colonel

and Colonel of the 44th Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry. Elliot Cabot

himself enlisted in a drill club, and did some work for the Sanitary

Commission. He also assisted greatly in organizing the Museum of Fine

Arts and in the administration of the Boston Athenæum.

Though a life-long student, he wrote little for the press,—a fact which

recalls Theodore Parker’s remark about him, that he “could make a good

law argument, but could not address it to the jury.” He rendered,

however, a great and permanent service, far outweighing that performed

by most American authors of his time, as volunteer secretary to Ralph

Waldo Emerson, a task which constituted his main occupation for five or

six years. After Emerson’s death, Cabot also wrote his memoirs, by the

wish of the family,—a book which will always remain the primary authority

on the subject with which it deals, although it was justly criticised

by others for a certain restricted tone which made it seem to be, as

it really was, the work of one shy and reticent man telling the story

of another. In describing Emerson, the biographer often unconsciously

described himself also; and the later publications of Mr. Emerson’s

only son show clearly that there was room for a more ample and varied

treatment in order to complete the work.

Under these circumstances, Cabot’s home life, while of even tenor, was a

singularly happy one. One of his strongest and life-long traits was his

love of children,—a trait which he also eminently shared with Emerson.

The group formed by him with two grandchildren in his lap, to whom he was

reading John Gilpin or Hans Andersen, is one which those who knew him at

home would never forget. It was characteristic also that in his German

copy of Kant’s “Critique of Pure Reason,” already mentioned, there were

found some papers covered with drawings of horses and carts which had

been made to amuse some eager child. Akin to this was his strong love

of flowers, united with a rare skill in making beautiful shrubs grow

here and there in such places as would bring out the lines and curves of

his estate at Beverly. Even during the last summer of his life, he was

cutting new little vistas on the Beverly hills. His sketches of landscape

in water-color were also very characteristic both of his delicate and

poetic appreciation of nature and of his skill and interest in drawing.

In 1885, while in Italy, he used to draw objects seen from the car window

as he traveled; and often in the morning, when his family came down to

breakfast at hotels, they found that he had already made an exquisite

sketch in pencil of some tower or arch.

His outward life, on the whole, seemed much akin to the lives led by

that considerable class of English gentlemen who adopt no profession,

dwelling mainly on their paternal estates, yet are neither politicians

nor fox-hunters; pursuing their own favorite studies, taking part from

time to time in the pursuits of science, art, or literature, even holding

minor public functions, but winning no widespread fame. He showed, on

the other hand, the freedom from prejudice, the progressive tendency,

and the ideal proclivities which belong more commonly to Americans. He

seemed to himself to have accomplished nothing; and yet he had indirectly

aided a great many men by the elevation of his tone and the breadth of

his intellectual sympathy. If he did not greatly help to stimulate the

thought of his time, he helped distinctly to enlarge and ennoble it. His

death occurred at Brookline, Massachusetts, on January 16, 1903. He died

as he had lived, a high-minded, stainless, and in some respects unique

type of American citizen.

XIX

EMILY DICKINSON

EMILY DICKINSON

Few events in American literary history have been more curious than the

sudden rise of Emily Dickinson many years since into a posthumous fame

only more accentuated by the utterly recluse character of her life. The

lines which formed a prelude to the first volume of her poems are the

only ones that have yet come to light which indicate even a temporary

desire to come in contact with the great world of readers; for she seems

to have had no reference, in all the rest, to anything but her own

thought and a few friends. But for her only sister, it is very doubtful

if her poems would ever have been printed at all; and when published,

they were launched quietly and without any expectation of a wide

audience. Yet the outcome of it was that six editions of the volume were

sold within six months, a suddenness of success almost without a parallel

in American literature.

On April 16, 1862, I took from the post-office the following letter:—

MR. HIGGINSON,—Are you too deeply occupied to say if my verse

is alive?

The mind is so near itself it cannot see distinctly, and I have

none to ask.

Should you think it breathed, and had you the leisure to tell

me, I should feel quick gratitude.

If I make the mistake, that you dared to tell me would give me

sincerer honor toward you.

I inclose my name, asking you, if you please, sir, to tell me

what is true?

That you will not betray me it is needless to ask, since honor

is its own pawn.

The letter was postmarked “Amherst,” and it was in a handwriting so

peculiar that it seemed as if the writer might have taken her first

lessons by studying the famous fossil bird-tracks in the museum of

that college town. Yet it was not in the slightest degree illiterate,

but cultivated, quaint, and wholly unique. Of punctuation there was

little; she used chiefly dashes, and it has been thought better, in

printing these letters, as with her poems, to give them the benefit

in this respect of the ordinary usages; and so with her habit as to

capitalization, as the printers call it, in which she followed the Old

English and present German method of thus distinguishing every noun

substantive. But the most curious thing about the letter was the total

absence of a signature. It proved, however, that she had written her name

on a card, and put it under the shelter of a smaller envelope inclosed

in the larger; and even this name was written—as if the shy writer

wished to recede as far as possible from view—in pencil, not in ink. The

name was Emily Dickinson. Inclosed with the letter were four poems, two

of which have since been separately printed,—“Safe in their alabaster

chambers” and “I’ll tell you how the sun rose,” besides the two that here

follow. The first comprises in its eight lines a truth so searching that

it seems a condensed summary of the whole experience of a long life:—

“We play at paste

Till qualified for pearl;

Then drop the paste

And deem ourself a fool.

“The shapes, though, were similar

And our new hands

Learned gem-tactics,

Practicing sands.”

Then came one which I have always classed among the most exquisite of her

productions, with a singular felicity of phrase and an aerial lift that

bears the ear upward with the bee it traces:—

“The nearest dream recedes unrealized.

The heaven we chase,

Like the June bee

Before the schoolboy,

Invites the race,

Stoops to an easy clover,

Dips—evades—teases—deploys—

Then to the royal clouds

Lifts his light pinnace,

Heedless of the boy

Staring, bewildered, at the mocking sky.

“Homesick for steadfast honey,—

Ah! the bee flies not

Which brews that rare variety.”

The impression of a wholly new and original poetic genius was as distinct

on my mind at the first reading of these four poems as it is now, after

half a century of further knowledge; and with it came the problem never

yet solved, what place ought to be assigned in literature to what is so

remarkable, yet so elusive of criticism. The bee himself did not evade

the schoolboy more than she evaded me; and even at this day I still stand

somewhat bewildered, like the boy.

Circumstances, however, soon brought me in contact with an uncle of Emily

Dickinson, a gentleman not now living: a prominent citizen of Worcester,

Massachusetts, a man of integrity and character, who shared her

abruptness and impulsiveness, but certainly not her poetic temperament,

from which he was indeed singularly remote. He could tell but little of

her, she being evidently an enigma to him, as to me. It is hard to say

what answer was made by me, under these circumstances, to this letter. It

is probable that the adviser sought to gain time a little and find out

with what strange creature he was dealing. I remember to have ventured

on some criticism which she afterwards called “surgery,” and on some

questions, part of which she evaded, as will be seen, with a naïve skill

such as the most experienced and worldly coquette might envy. Her second

letter (received April 26, 1862) was as follows:—

MR. HIGGINSON,—Your kindness claimed earlier gratitude, but I

was ill, and write to-day from my pillow.

Thank you for the surgery; it was not so painful as I supposed.

I bring you others, as you ask, though they might not differ.

While my thought is undressed, I can make the distinction; but

when I put them in the gown, they look alike and numb.

You asked how old I was? I made no verse, but one or two, until

this winter, sir.

I had a terror since September, I could tell to none; and so

I sing, as the boy does of the burying ground, because I am

afraid.

You inquire my books. For poets, I have Keats, and Mr. and

Mrs. Browning. For prose, Mr. Ruskin, Sir Thomas Browne, and

the Revelations. I went to school, but in your manner of the

phrase had no education. When a little girl, I had a friend

who taught me Immortality; but venturing too near, himself, he

never returned. Soon after my tutor died, and for several years

my lexicon was my only companion. Then I found one more, but he

was not contented I be his scholar, so he left the land.

You ask of my companions. Hills, sir, and the sundown, and a

dog large as myself, that my father bought me. They are better

than beings because they know, but do not tell; and the noise

in the pool at noon excels my piano.

I have a brother and sister; my mother does not care for

thought, and father, too busy with his briefs to notice what

we do. He buys me many books, but begs me not to read them,

because he fears they joggle the mind. They are religious,

except me, and address an eclipse, every morning, whom they

call their “Father.”

But I fear my story fatigues you. I would like to learn. Could

you tell me how to grow, or is it unconveyed, like melody or

witchcraft?

You speak of Mr. Whitman. I never read his book, but was told

that it was disgraceful.

I read Miss Prescott’s “Circumstance,” but it followed me in

the dark, so I avoided her.

Two editors of journals came to my father’s house this winter,

and asked me for my mind, and when I asked them “why” they said

I was penurious, and they would use it for the world.

I could not weigh myself, myself. My size felt small to me. I

read your chapters in the “Atlantic,” and experienced honor for

you. I was sure you would not reject a confiding question.

Is this, sir, what you asked me to tell you? Your friend,

E. DICKINSON.

It will be seen that she had now drawn a step nearer, signing her name,

and as my “friend.” It will also be noticed that I had sounded her about

certain American authors, then much read; and that she knew how to put

her own criticisms in a very trenchant way. With this letter came some

more verses, still in the same birdlike script, as for instance the

following:—

“Your riches taught me poverty,

Myself a millionaire

In little wealths, as girls could boast,

Till, broad as Buenos Ayre,

You drifted your dominions

A different Peru,

And I esteemed all poverty

For life’s estate, with you.

“Of mines, I little know, myself,

But just the names of gems,

The colors of the commonest,

And scarce of diadems

So much that, did I meet the queen,

Her glory I should know;

But this must be a different wealth,

To miss it, beggars so.

“I’m sure ’tis India, all day,

To those who look on you

Without a stint, without a blame,

Might I but be the Jew!

I’m sure it is Golconda

Beyond my power to deem,

To have a smile for mine, each day,

How better than a gem!

“At least, it solaces to know

That there exists a gold

Although I prove it just in time

Its distance to behold;

Its far, far treasure to surmise

And estimate the pearl

That slipped my simple fingers through

While just a girl at school!”

Here was already manifest that defiance of form, never through

carelessness, and never precisely from whim, which so marked her. The

slightest change in the order of words—thus, “While yet at school, a

girl”—would have given her a rhyme for this last line; but no; she was

intent upon her thought, and it would not have satisfied her to make the

change. The other poem further showed, what had already been visible, a

rare and delicate sympathy with the life of nature:—

“A bird came down the walk;

He did not know I saw;

He bit an angle-worm in halves

And ate the fellow raw.

“And then he drank a dew

From a convenient grass,

And then hopped sidewise to a wall,

To let a beetle pass.

“He glanced with rapid eyes

That hurried all around;

They looked like frightened beads, I thought;

He stirred his velvet head

“Like one in danger, cautious.

I offered him a crumb,

And he unrolled his feathers

And rowed him softer home

“Than oars divide the ocean,

Too silver for a seam—

Or butterflies, off banks of noon,

Leap, plashless as they swim.”

It is possible that in a second letter I gave more of distinct praise or

encouragement, as her third is in a different mood. This was received

June 8, 1862. There is something startling in its opening image; and in

the yet stranger phrase that follows, where she apparently uses “mob” in

the sense of chaos or bewilderment:

DEAR FRIEND,—Your letter gave no drunkenness, because I

tasted rum before. Domingo comes but once; yet I have had few

pleasures so deep as your opinion, and if I tried to thank you,

my tears would block my tongue.

My dying tutor told me that he would like to live till I had

been a poet, but Death was much of mob as I could master, then.

And when, far afterward, a sudden light on orchards, or a new

fashion in the wind troubled my attention, I felt a palsy,

here, the verses just relieve.

Your second letter surprised me, and for a moment, swung. I

had not supposed it. Your first gave no dishonor, because the

true are not ashamed. I thanked you for your justice, but could

not drop the bells whose jingling cooled my tramp. Perhaps the

balm seemed better, because you bled me first. I smile when you

suggest that I delay “to publish,” that being foreign to my

thought as firmament to fin.

If fame belonged to me, I could not escape her; if she did not,

the longest day would pass me on the chase, and the approbation

of my dog would forsake me then. My barefoot rank is better.

You think my gait “spasmodic.” I am in danger, sir. You think

me “uncontrolled.” I have no tribunal.

Would you have time to be the “friend” you should think I need?

I have a little shape: it would not crowd your desk, nor make

much racket as the mouse that dens your galleries.

If I might bring you what I do—not so frequent to trouble

you—and ask you if I told it clear, ’twould be control to me.

The sailor cannot see the North, but knows the needle can. The

“hand you stretch me in the dark” I put mine in, and turn away.

I have no Saxon now:—

As if I asked a common alms,

And in my wandering hand

A stranger pressed a kingdom,

And I, bewildered, stand;

As if I asked the Orient

Had it for me a morn,

And it should lift its purple dikes

And shatter me with dawn!

But, will you be my preceptor, Mr. Higginson?

Carlyle's laugh, and other surprises · 第 10 / 16 段