The manufacture and sale of the new shearing-machine, into w

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The Riverside Biographical Series

NUMBER 4

PETER COOPER

BY

ROSSITER W. RAYMOND

=The Riverside Biographical Series=

1. ANDREW JACKSON, by W. G. BROWN.

2. JAMES B. EADS, by LOUIS HOW.

3. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, by PAUL E. MORE.

4. PETER COOPER, by R. W. RAYMOND.

5. THOMAS JEFFERSON, by H. C. MERWIN.

6. WILLIAM PENN, by GEORGE HODGES.

7. GENERAL GRANT, by WALTER ALLEN.

8. LEWIS AND CLARK, by WILLIAM R. LIGHTON.

9. JOHN MARSHALL, by JAMES B. THAYER.

10. ALEXANDER HAMILTON, by CHAS. A. CONANT.

11. WASHINGTON IRVING, by H. W. BOYNTON.

12. PAUL JONES, by HUTCHINS HAPGOOD.

13. STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS, by W. G. BROWN.

14. SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN, by H. D. SEDGWICK, Jr.

Each about 140 pages, 16mo, with photogravure

portrait, 65 cents, _net_; _School Edition_, each,

50 cents, _net_.

HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY

BOSTON AND NEW YORK

[Illustration: (signed) Peter Cooper]

PETER COOPER

BY

ROSSITER W. RAYMOND

[Illustration]

BOSTON AND NEW YORK

HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY

=The Riverside Press Cambridge=

COPYRIGHT, 1901, BY ROSSITER W. RAYMOND.

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

CONTENTS

CHAP. PAGE

PREFACE vii

I. ANCESTRY 1

II. BOYHOOD AND YOUTH 10

III. BUSINESS VENTURES 16

IV. INVENTIONS 29

V. THE TOM THUMB 38

VI. MUNICIPAL AFFAIRS 52

VII. THE COOPER UNION FOR THE

ADVANCEMENT OF SCIENCE AND ART 64

VIII. NATIONAL POLITICS 96

IX. THE END 104

PREFACE

DURING the last decade of Peter Cooper's life, the writer of this

biographical sketch enjoyed some degree of intimacy with him, as

professional adviser and traveling companion, and also, incidentally, as

consulting engineer of the firm of Cooper and Hewitt, and manager of a

department in the Cooper Union. This circumstance, together with the

preference kindly expressed by Mr. Cooper's family, doubtless influenced

the selection of the writer for the honorable task of preparing this

book,--a task which was welcome as a labor of love, though the execution

of it has been hindered and impaired by the demands of other duties. The

real difficulty has been to compress within the prescribed limits a

story covering so many years and so many topics, yet not possessing

those features of dramatic action or adventure which could be treated

briefly, with picturesque effect.

Mr. Cooper's family has kindly furnished abundant material for this

work, including, besides his own published utterances, the notes of the

stenographer to whom Mr. Cooper, in the last years of his life, dictated

his "reminiscences." The use which has been made of these will be

evident to the reader. Beyond an occasional revelation of the character

of the speaker, or a side-light thrown upon the manners and conditions

of our early national life, they have not furnished valuable data; and

the study of them suggests an observation which may be heeded with

advantage in similar cases hereafter, though it comes too late to be

useful in this instance, namely, that the recollections of old people

with retentive memories, like Peter Cooper, may be invaluable, if they

are intelligently aroused and guided; but if the speakers (as in his

case) are left to their own initiative, they are too likely to furnish

superfluous accounts of events already described more accurately in

authentic contemporaneous records.

It has not been practicable to preserve, in the treatment of the

subject, a strictly chronological order. As the titles of the several

chapters indicate, the different lines of Mr. Cooper's activity have

been considered, to some extent, separately, so that their periods

overlap each other.

This sketch of Mr. Cooper's career furnishes the elements of an

analysis, which I introduce here, as a guide in the interpretation of

what is to follow.

1. The time of his birth and the prophetic anticipations of his parents

profoundly influenced his ambition to do something great for his

fellow-citizens of the republic whose life began so nearly with his own.

2. The atmosphere surrounding his youth was one of unlimited and

audacious adventure. New institutions, a virgin continent, the ardent

desire to be independent of the Old World, and a profound belief in the

destiny of America, all combined to stimulate endeavor. What Peter

Cooper said of himself as an apprentice was true of the typical young

American of his time: "I was always planning and contriving, and was

never satisfied unless I was doing something difficult--something that

had never been done before, if possible."

3. The new freedom and the vast opportunity presented in the young

republic encouraged, to a degree not paralleled before or since, that

change of occupation which, with all its drawbacks, had the one great

merit that it educated men to various activities. It was no disgrace to

an American to go into one business after another, seeking the one which

would prove most profitable and agreeable. Thus, Peter Cooper worked

successively as a hatter, a coach-builder, a machinist, a machine-maker,

a grocer, an iron-worker, and a glue-manufacturer, achieving success in

every occupation, but abandoning each for something more promising, and

learning in each something which promoted his success in the next.

4. At every stage of his progress, he followed the ideal of personal

independence, the honest acquisition of property, the establishment of a

home, and the rearing of a family. These were the first duties and the

dearest wishes--no matter what greater things might lie beyond. And he

profoundly realized that temperance, industry, frugality, and patience

were the necessary preliminaries to any longed-for achievement. As he

says, he had first to spend thirty years in getting a start; then to

spend another thirty years in accumulating the means for further advance

into the wider sphere of his aspirations. And during each stage of this

process, he was patient, as well as hopeful, neither wasting his

energies in visionary schemes nor allowing the eddies of daily toil to

divert the current of his deeper purposes.

5. At every stage, however, he found himself hindered by lack of

thorough knowledge. He invented perpetually and profusely; but some of

his most cherished inventions did not find practical recognition,

because he had attempted the premature or the impossible. His guiding

principle, of trying to do something that had never been done before, is

not an adequate substitute for a scientific knowledge of what can be,

and now needs to be, done. He found himself often too far in advance of

his generation. Moreover, he found that the lack of education crippled

him in the attempt to make other men understand and appreciate his

fruitful ideas. This is true of all really great "self-made men." They

may have achieved success and fame in spite of early disadvantages; they

may, perhaps, recognize the fact that such disadvantages, necessitating

a stern struggle, have sifted out, by natural selection, the possessors

of genius and sterling character; but not one of them fails to lament

the lack of that early training which would have made him still more

successful than he is; and not one of them fails to desire, for his

children and the coming generation of his fellows, the early advantages

which were denied to himself.

6. This experience it was which gave form to the aspirations and

purposes of Peter Cooper. As an apprentice, he resolved to do something

for the benefit of apprentices--to found some institution which should

supplement the deficiencies of early education, furnishing to virtuous,

industrious, and ambitious youths the means of progress, and attracting

the thoughtless or indolent into the same ascending road. How this

conception came to be both modified and realized will be seen in later

pages. At this point it is sufficient to note that the plan was

originally not only philanthropic, but patriotic and practical. It

contemplated the benefit, through means adapted to their special

condition, of Americans of that class to which Peter Cooper himself

belonged.

Some further observations concerning the secret of the universal esteem

and affection enjoyed by Mr. Cooper will be reserved for the closing

chapter.

PETER COOPER

I

ANCESTRY

OBADIAH COOPER, who, with his two brothers, came from England to the

colony of New York about 1662, belonged, as we may infer with

confidence, to that sturdy class of republican yeomanry which found the

restored reign of the Stuarts intolerable. He settled at

Fishkill-on-the-Hudson; and his son Obadiah--whom tradition declares to

have been the fourth white man child born in what is now Dutchess

County--was the great-grandfather of Peter Cooper. In 1720 an Obadiah of

the next generation followed, and of his son John, born in 1755, Peter

Cooper was the fifth child.

John Cooper came of age in the year of the Declaration of Independence.

In the issue between the British government and the American colonies

his choice could not be doubtful. He followed the traditions of his

family. Indeed, it is now well established and universally admitted that

the patriots of the American Revolution were not in fact arrayed against

England. They were engaged in a struggle which was but a part of the

great conflict waged against shortsighted and obstinate tyranny by

Englishmen on both sides of the ocean, and in which the victory for

liberty was won on this side sooner than on the other. What the Coopers

and their kind achieved here was applauded openly in the mother country

by the descendants of a common ancestry as a triumph for the common

cause. The use of foreign mercenaries under British commanders in this

country was the direct result of the impossibility of inducing

Englishmen to enlist for service against their American kinsmen. Hence

when John Cooper, of Fishkill, abandoned in 1776 the business he had

just established as a hatter, and became sergeant in a company of

"minute-men," he was but pursuing the course indicated both by his own

convictions and by the history of his fathers and the sympathies of the

party in England to which they had belonged. It was Freedom's battle

"handed down from sire to son."

He served subsequently for two years in the Continental line, and for

the last four years of the war as a lieutenant in the New York militia,

actively employed in the perilous service of protecting life, property,

and the public stores in the zone of debatable territory,--the "bloody

ground" which surrounded the British lines in New York. At the close of

the war, New York having been evacuated by the enemy, Lieutenant John

Cooper retired to civil life, and resumed business as a hatter in that

city,--a worthy example of that American citizen soldiery which has

always been equally ready to leave the ways of peace for its country's

defense, and to return to them when the exigency had passed.

It was in 1779, during his military service, that John Cooper married

Margaret, the daughter of John Campbell, a deputy quartermaster-general

in the Continental army, and a trusted agent of Washington. The outbreak

of hostilities in 1776 had found John Campbell a prosperous merchant and

owner of real estate in New York city. He at once lent to the

Revolutionary government eleven hundred guineas,--the whole of his ready

money,--entered the service, was made deputy quartermaster-general, and

was directed to superintend the hasty evacuation of the city by the Whig

inhabitants, and to protect them and their property as far as possible.

Lingering too long to assist some of the laggards, he was captured by

the forces landed from the British fleet, but was subsequently released;

and he made a temporary home at Fishkill while actively engaged in

establishing the lines by which the British army, though holding the

city and commanding its access to the sea, was practically besieged.

General Campbell served throughout the war, and after hostilities had

ceased commanded the troops at West Point until they were finally

disbanded in 1785.

It is easy to imagine how the young lieutenant and the daughter of the

commander who must have been frequently brought into personal relations

with him may have met and loved and wedded in the midst of those

troublous times, but the romance would have no special bearing on this

history. It is enough to say that by this marriage the best blood of

England and Scotland--of servants of God and lovers of freedom--was

blended in the nine children, seven sons and two daughters, of whom

Peter Cooper--born February 12, 1791, in Little Dock (now Water) Street,

New York--was the fifth.

John Cooper was not characteristically a seer of visions or a dreamer of

dreams. On the contrary, the accounts of him which have come down to us

describe him as a stalwart athlete, who "could lift a barrel of cider

from the ground and put it in a wagon," and who once, being cornered and

attacked by a bull, seized the animal's nose with one hand and so

battered its head with a stone that it was glad to turn and fly. Yet he

came of a race that believed in Divine guidance; and on one occasion at

least he acted upon that belief in a matter then deemed more important,

perhaps, than now. The incident can be given best in the words of Peter

Cooper himself, who wrote:--

"My father used to tell me how he came to call me Peter. When I was born

he became strongly impressed with the idea that I would some day have

more than ordinary fame, and what name he should give me was a matter of

serious and frequent thought. While walking on Broadway one dark night

it seemed as though a voice spoke to him in a clear and distinct manner:

'Call him Peter!' That seeming voice settled my name. My father said

that he felt that I was to be of great good in some way; and his

remarks, with my mother's, concerning their aspirations and hopes for me

acted as a stimulus and made me anxious to fulfill their wishes, and not

disappoint them."

If names were to be characteristic of individual careers, it might be

better to imitate some Indian tribes, and to give the permanent name

only after the career, or at least the character, of its recipient had

been indicated by his acts. In this instance the subsequent life of the

son did not in any peculiar way imitate that of the Apostle Peter.

Evidently not that particular name, but the simple fact that an eminent

name, thus suggested and not already familiar in his family, had been

given to him, produced upon his mind the effect to which he testifies.

But why should practical John Cooper be disposed to anticipate a special

distinction for the infant who was the fifth of his numerous progeny?

From the standpoint of the modes of thought of the godly patriots of

that generation, and of their ancestors, the English Puritans and the

Scotch Covenanters, it is scarcely hazardous to assume that current

public affairs largely affected such domestic choices. Peter Cooper's

birth was practically simultaneous with the launching of that Ship of

State, the "Union, strong and great," in which all patriots had embarked

"their hopes, triumphant o'er their fears." To his veteran-soldier

father he was the first child of the new era; and the dreams that were

dreamed over him were doubtless connected with that glorious future

which had just dawned upon the federated republic. The choice of an

unfamiliar, non-hereditary name, however suggested, symbolized the break

between the old time and the new.

Above all, this incident produced in the son thus christened the

profoundest effects, the deepest motives, that can inspire a boyish

soul,--the belief in a beneficent mission, the yearning to discover it,

the resolve to execute it, and the conviction that it was to be directly

connected with the prosperity and progress of the great nation, the life

of which began with his own.

The naming of Peter Cooper thus strikes the keynote, or, more

accurately, the triple chord, of his life. For he was first of all an

American, keenly aware of the opportunities offered by the free

institutions of his country to individual ambition, industry, and

genius, and of his own personal ability to make use of these

opportunities. Secondly, he was a lover of his fellow men, determined to

employ for their benefit the means and powers which he felt himself able

to accumulate by thought, toil, and frugal economy. Thirdly, he was even

in his philanthropy essentially still an American, intent most of all

upon the welfare of those classes of his countrymen with whose struggles

and needs his own early life had made him familiar. In other words,

while his philanthropy covered a world-wide range, his peculiar mission,

as he conceived it, was indissolubly blent with the success of the

republic of which he was one of the earliest-born sons.

II

BOYHOOD AND YOUTH

AT a meeting of friends, gathered February 12, 1882, to celebrate his

ninety-first birthday anniversary, Mr. Cooper, after expressing his

thanks for their congratulatory good wishes, and observing that in his

case "length of days had not yet resulted in weariness of spirit," added

this review of his life:--

"Looking back, I can see that my career has been divided into three

eras. During the first thirty years I was engaged in getting a start in

life; during the second thirty years I was occupied in getting means for

carrying out the modest plan which I had long formed for the benefit of

my fellow men; and during the last thirty years I have devoted myself to

the execution of these plans. This work is now done."

Accepting this division of his career, as convenient, though not

strictly accurate (since the processes described really overlapped

instead of separately succeeding one another), we may consider first Mr.

Cooper's means and method of achieving personal success; and in this

survey the conditions of his boyhood and early youth are primarily

important.

While he was still very young, the family removed from a temporary

residence of three years in New York city to Peekskill, where he

remained until, at the age of seventeen, he returned to New York as an

apprentice, to be, thenceforward, dependent upon his own exertions for a

living.

The intervening period was spent in ways characteristic of the period

and of the individual. He attended school for three or four "quarters,"

of which period, according to his later recollection, "probably half was

occupied by 'half-day' school." Outside of this scanty formal

instruction, there is ample evidence that he developed body and mind in

varied work and play. He bore to the end of life the scars of youthful

escapades, witnessing the adventurous spirit of his boyhood. When only

four years old, he climbed about the framework of a new house, and fell,

head downward, upon an iron kettle, cutting his forehead to the bone.

Later on, he was accidentally cut with a knife in the hands of a

playmate. Later still, he cut himself dangerously with an axe. Again, he

fell from a high tree, holding an iron hook with which he had been

reaching for cherry-bearing branches, and managed to hook out one of his

teeth. At another time he went for the nest of a hanging-bird, and had

the fact that it was a hornet's nest indelibly impressed on his memory.

Of course, he was nearly drowned three times,--such youngsters always

have such escapes. In short, he was a thorough boy, adventuring all

things, daunted by nothing, and protected from the results of his

reckless endeavors by that Providence which watches over small boys.

But such a temperament finds play in useful work also. The boy learned

every department of the hat-making business, beginning, when he was very

young, with pulling the fur from the skins of rabbits. And, while

assisting his mother in doing the family washing, he made what was,

perhaps, his first invention,--a mechanical arrangement for pounding the

soiled linen. Again, after carefully dissecting an old shoe, to learn

how it was put together, he determined to make shoes and slippers for

the family, and succeeded in turning out products of manufacture which

were said to be as good as those to be found, at that day, in the

regular trade.

He constructed a toy wagon, sold it for six dollars, managed to gather

four dollars more, invested the ten dollars in lottery tickets, and drew

only blanks, of which experience he said many years later, "I consider

it one of the best investments of my life; for I then learned that it

was not my _forte_ to make money at games of chance."

When he was between thirteen and fourteen years old, his father built a

large malt-house at Newburg, and the son loaded with his own hands and

carted to the site selected all the stone for the building. Collecting

wild honey and shooting game in the forests around Peekskill were

additional employments which combined pleasure with profit. But this

life did not satisfy the ambition of the youth; and in 1808, at the age

of seventeen, he left the paternal roof and apprenticed himself for four

years to John Woodward, a leading coach-builder in New York, whose shop

was located on the corner of Broadway and Chambers Street, then the

northerly edge of the city, opposite a vegetable garden, the remnants of

which, after the occupation of a large portion by city, county, and

national buildings, now constitute the City Hall Park. The terms of his

employment were his board and a salary of twenty-five dollars a

year,--out of which he managed not only to pay all obligations, but also

to lay by a little money. During this period he not only mastered the

details of the trade, but learned in his hours of leisure other

branches, such as ornamental wood-carving, and made several inventions,

one of which was a machine for mortising hubs,--an operation performed

by hand up to that time. Another invention over which the young

apprentice dreamed, and of which he laboriously constructed a model, was

an apparatus for utilizing, in the running of machinery, the swift

current of the tide in the East River.

III

BUSINESS VENTURES

AT the end of his apprenticeship, his employer offered to set him up in

business as a coach-builder, lending him the necessary capital. Many

years later, Mr. Cooper told the story thus:--

"I was about to accept his generous offer, when an incident occurred

which changed my decision. Mr. Woodward had just completed one of the

finest coaches ever built in New York, for a gentleman who was supposed

to be one of the richest men in the city. But a day or two before the

coach was to be delivered the gentleman died, and it was then found that

he was insolvent. This made me hesitate. If I should accept my

employer's kind offer and have such a misfortune happen to me in the

sale of an elegant and expensive coach, I should consider myself a slave

for life, since the law of imprisonment for debt had not then been

abolished. So I changed my plans, and went to Hempstead, Long Island, to

visit my brother."

The visit to Hempstead became a prolonged residence. He obtained work at

$1.50 a day (then regarded as high wages) in a factory making machines

for shearing cloth, and after nearly three years had saved enough money

to purchase the right for the State of New York to a patented machine

for that purpose. He used to tell, in his old age, of his elation when

he effected his first sale of a county-right, for which he received five

hundred dollars from Mr. Vassar, of Poughkeepsie, afterwards the founder

of Vassar College.

The manufacture and sale of the new shearing-machine, into which Mr.

Cooper introduced many additional improvements, was a prosperous

business, especially during the war of 1812, when domestic woolen goods

were in great demand. He married, December 18, 1813, Sarah Bedell, a

lady of Huguenot descent, who made for him a happy home during

fifty-seven years.[1] He bought a house in Hempstead, expecting to

remain there; and in the household, as in business, he gave rein to his

ardent and versatile inventive faculty. One of his domestic contrivances

rocked the cradle, fanned away the flies, and played a lullaby to the

baby. He sold the patent in Connecticut to a Yankee peddler for a horse

and wagon, and the peddler's stock, including a hurdy-gurdy. Another

invention was a machine for mowing grass, constructed on the principle

of his cloth-shearing machine.

But after the war, the domestic woolen mills were shut down, and there

was no sale for Mr. Cooper's machines. So he first turned his factory

into a furniture shop, and then, selling it for what he could get, he

moved to New York, and started in the grocery business, buying for this

purpose a long lease of the ground where the Bible House now stands,

opposite the Cooper Union on Ninth Street. Upon this ground he erected

several buildings, one of which he used as his office. The business was

profitable; but the real foundation of Mr. Cooper's wealth was laid

when, at the age of thirty-three, he purchased a glue factory, situated

where the Park Avenue Hotel now stands, and established himself as a

glue manufacturer. The business speedily acquired and held for half a

century practically the whole trade of the country in glue and

isinglass,--a monopoly fairly earned by the cheapness and excellence of

its product.

Mr. Cooper's inventions improved the quality and reduced the cost of his

product, while his energy, industry, and frugality steadily increased

his surplus cash, and enabled him, without borrowing capital, to extend

his sphere of operations. For many years, he carried on his glue

business without bookkeeper, agent, or salesman. Dawn found him at the

suburban factory (on what is now Thirty-Second Street) lighting the

fires and preparing for the day's work; at noon, he drove in his buggy

to the city, where he made his own sales and purchases; and all his

evenings he spent at home, making up his accounts, answering his

correspondents, studying out new inventions, or talking and reading to

his wife and children.

By these simple, old-fashioned methods he built up a business and

accumulated a fortune too large to be thus administered. It would have

been impossible for one head to carry the details of work and

management, for one pair of eyes to superintend each part of the work,

or for one pair of feet, however tireless, to travel all the ways which

lead to and from a great modern industrial establishment. Still less

could financial direction and protection be compassed by the simple

scheme which Mr. Cooper, in his old age, recalled with pride. "I used,"

he said once, "to pay all my debts every Saturday night; and I knew

that what I had left was my own!" This could not have been strictly

true; but it doubtless expressed an old man's memory of the way he

began, and the principles he had followed, with that horror of debt

which dated from the time when debtors could be put in jail. Fortunately

for Mr. Cooper, his son Edward, and his son-in-law, Abram S. Hewitt,

were at hand to undertake the management of his business enterprises at

the time when his own simple methods would have proved inadequate, so

that his inventive genius, adventurous courage, and, above all, intense

philanthropy, were backed with ample means.

In this account of his business ventures (though of much later date than

those already mentioned) the part played by Peter Cooper in the

development of the American iron industry and in the construction of the

first transatlantic submarine telegraph may be recorded.

The manufacture of iron was one of the early industries of the American

colonies, and after the Revolution it was prosecuted with increased

activity in small and primitive establishments. With its development

into scientific forms on a large scale Mr. Cooper was both directly and

indirectly connected. His Ringwood estate in New Jersey had been the

scene of the operations of the Ringwood Company in 1740, and of its

successors,--Hasenclever (1764) and Erskine (1771); and the Durham

furnace, on the Delaware River in Pennsylvania (on the site of the

Durham Iron Works of Cooper & Hewitt), made its first blast in 1727. Mr.

Cooper himself was engaged in 1830 in the manufacture of charcoal iron

near Baltimore, and in 1836, together with his brother Thomas, he

operated a rolling-mill in New York (on Thirty-Third Street, near Third

Avenue). At this mill anthracite was used for puddling in 1840. In 1845

the business was removed to Trenton, N. J.; and in the new

rolling-mill--then the largest in the United States--built at Trenton

for the manufacture of rails, the first iron beams for buildings were

rolled in 1854. By the erection of blast furnaces at Phillipsburg and

Ringwood, N. J., and Durham, Pa., and the addition of wire mills, bridge

shop, chain shop, etc., to the works at Trenton, the purchase of iron

and coal lands, and the development of numerous mines, the firm of

Cooper & Hewitt achieved high rank among the ironmasters of America; and

the Iron and Steel Institute of Great Britain conferred upon Peter

Cooper in 1879 the "Bessemer gold medal" for his services in the

development of the American iron trade. In 1890 the same honor was given

to Mr. Abram S. Hewitt in recognition of the experiments at Phillipsburg

as early as 1856 to test the new invention of Bessemer, of his

introduction of the open-hearth steel process into the United States,

and of other services rendered to the steel industry,--in all of which

he may be said to have followed, with the advantages of a wider culture

and ampler means, the example set by Mr. Cooper.

One of the boldest yet wisest and most profitable operations of Mr.

Cooper was his investment in the Atlantic cable enterprise of Cyrus

Field. He was already past middle age when this audacious scheme began

to be dreamed of. In 1842 Morse had laid down an experimental cable from

Castle Garden to Governor's Island in New York harbor, and claimed as a

practical inference that a telegraphic communication on his plan could

"with certainty be established across the Atlantic."[2] In 1851 the

first cable was laid between France and England, and others rapidly

followed on ocean lines over short distances. The principle was thus

established, and the doubts as to its practical application to a line of

at least twenty-five hundred miles were of such a character as to seem

more serious to scientific men than to American capitalists of Mr.

Cooper's type. In March, 1854, the New York, Newfoundland, & London

Telegraph Company was organized, and Mr. Cooper became (and remained for

twenty trying years) its president. There was little difficulty in

raising the money for the eighty-five miles of cable which were to be

laid under the Gulf of St. Lawrence, or in obtaining from the British

colonies favorable charters granting exclusive privileges, land grants,

and even subsidies. Yet the construction of the land line across

Newfoundland to the terminus at Heart's Content proved difficult and

costly, and the St. Lawrence cable was lost in laying. Yet additional

capital was subscribed; and a couple of years later the Newfoundland

line, the St. Lawrence cable, and another submarine link of thirteen

miles across the Straits of Northumberland had been successfully

finished. Nothing remained to be done _except_ the procuring of means

and the devising of successful methods for the installation of the

Atlantic cable itself, without which all this preliminary expenditure

would have been thrown away.

The capital estimated as necessary for making and laying the cable was

raised by Mr. Field in England, where the Atlantic Telegraph Company was

formed to construct and operate the line under concessions from the

parent Newfoundland company. All classes in England felt a sentimental

interest in the romantic enterprise; and the subscribers to the new

stock included such men as Thackeray and others of equal note, outside

of business circles altogether.

The company proceeded with vigor,--secured from the governments of Great

Britain and the United States guaranties of subsidies and the free use

of ships for laying the cable; contracts for the cable and its

insulating covering were executed; and by the end of July, 1857, the

British Agamemnon and the American Niagara had each twelve hundred and

fifty miles of it on board. In August they connected the two halves of

it in mid-Atlantic, and in September the shore end was landed at Heart's

Content.

The sequel is familiar history. A few messages had been sent and

received, when the current grew weaker and weaker, and at last failed

entirely. The result was a strong reaction in popular sentiment. It was

even questioned whether any messages had actually crossed the Atlantic.

Fortunately this doubt could be conclusively disproved,--especially in

England, where it was known that the British government had wired by the

cable before its failure news of great political importance. The British

company indeed courageously proceeded to make another cable; but when

this parted in mid-ocean during the process of laying it even British

tenacity of purpose was daunted, and for some two years the enterprise

seemed to be dead. Meanwhile public opinion on this side was far more

unfavorable, and the parent company found itself without means or

credit. To retain its privileges it must pay additional money, and to

make those privileges worth anything capital must be raised for a third

attempt to lay the transatlantic line.

Without describing in detail the difficulties and anxieties of this

period, it may be said that the intelligent courage of Peter Cooper

saved the enterprise, while it secured to him a large pecuniary reward;

for he perceived that the real problem had been solved by the first

apparent failure; that the failure of a cable in use or the loss of a

cable in laying it were mere incidental misfortunes which more thorough

precautions and better luck would preclude; and he backed with his own

faith and money the undaunted enthusiasm and persuasive eloquence of Mr.

Field, whose expenses he paid for another journey to England, and who

succeeded at last in raising there the funds for the third and

successful attempt. Moreover Mr. Cooper upheld the credit of the

Newfoundland company, personally paying the drafts drawn upon it, and

taking its bonds as his security. It is too much to say that the

Atlantic cable would never have been laid, but there can be no doubt

that the enterprise would have been long suspended, without this timely

aid. The third cable was a success; the lost second was recovered and

made useful; and now the thing is easy which thus seemed so

problematical. If Peter Cooper received in the end a handsome sum from

this investment, who could grudge him the wealth so acquired?

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Many years after his wife's death, and shortly before his own, Mr.

Cooper dictated the following passage, which is almost the last in his

_Reminiscences_:--

"Not only do I think of my wife during my waking moments; she often

comes to me in my dreams, sometimes once a week, sometimes once in two

weeks, and sometimes at longer intervals. It is one of the greatest

pleasures of my life that I can believe that she has been, and is now,

my guardian angel, and it is one of my happiest hopes that I shall see

that this our world is but the bud of a being that is to ripen and bear

its choicest fruits in another and a better."

[2] Letter of Morse to the Secretary of the Treasury in the autumn of

1843.

IV

INVENTIONS

THE inventions projected, though in many instances not perfected or

successfully introduced, by Mr. Cooper constitute a long list and cover

a wide field. A few of them may be mentioned here, in addition to those

to which allusion has been made already. It will be seen that even those

which failed of commercial success generally contained the germs of

future mechanical progress, and bore witness to the extraordinary vigor

and versatility of his genius.

When the Erie Canal was approaching completion it occurred to Mr. Cooper

that canal boats might be propelled by the power of water drawn from a

higher level and moving a series of endless chains along the canal.

After some preliminary experiments he built a flat-bottomed scow,

arranged a water wheel to utilize the tidal current in the East River,

and actually achieved a trial trip of two miles and return, in which

Governor Clinton and other invited guests took part. The governor was so

well pleased that he paid Mr. Cooper eight hundred dollars for the first

chance to purchase the right of applying the method on the new canal.

But the scheme failed for the reason (as Mr. Cooper explained half a

century later) that the right of way for the Erie Canal had been secured

from the farmers of the State by representing to them the profit which

they would realize from selling forage, etc., for the use of canal

boats, which were to be drawn by horses or mules. The introduction of

mechanical power would destroy these inducements, and the plan was

abandoned,--though Mr. Cooper had demonstrated its feasibility by

running his endless chain on the East River for ten days and carrying

hundreds of passengers over the trial route. It is not likely that such

a use of water power on the Erie Canal would have proved practicable on

a large scale; but the endless chain, which Mr. Cooper apparently

considered as a minor feature only, has been adopted since, and lies at

the basis of the famous Belgian system of river and canal

transportation.

In 1824 the wave of enthusiastic sympathy for the Greeks which swept

over the country upon receipt of the tidings of their revolt against

Turkish tyranny stimulated Mr. Cooper to invent a torpedo boat, to be

steered from the shore by "two steel wires, like the reins of a horse."

But on the trial trip of the boat a ship crossed and broke the wires

when about six of their total length of ten miles had been let out. The

delay made the invention too late for use by the Greeks, and it was not

further pursued.

About 1835 the subject of aerial navigation had in the United States one

of its periodical revivals. Mr. Cooper, believing that a motive power

developed from materials of small weight was essential to the solution

of the problem, resolved to employ the explosive force of chloride of

nitrogen,--one of the most dangerous compounds known to chemists. The

result of his experiments in this direction was an explosion which blew

his apparatus to pieces, and nearly cost the audacious inventor an eye.

In fact, though the organ was saved from total destruction, it was

permanently injured.

The conveyance of freight by aerial cables--a method now widely

used--was practiced by Mr. Cooper at an early day. The use of elevators

in buildings was foreseen and provided for by him in the erection of the

Cooper Union building, and in that building also he introduced for the

first time iron beams as part of a fire-proof construction. In these and

other inventions his prophetic intuitions were illustrated.

But such intuitions do not fully take the place of scientific training;

and one of the inventions of Peter Cooper--which he considered for many

years, and possibly to the very last, as his crowning achievement--was a

curious example of misdirected ingenuity. It is worthy of notice here,

however, for another reason, namely, because of its accidental

association with one of its inventor's most remarkable triumphs.

As a young apprentice he had studied the steam engine, and had resolved

that he would improve it by doing away with the crank. To his mind this

was a source of great loss of power, and he believed that, if he could

transform the rectilinear motion of the piston rod directly into rotary

motion without the intervention of the crank, he would effect a notable

economy.

Now, there is no such loss of power through the crank as he imagined,

nor is it likely that any other device for obtaining rotary from

rectilinear motion will be found superior to that which Watt devised.

But Peter Cooper assailed this fancied evil with undoubting confidence,

both as to its existence and as to his ability to do away with it. The

result was an invention for which he received, April 28, 1828, letters

patent of the United States. At that early day patents were

comparatively few,--so few that this one bears no number; and the duties

of general administration did not prevent the highest officials from

attending to details. This patent, issued to Peter Cooper, of New York,

was personally signed by John Quincy Adams, President; countersigned by

Henry Clay, Secretary of State; transmitted to William Wirt,

Attorney-General; examined, approved, and signed by him, and returned to

the Department of State for final delivery to the patentee. It grants

for fourteen years to the said Peter Cooper, his heirs, administrators,

and assignees the exclusive right to make, use, or license others to

use, the described improvement in the method of effecting rotary motion

directly from the alternate rectilinear motion of a steam piston.

Evidently these distinguished statesmen--Adams, Clay, and Wirt--were not

experts in mechanics, or at least did not undertake to hinder by

technical criticism the experiments of American ambition; and there was

no trained corps of patent-examiners to decide upon the novelty,

practicability, and usefulness of any proposed improvement in the arts.

Probably the government shared at that time the dominant American

feeling of unconquerable youth, ready to attack all problems, especially

those which previous experience had pronounced insoluble, and to

determine the impossible by attempting it. This spirit has in fact more

or less dominated the United States Patent Office down to the present

time. With all its present equipment of examiners, trained in theory and

versed in technical literature, it still concerns itself chiefly in the

consideration of a proposed invention with the question of novelty,

rather than that of feasibility or value; and the effect has been that,

while thousands of patents are granted for absurd, unnecessary, or

inoperative devices, the net result of the encouragement thus given to

individual ingenuity and audacity is a catalogue of great inventions

unmatched in the history of any other nation.

The patent of Peter Cooper, which now lies before me,--a time-stained

parchment bearing the great seal of the United States and the autographs

of the famous men named above,--is accompanied by no drawings; but it

contains a detailed specification which shows that the invention

consisted in an arrangement by which, at each forward movement, a

prolongation of the piston rod clawed into an endless chain, which was

pulled back by the return stroke. This chain passed around a wheel, to

which it consequently imparted a rotary motion.

Engineers do not need to be told that this cumbrous arrangement could

not successfully replace the crank, even if such a replacement were

desirable. Yet the inventor constructed a working-machine, and satisfied

himself, by a "duty trial" of some sort, that it "saved two fifths of

the steam." His discovery, however, was not hailed with immediate

recognition by the mechanical public; and its author, undisturbed in his

faith, bided his time.

This, by the way, points to a characteristic of Peter Cooper,

differentiating him from the numerous enthusiasts whom prudent men are

accustomed to avoid. He was not a man "of one idea." His fertile and

ingenious mind threw out its suggestions in every direction, into fields

untrodden by experience; but when any such plan failed of acceptance, he

turned, with undiminished courage and hope, to something else,

remaining, nevertheless, still steadfast in his former conception, and

ready to seize any opportunity for its realization.

Thus it came to pass that Mr. Cooper's abortive improvement upon the

steam engine was the source of his fame as the builder of the first

American locomotive, as the following chapter will explain.

V

THE TOM THUMB

IN the specification of the patent secured in 1828 by Mr. Cooper for an

improved steam engine, he took pains to declare the suitability of his

invention as a motor for "land carriages." No doubt he had heard of

Stephenson's "Rocket," if not of the engine built by Blenkinsop in 1813,

the sight of which in operation caused Stephenson to resolve that he

would "make a better." The famous competitive trial of the Rocket, the

Novelty, the Sanspareil, and the Perseverance, on a two-mile section of

the Liverpool and Manchester Railroad, took place in October, 1827, at

which time Peter Cooper must have been perfecting the application for

his patent.

But other circumstances played their part in the result which we are

about to consider. Some time before 1830 Mr. Cooper had been drawn into

a land speculation at Canton, in the suburbs of Baltimore. Failing of

support from his partners, he had been obliged to buy them out, and to

assume the whole burden of the enterprise. Just at that time there was

great popular expectation of the future importance of Baltimore. A

little earlier, there had been general despair among the merchants of

that city. New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore were seeking the trade

of the region beyond the Alleghanies,--then "the West," but now the

centre of the population of the United States. New York flanked the

mountains with her Erie Canal; Philadelphia got at last a practicable,

though less satisfactory, water line; but Baltimore, though nearest of

all to the longed-for market, found, through careful examination by

eminent engineers, that no canal was practicable for her, at a cost

within her means. In 1824 and 1825 the consequent general despondency

concerning the future of the city was so strong that Baltimore

merchants began to move to New York and Philadelphia.[3]

But at this period the world began to hear of railways. A well-known

merchant of Baltimore, returning from England, described with enthusiasm

the coal trains, drawn by the cumbrous ante-Stephenson engines, which he

had seen there. The idea of a tramway (with or without steam motors)

found ready acceptance in a community both enterprising and desperate. A

town meeting, held in 1826, to consider Western communications, resulted

in an application to the Maryland legislature, and the incorporation, in

March, 1827, of the Baltimore and Ohio,--the first railroad company thus

created in the United States for purposes of general transportation,--the

leader of that vast multitude of similar enterprises, the history of

which is the history of our nation's marvelous commercial progress. By

the legislative charter, the city of Baltimore and the State of Maryland

were authorized to subscribe to the company's stock.

In the address already cited, Mr. Latrobe, an eye-witness, says of the

scenes which followed:--

"Then came a scene which almost beggars description. By this time,

public excitement had gone beyond fever heat and reached the boiling

point. Everybody wanted stock. The number of shares subscribed were to

be apportioned, if the limit of the capital should be exceeded; and

every one set about obtaining proxies. Parents subscribed in the names

of their children, and paid the dollar on each share that the rules

prescribed. Before even a survey had been made, the possession of stock

in any quantity was regarded as a provision for old age; and great was

the scramble to obtain it. The excitement in Baltimore roused public

attention elsewhere; and a railroad mania began to pervade the land."

The proposed railroad was to pass through Mr. Cooper's Canton property,

which he had already begun to develop, "so that it should pay the

taxes," by building upon it charcoal kilns, after a design of his own,

with the purpose of turning the forest into charcoal, and, by means of

this fuel, smelting the iron ore which the land contained. What was the

immediate commercial outcome of this enterprise is not recorded. Mr.

Cooper's characteristic recollection, more than sixty years later, was

that, "with the exception of a dangerous explosion," which nearly cost

him his life, the charcoal kilns were "a great success!"

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