CHAPTER VII.

=Heart of Mid-Lothian.=

THE PORTEOUS MOB.

We shall mention a few inaccuracies in the account given of the

Porteous mob in “The Heart of Midlothian,” assigning, at the same time,

precise dates to all the incidents.

On the morning of the 11th of April, 1736, Wilson and Robertson were

conducted to the Tolbooth Church, for the purpose of hearing their

last sermon, their execution being to happen on Wednesday following.

The custom of conducting criminals under sentence of death to a

place of public worship, and suffering them again to mix with their

fellow-men, from whom they were so shortly to be cut off for ever, was

a beautiful trait of the devotional and merciful feelings of the people

of Scotland, which has since this incident been unhappily disused. In

the Tale, the escape of Robertson is said to have happened after the

sermon; but this statement, evidently made by the novelist for the sake

of effect, is incorrect. The criminals had scarcely seated themselves

in the pew, when Wilson committed the daring deed. Robertson tripped up

the fourth soldier himself, and jumped out of the pew with incredible

agility. In hurrying out at the door of the church, he tumbled over

the collection money, by which he was probably hurt; for, in running

across the Parliament Square, he was observed to stagger much, and,

in going down the stairs which lead to the Cowgate, actually fell. In

this dangerous predicament he was protected by Mr. M‘Queen, minister

of the New Kirk, who was coming up the stair on his way to church at

the moment. This kind-hearted gentleman is said to have set him again

on his feet, and to have covered his retreat as much as possible from

the pursuit of the guard. Robertson passed down to the Cowgate, ran

up the Horse Wynd, and out at the Potterrow Port, the crowd all the

way closing behind him, so that his pursuers could not by any means

overtake him. In the wynd he made up to a saddled horse, and would have

mounted him, but was prevented by the owner. Passing the Crosscauseway,

he got into the King’s Park, and made the way for Duddingstone,

under the basaltic rocks which overhang the path to that village. On

jumping a dyke near Clearburn, he fainted away, but was revived by a

refreshment which he there received.

Upon Robertson’s escape, Wilson was immediately taken back to prison,

and put in close custody. He was executed, under the dreadful

circumstances so well known, on the 14th of April. The story of a

“young fellow, with a sailor’s cap slouched over his face,” having

cut him down from the gibbet, on the rising of the mob, is perfectly

unfounded. The executioner was at the top of the ladder, performing

that part of his office, at the time Porteous fired.

Though the author of the Tale has chosen George Robertson for his hero,

and invested him with many attributes worthy of that high character,

historical accuracy obliges us to record that he was merely a stabler;

and, what must at once destroy all romantic feelings concerning him in

the light of a hero, tradition informs us that he was a married man

at the time of his imprisonment. He kept an inn in Bristo Street, and

was a man of rather dissipated habits, though the exculpatory evidence

produced upon his trial represents him as in the habit of being much

intrusted by the carriers who lodged at his house. After his escape, he

was known to have gone to Holland, and to have resided there many years.

The most flagrant aberration from the truth committed by the novelist,

is in the opening of the Tale, where the crowd is represented as

awaiting the execution of Captain Porteous, in the Grassmarket, on the

7th of September. The whole scene is described in the most admirable

manner; and the interesting objects of the gallows, the filled windows,

and the crowd upon the street, form, I have no doubt, the faithful

outline of what the scene would have been, had it existed.[29]

But however ably the Author of “Waverley” has delineated this imaginary

scene, it is unfortunate that his account does not agree either with

truth, or, what was to him ten times more important, _vraisemblance_.

He has no doubt handled the fictitious incident of the abortive

preparations for the execution, and the expressions of the disappointed

multitude on the occasion, in his usual masterly manner, and heightened

the _effect_ of his own story not a little by the use he has made of

history; but it must at the same time strike every reader that the

whole affair is extremely improbable. It seems scarcely possible that a

conspiracy of such a deep and well-planned nature as the Porteous mob

could have been laid and brought to issue in a single afternoon. Not

even the most romantic reader of novels, supposing him to understand

the case to its full extent, would deceive himself with so incredible

an absurdity; but would think with us that, according to the natural

course of things, it would take _all the time it did take_, (five

days,) before so well-laid and eventually so successful a scheme could

be projected, organized, and accomplished.

The plain statement of the facts is to the following effect.

The Queen’s pardon reached Edinburgh so early as Thursday, the 2nd of

September. The riot happened on the night of Tuesday, the 7th—the

night previous to the day on which the execution was to have taken

place, and after a sufficient time had elapsed for the preparation of

the scheme. Many of the rioters came from counties so distant, that the

news of the reprieve could not have reached them in a less space; and

perhaps the intelligence would not have been so speedily communicated

in those postless and coachless days, had not the popular interest in

the matter been so universal. Taking every thing into consideration, it

may indeed astonish us that the conspiracy was so rapidly matured as

it _was_, not to speak of a single afternoon! It may be noticed, that

some papers have lately come to light, by which it appears the plot

was not of that dark and mysterious character which the accounts of

the times and the Author of “Waverley” make it. Information had been

given to the council at least _thirty-six hours_ before the tumult

burst forth; and at a meeting late on the previous evening, when the

information was taken into consideration, the council pronounced the

reports in circulation to be merely _cadies’ clatters_, (gossip of

street-porters,) unworthy of regard.

The incidents of the riot, from the mob’s entering the city at the

West Port to Butler’s desertion of the scene at midnight, are all

given very correctly by the novelist. It is said to be absolutely true

that the rioters seized and detained a person of Butler’s profession,

for the purpose related in the novel. This happened, however, when

they had got half way to the gallows, at the head of the West Bow.

Porteous was twice drawn up and let down again before the deed was

accomplished—first, to bind his hands, and secondly, in order to put

something over his face. In the morning his body was found hanging, by

the public functionaries of the city, and was buried the same day in

the neighbouring churchyard of Greyfriars. It was on the south side of

the Grassmarket that he was hanged.

Arnot observes, after relating the incidents of the Porteous mob, in

his History of Edinburgh, that though it was then forty years after

that occurrence, no person had ever been found out upon whom an

accession to the murder could be charged. Nevertheless, the writer of

the present narrative has been informed by a very old man, who was an

apprentice in the Fleshmarket of Edinburgh about fifty years ago, that

in his younger days it was well known among the butchers, though only

whispered secretly among themselves, that the leaders of this singular

riot were two brothers of the name of Cumming, who were, for many years

after, fleshers in the Low Market, and died unmolested, at advanced

ages. They were tall, strong, and exceedingly handsome men, had been

dressed in women’s clothes on the occasion, and were said to have been

the first to jump through the flames that burnt down the prison-door,

in eagerness to seize their unfortunate victim.

A few more scraps of private information have also been communicated to

the world by one who was instrumental and active in the riot. We give

them from the authority of “The Beauties of Scotland.”

“On the day preceding that of Porteous’ death, a whisper went through

the country, upon what information or authority this person knew not,

that an attempt was to be made, on the succeeding evening, to put

Captain Porteous to death. To avenge the blood of a relation who had

been killed at the execution of Wilson, he conceived himself bound in

duty to share the risk of the attempt. Wherefore, upon the following

day, he proceeded to Edinburgh, and towards the evening stopped in the

suburb of Portsburgh, which he found crowded with country people; all

of whom, however, kept aloof from each other, so that there was no

conversation about the purpose of their assembling. At a later hour,

he found the inferior sort of inns in the Grassmarket full of people,

and saw many persons, apparently strangers, lurking in the different

houses. About eleven at night, the streets became crowded with men,

who, having in some measure organized their body, by beating a drum and

marching in order, immediately proceeded to secure the gates and make

for the prison.”

* * * * *

“As the multitude proceeded with Porteous down the West Bow, some of

their number knocked at the door of a shop and demanded ropes.[30]

A woman, apparently a maid-servant, thrust a coil of ropes out of a

window, without opening the door, and a person wearing a white apron,

which seemed to be assumed for disguise, gave in return a piece of gold

as the price,” etc.

THE CITY GUARD.

The City Guard, of which so much mention is made in the Tale before

us, was originally instituted in 1648. Previous to that period, the

City had been watched during the night by the personal duty of the

inhabitants, a certain number of whom were obliged to undertake the

office by rotation. In order to relieve the inconveniency of this

service, a body of sixty men was first appointed, with a captain, two

lieutenants, two sergeants, and three corporals; but no regular funds

being provided for the support of the establishment, it was speedily

dissolved. However, about thirty years thereafter, the necessity of a

regular police was again felt; and forty men were raised. These, in the

year 1682, were augmented, at the instigation of the Duke of York, to

108 men; and, to defray the expense of the company, a tax was imposed

upon the citizens. At the Revolution, the Town Council represented

to the Estates of Parliament, that the burden was a grievance to the

City; and their request to have it removed was granted. So speedily,

however, did they repent this second dismissal of their police, that

the very next year they applied to Parliament for authority to raise a

body of no fewer than 126 men, and to assess the inhabitants for the

expense. Since that period the number of the Town Guard had been very

fluctuating, and, before its late final dissolution, amounted only to

about 75 men. For many years previous to this event, they had been

found quite inadequate to the protection of the City. Riots seemed to

be in some measure encouraged by the ridicule in which the venerable

corps was held; and from their infirmities and other circumstances, as

well as from their scantiness, the more distant parts of the rapidly

increasing capital were left defenceless and open to the attacks of

nightly depredators. Their language, their manners, and their tempers,

so uncongenial with those of the citizens whom they protected, were

also found to be almost inapplicable to the purposes for which they

served, and, of course, operated as causes of their being disbanded.

Besides, a few years before their dismissal, a regular police, similar

to that of London, had been established in Edinburgh; which soon

completely set aside all necessity of their services. The Town Guard

were therefore convoked for the last time, we believe, in February,

1817; and, after receiving some small gratuity from the magistrates,

and having a pension settled upon them still more trifling than their

trifling pay, proportioned to the rank they held in the corps, were

finally disbanded. The police of Edinburgh is now almost unrivalled in

Britain for vigilance and activity—how different from the unruly and

intemperate times when magisterial authority could be successfully set

at defiance, when mobs could unite into such a system of co-operation

as even to beard royalty itself, when (in 1812) a scene of violence

could be exhibited that would not have disgraced the middle ages, and

when, still more to be lamented, the protection of property was so

uncertain, that, according to the city-arms, it was but too literally

true that—

“Unless the _Lord_ the City kept,

The _watchmen_ watched in vain!”

Another event occurred about the same time in Edinburgh, which

was appropriately contemporaneous with the abolition of the City

Guard,—namely, the demolishment and final removal of the Tolbooth.

This building, which makes so conspicuous a figure in the present Tale,

was originally the Town-house of Edinburgh, and afterwards afforded

accommodation for the Scottish Parliament and Courts of Justice, and

for the confinement of debtors and malefactors. It had been used

solely as a jail since 1640. It was not deficient in other interesting

recollections, besides being the scene of the Porteous mob. Here Queen

Mary delivered, what are termed by John Knox her _Painted Orations_;

and on its dreary summits had been successively displayed the heads of

a Morton, a Gowrie, a Huntly, a Montrose, and an Argyll,—besides those

of many of inferior note.

A part of this edifice had been devoted to the use of the City Guard,

ever since the removal of their former rendezvous in the High Street.

Many will still remember of seeing a veteran or two leaning over

a half-door in the north side of the Jail. Could their eyes have

penetrated farther into the gloomy interior, a few more indistinct

figures might have been perceived smoking round a fire, or reading

an old newspaper, while the unintelligible language which they spoke

might aid the idea of their resemblance to a convocation of infernals

in some of the cinder-holes of Tartarus. In fine weather, a few of the

venerable corps might be seen crawling about the south front of the

prison, with Lochaber axes over their shoulders, or reposing lazily

on a form with the white-haired keeper of the Tolbooth door, and

basking in the sun, in all the lubber luxury of mental and corporeal

abandonment. But now (_sic transit gloria mundi!_) their ancient

Capitol is levelled with the dust, and they themselves are only to be

ranked among the “things that were.” All trace of their existence is

dispersed over a waste of visioned recollection; and future generations

will think of the City Guard, as they think of _the forty-five_, of

_the Friends of the People_,—or of the last year’s snow!

It is said, in the “Heart of Midlothian,” that “a phantom of former

days,” in the shape of “an old worn-out Highlander, dressed in a

cocked hat, bound with white tape instead of silver lace, and in coat,

waistcoat and breeches, of a muddy-coloured red,” (the costume of _the

Guard_,) “still creeps around the statue of Charles the Second, in the

Parliament Square, as if the image of a Stuart were the last refuge

for any memorial of our ancient manners.” This venerable spectre is

neither more nor less than the goodly flesh and blood figure of John

Kennedy, who served in the corps ever since the American war, and who

is now employed by Mr. Rae, keeper of the Parliament House, to sweep

the arcade, and to prevent little ragged urchins from disturbing by

their noisy sports the weightier business of the law. John Kennedy was

one of the band; and was well known to the heroes of the High School

forty years ago. Like him, the greater part of his surviving brethren

have changed into new shapes. One or two may be observed now and then,

staggering about the outskirts of the town, or dozing away the last

years of life upon the seats in the Meadow Walk and the King’s Park.

Their old musty coats, in such instances, are dyed in some colour less

military than red, and generally otherwise modernized by abscission of

the skirts. A pair of their original spatterdashers still case their

legs,—but which still less scarcely fend than formerly

“——to keep

Frae weet and weary plashes

O’ dirt, thir days.”

We once stumbled upon a veteran snugly bedded in a stall of about three

feet square, crammed into the internal space of an outside stair in

the West Bow. In this den he exercised the calling of a cobbler. Like

all shoemakers, he was an earnest politician, and read the _Scotsman_

every week in the second month of its age, after it had made the

tour of _the Bow_;—“being determined,” he said, “to _stick by the

nation_!” We have also sometimes found occasion to recognise the nose

of an old acquaintance, under the disguise of a circulator of bills,

at the doors of certain haberdashers on the South Bridge. We have a

peculiar veneration for a puff given forth from the paw of an _old

Town-Guardsman_; and seldom find it in our heart to put such a document

to a death of candle-ends.

One of the principal reasons which David Deans assigned to Saddletree,

for not employing counsel in the cause of his daughter Effie, was the

notorious Jacobitism of the faculty, who, he said, had received into

their library the medals which that Moabitish woman, the Duchess of

Gordon, had sent to them. This was a true and, moreover, a curious

case. In 1711, the great-grandmother of the present Duke of Gordon

excited no small attention by presenting to the Faculty of Advocates

a silver medal, with a head of the Pretender on one side, and, on the

other, the British isles, with the word _Reddite_.[31] The Dean having

presented the medal to the faculty at the next meeting, a debate ensued

about the propriety of admitting it into their repositories. It was

carried 63 to 12 to admit the medal, and return thanks to the duchess

for her present. Two advocates, delegated for that purpose, waited

upon her grace, and expressed their hopes that she would soon have an

opportunity of complimenting the faculty with a second medal on the

_Restoration_.

This lady was the wife of George, first Duke of Gordon, who held out

Edinburgh Castle for King James, in 1689.

JEANIE DEANS.

The plot of this tale, besides bearing some resemblance to that of The

Exiles of Siberia, finds a counterpart in the story of Helen Walker.

When the following account of this person was taken down, in 1786,

she was a little stout-looking woman, between 70 and 80 years of

age, dressed in a long tartan plaid, and having over her white cap,

(_Scottice_, TOY,) a black silk hood tied under her chin. She lived

in the neighbourhood of Dumfries, on the romantic banks of the

immortalized Clouden, a little way above the bridge by which the road

from Dumfries to Sanquhar crosses that beautiful stream. She lived

by the humblest means of subsistence,—working stockings, teaching

a few children, and rearing now and then a small brood of chickens.

Her countenance was remarkably lively and intelligent, her eyes were

dark and expressive, and her conversation was marked by a naïveté and

good sense that seemed to fit her for a higher sphere in life. When

any question was asked concerning her earlier life, her face became

clouded, and she generally contrived to turn the conversation to a

different topic.

Her story, so far as it was ever known, bore that she had been early

left an orphan, with the charge of a younger sister, named _Tibby_,

(Isabella,) whom she endeavoured to maintain and educate by her own

exertions. It will not be easy to conceive her feelings when her sister

was apprehended on a charge of child-murder, and herself called on as a

principal witness against her. The counsel for the prisoner told Helen,

that if she could declare that her sister had made any preparation,

however slight, or had communicated any notice of her situation, such

a statement would save her sister’s life. But, from the very first,

this high-souled woman determined against such a perjury, and avowed

her resolution to give evidence according to her conscience. Isabella

was of course found guilty and condemned; and, in removing her from the

bar, she was heard to say to her sister, “Oh, Nelly! ye’ve been the

cause of my death!”

Helen Walker, however, was as remarkable for her dauntless perseverance

in a good cause as for her fortitude in resisting the temptations of a

bad one. She immediately procured a petition to be drawn up, stating

the peculiar circumstances of the case, and that very night of her

sister’s condemnation set out from Dumfries for London. She travelled

on foot, and was neither possessed of introduction nor recommendation.

She presented herself in her tartan plaid and country attire before

John Duke of Argyll, after having watched three days at his door, just

as he was stepping into his carriage, and delivered her petition.

Herself and her story interested him so much, that he immediately

procured the pardon she solicited, which was forwarded to Dumfries, and

Helen returned on foot, having performed her meritorious journey in the

course of a few weeks.

After her liberation, Isabella was married to the father of her child,

and retired to some distance in the north of England, where Helen used

occasionally to visit her.

Helen Walker, whom every one will be ready to acknowledge as the

_Original_ of Jeanie Deans, died in the spring of 1787; and her remains

lie in the Churchyard of Irongray, without a stone to mark the place

where they are deposited.

PATRICK WALKER.

The objurgatory exhortation which David Deans delivers to his

daughters, on suddenly overhearing the word “_dance_” pronounced

in their conversation, will be remembered by our readers. He there

“blesses God, (with that singular worthy, Patrick Walker the packman at

Bristo-port,) that ordered his lot in his dancing days, so that fear of

his head and throat, cauld and hunger, wetness and weariness, stopped

the lightness of his head and the wantonness of his feet.” Almost the

whole of David’s speech is to be found at the 59th page of Patrick

Walker’s “Life of Cameron,” with much more curious matter.

This “Patrick Walker” was a person who had suffered for the good cause

in his youth, along with many others of the “singular worthies” of

the times. After the Revolution, it appears that he exercised the

profession of a pedlar. He probably dealed much in those pamphlets

concerning the sufferings and the doctrines of the “_Martyrs_,” which

were so widely diffused throughout Scotland, in the years subsequent

to the Revolution. In the process of time he set up his staff of rest

in a small shop at the head of Bristo Street, opposite to the entrance

of a court entitled “Society.” Here Patrick flourished about a century

ago, and published several works, now very scarce and curious, of

“Remarkable Passages in the Lives and Deaths of those famous worthies,

signal for piety and zeal, _viz._ Mr. John Semple, Mr. Wellwood, Mr.

Cameron, Mr. Peden, etc.; who were all shining lights in the Land, and

gave light to many, in which they rejoiced for a season.” For this

sort of biography Patrick seems to have been excellently adapted;

for he had not only been witness to many of the incidents which

he describes, but, from his intimate personal friendship with the

subjects of his narratives, he was also a complete adept in all their

intricate polemics and narrow superstitions. These he accordingly

gives in such a style of length, strength, and volubility, as leaves

us weltering in astonishment at the extensive range of expression of

which Cant was susceptible. Take the following, for instance, from the

rhapsodies of Peden. “A bloody sword, a bloody sword, a bloody sword

for thee, O Scotland! Many miles shall ye travel and shall see nothing

but desolation and ruinous wastes in thee, O Scotland! The fertilest

places shall be desert as the mountains in thee, O Scotland! Oh the

Monzies, the Monzies, see how they run! how long will they run? Lord,

cut their houghs and stay their running. The women with child shall be

ript up and dashed in pieces. Many a preaching has God waired (_spent_)

on thee, O Scotland! But now He will come forth with the fiery brand

of His wrath, and then He will preach to thee by conflagration, since

words winna do! O Lord, Thou hast been baith good and kind to auld

Sandy, thorow a long tract of time, and given him many years in Thy

Service which have been but like as many months. But now he is tired

of the warld, and sae let him away with the honesty he has, for he

will gather no more!” We will also extract Patrick’s own account of

an incident which is related upon his authority in the “Heart of

Midlothian,” at the 54th page of the second volume. It is a good

specimen of his style:—

“One time, among many, he[32] designed to administrate the Sacrament

of the Lord’s Supper; and before the time cam, he assured the people

that the devil would be envious of the good work they were to go

about,—that he was afraid he would be permitted to raise a storm in

the air with a speat of rain, to raise the water, designing to drown

some of them; but it will not be within the compass of his power to

drown any of you, no not so much as a dog. Accordingly it came to pass,

on _Monday_, when they were dismissing, they saw a man all in black,

entering the water to wade, a little above them; they were afraid, the

water being big; immediately he lost his feet, (as they apprehended,)

and came down lying on his back, and waving his hand. The people ran

and got ropes, and threw in to him; and tho’ there were ten or twelve

men upon the ropes, they were in danger of being drowned into the

water: Mr. Semple, looking on, cryed, ‘Quit the ropes and let him go,

(he saw who it was,) ’tis the devil, ’tis the devil; he will burn, but

not drown; and, by drowning you, would have God dishonoured, because

He hath gotten some glory to His free grace, in being kind to mony of

your souls at this time. Oh! he is a subtile wylie devil, that lies

at the catch, waiting his opportunity, that now, when ye have heard

all ye will get at this occasion, his design is to raise a confusion

among you, to get all out of your minds that ye have heard, and off

your spirits that ye have felt.’ He earnestly exhorted them all to

keep in mind what they had heard and seen, and to retain what they had

attained, and to go home blessing God for all, and that the devil was

disappointed of his hellish design. All search was made in the country,

to find out if any man was lost, but none could be heard of; from

whence all concluded that it was the devil.”

According to Patrick, this same Mr. Semple was remarkable for much

discernment and sagacity, besides that which was necessary for the

detection of devils. From the following “passage,” the reader will

observe that he was equally acute in the detection of witches. “While

a neighbouring minister was distributing tokens before the sacrament,

Mr. Semple standing by, and seeing him reaching a token to a woman,

said, ‘Hold your hand; that Woman hath got too many tokens already, for

she is a witch;’ of which none suspected her then: yet afterwards she

confessed herself to be a witch, and was put to death for the same.”

We also find John Semple, of Carsphearn, introduced into that

well-known irreverent work, “Scots Presbyterian Eloquence”; where an

humorous burlesque of his style of expression is given in the following

words: “In the day of judgment the Lord will say, ‘Who’s that there?’

John will answer, ‘It’s e’en poor auld John Semple, Lord.’ ‘Who are

these with you, John?’ ‘It’s a few poor honest bonneted men.’ ‘Strange,

John! where’s all your folks with their hats and silk hoods?’ ‘I

invited them, Lord; but they would not come.’ ‘It’s not your fault,

John; come forward, ye are very welcome, and these few with you!’”

In the _reekit_ and mutilated volume of “Lives” before us, we have

found a considerable number of passages which are alluded to in the

narratives of My Landlord—more indeed than it would be interesting

to point out. The use which the Author makes of the information he

derives from them is by no means dishonourable, except perhaps in one

instance, vol. iv., page 134, where it must be allowed he is rather

waggish upon Patrick, besides corrupting the truth of his text. This

instance relates to the murder of a trooper named Francis Gordon, said

to have been committed by the Cameronians. Patrick denies the charge

of murder, and calls it only killing in self-defence. His own account

is as follows: “It was then commonly said, that Mr. Francis Gordon was

a Volunteer out of Wickedness of Principles, and could not stay with

the Troops, but must alwaies be raging and ranging to catch hiding

suffering people. Meldrum and Airly’s Troops, lying at Lanark upon the

first Day of March, 1682, Mr. Gordon and another Comrade, with their

two Servants and four Horses, came to Kilcaigow, two Miles from Lanark,

searching for William Caigow and others under Hiding. Mr. Gordon,

rambling thorow the Town, offered to abuse the women. At night they

came a mile further to the Easterseat, to Robert Muir’s, he being also

under hiding. Gordon’s comrade and the two servants went to bed, but

he could sleep none, roaring all the night for women. When day came,

he took his sword in his hand, and came to Moss-Platt; and some men,

(who had been in the fields all night,) seeing him, they fled, and

he pursued. James Wilson, Thomas Young, and myself, having been in a

meeting all night, were lying down in the morning. We were alarmed,

thinking there were many more than one. He pursued hard and overtook

us. Thomas Young said, ‘Sir, what do you pursue us for?’ He said, he

was come to send us to Hell. James Wilson said, ‘That shall not be, for

we will defend ourselves.’ He answered that either he or we should go

to it now, and then ran his sword furiously thorow James Wilson’s coat.

James fired upon him, but missed him. All the time he cried, ‘damn his

soul!’ He got a shot in his head out of a pocket pistol, rather fit

for diverting a boy than for killing such a furious, mad, brisk man;

which notwithstanding killed him dead.” Patrick does not mention who it

was that shot him; and from his obscurity on this point, we are led

to suspect that it was no other than himself; for had it been Thomas

Young, it is probable that he would have mentioned it. In the ‘Tale,’

David Deans is mentioned as being among them, and half confesses to the

merit of having killed Mr. Gordon; but our venerable biographer is also

made to prefer a sort of a half claim to the honour, while neither of

them dared utterly to avow it; ‘there being some wild cousins of the

deceased about Edinburgh who might have been yet addicted to revenge.’”

The “worthy John Livingston, a sailor in Borrowstownness,” who is

quoted for a saying at the 37th page of the fourth volume, will be

found at 107th page of Patrick’s “Life of Cameron,” with the words

ascribed to him at full length. Borrowstownness seems to have been a

somewhat holy place in its day; for, besides this worthy, we learn from

the same authority that it also produced “Skipper William Horn, that

singular, solid, serious, old exercised, self-denied, experienced,

confirmed, established, tender Christian,” and another tar of the name

of Alexander Stewart, who “suffered at the Cross” for a cause in which

few of his profession have ever since thought of suffering,—together

with two other worthies named Cuthel, one of whom was beheaded along

with Mr. Cargill.

At the 40th page of the same fourth volume, David Deans declares

himself to have been the person “of whom there was some sport at

the Revolution, when he noited thegither the heads of the twa false

prophets, their ungracious Graces the Prelates, as they stood on the

High Street, after being expelled from the Convention-parliament.”

The source of this story is also to be found in the works of Patrick

Walker. This sage historian relates the circumstance in a manner rather

too facetious to be altogether consistent with his habitual gravity.

“Fourteen Bishops,” says he, “were expelled at once, and stood in a

cloud, with pale faces, in the Parliament Close. James Wilson, Robert

Neilson, Francis Hislop, and myself, were standing close by them.

Francis Hislop, with force, thrust Robert Neilson upon them, and their

heads went hard upon each other. Their graceless Graces went quickly

off; and in a short time neither Bishop nor Curate were to be seen

in the streets. This was a sudden and surprising change, not to be

forgotten. But some of us would have rejoiced still more to have seen

the whole cabalzie sent legally down the Bow, that they might have

found the weight of their tails in a tow, to dry their stocking-soles,

and let them know what hanging was.”[33]

PARTICULARS REGARDING SCENERY, ETC.

SAINT LEONARD’S CRAGS, the scene of David Deans’s residence, are an

irregular ridge, with a slight vegetation, situated in the south-west

boundary of the King’s Park, at Edinburgh. Adjacent to them, and

bearing their name, there exists a sort of village, now almost inclosed

by the approaching suburbs of the city. The neighbouring extremity

of the Pleasance, with this little place, seem to have formed at

one period the summer residences or villas of the inhabitants of

Edinburgh, some of the houses even yet bearing traces of little garden

plots before the door, and other peculiarities of what is still the

prevailing taste in the fitting up of _boxes_. None of these may,

however, have existed in the time of David Deans. In former times, St.

Leonard’s Crags and the adjoining valley used to be much resorted to by

duellists. This part of their history is, however, to be found at full

length in the “Heart of Midlothian.” There is a case of duel on record,

in which a barber challenged a citizen, and fought him with swords. It

happened in the year 1600. The citizen was slain; and his antagonist,

being instantly apprehended, was tried, and, by the order of the King,

executed, for having presumed to take the revenge of a gentleman.[34]

MUSCHAT’S CAIRN, so conspicuously introduced into this Tale, was a heap

of stones placed upon the spot where a barbarous murder was committed

in the year 1720. The murderer was descended of a respectable family

in the county of Angus, and had been educated to the profession of a

surgeon. When in Edinburgh, in the course of his education, it appears

that he made an imprudent match with a woman in humble life, named

Margaret Hall. He shortly repented of what he had done, and endeavoured

by every means to shake himself free of his wife. The attempts

which he made to divorce, to forsake, and to poison her, proved all

unsuccessful; till at length he resolved, in the distraction caused

by his frequent disappointments, to rid himself of his incumbrance

by the surest method, that of cutting her throat. The day before the

perpetration of this deed, he pretended a return of affection to the

unfortunate woman, and in the evening took her to walk with him, in

the direction of Duddingston. The unhappy creature was averse to the

expedition, and intreated her husband to remain in Edinburgh; but he

persisted, in spite of her tears, in his desire of taking her with him

to that village. When they had got nearly to the extremity of the path

which is called the Duke’s Walk, (having been the favourite promenade

of the Duke of York, afterwards King James II.,) Muschat threw her

upon the ground, and immediately proceeded to cut her throat. During

her resistance he wounded her hand and chin, which she held down,

endeavouring to intercept the knife; and he declared in his confession,

afterwards taken, that, but for her long hair, with which he pinned her

to the earth, he could not have succeeded in his purpose, her struggles

being so great. Immediately after the murder, he went and informed

some of his accomplices, and took no pains to evade apprehension. He

was tried and found guilty upon his own confession, and, after being

executed in the Grassmarket, was hung in chains upon the Gallowlee.[35]

A cairn of stones was erected upon the spot where the murder took

place, in token of the people’s abhorrence and reprobation of the deed.

It was removed several years since, when the Duke’s Walk was widened

and levelled by Lord Adam Gordon.

ST. ANTHONY’S CHAPEL, among the ruins of which Robertson found means to

elude the pursuit of Sharpitlaw, is an interesting relic of antiquity,

situated on a level space about half-way up the north-west side of the

mountain called Arthur’s Seat. It lies in a westerly direction from

Muschat’s Cairn, at about the distance of a furlong; and the Hunter’s

Bog, also mentioned in this Tale, occupies a valley which surrounds all

that side of the hill. The chapel was originally a place of worship,

annexed to a hermitage at the distance of a few yards, and both were

subservient to a monastery of the same name, which anciently flourished

on the site of St. Anthony’s Street in Leith. In the times of Maitland

and Arnot the ruin was almost entire; but now there only remain a

broken wall and a few fragments of what has once been building, but

which are now scarcely to be distinguished from the surrounding grey

rocks;—so entirely has art in this case relapsed into its primitive

nature, and lost all the characteristics of human handiwork. The

slightest possible traces of a hermitage are also to be observed,

plastered against the side of a hollow rock; and, further down the

hill, there springs from the foot of a precipice the celebrated St.

Anthony’s Well. Queen Mary is said to have visited all these scenes;

and, somehow or other, her name is always associated with them by those

who are accustomed to visit, on a Sunday afternoon, their hallowed

precincts. They are also rendered sacred in song, by their introduction

into one of the most beautiful, most plaintive, and most poetical of

all Scotland’s ancient melodies:

“I leant my back unto an aik,

I thought it was a trusty tree:

But first it bowed and syne it brak,

Sae my true love’s forsaken me.

“Oh! Arthur’s Seat shall be my bed,

The sheets shall ne’er be pressed by me:

St. Anton’s well shall be my drink,

Sin’ my true love’s forsaken me,” etc.

The situation is remarkably well adapted for a hermitage, though in

the immediate neighbourhood of a populous capital. The scene around

is as wild as a Highland desert, and gives an air of seclusion and

peacefulness as complete. If the distant din of the city at all could

reach the eremite’s ears, it would appear as insignificant as the

murmur of the waves around the base of the isolated rock, and would be

as unheeded.

FOOTNOTES:

[29] Even the loftiness of the surrounding buildings is taken into

account. “The uncommon height and antique appearance of these houses,”

says the author, “some of which were formerly the property of the

Knights Templars and the Knights of St. John, and still exhibit upon

their fronts and gables the iron cross of these orders, gave additional

effect to a scene in itself so striking.” This sentence, it is somewhat

remarkable, is also used (perhaps I should say _repeated_) by Sir

Walter Scott, when he finds occasion to describe the same scene in his

“Provincial Antiquities of Scotland.”

[30] The shop from which the rioters procured the rope, was a small

shop in the second or middle division of the West Bow (No. 69). It

was then kept by a Mrs. Jeffrey, but was not a rope-maker’s shop.

It was a shop of _huckstery_ or _small wares_, in which ropes were

then included. It seems yet to be occupied by a person of the same

profession (Mrs. Wilson).

[31] There is an engraving of this medal in Boyer’s “History of Queen

Anne,” p. 511.

[32] Mr. John Semple, of Carsphearn.

[33] We are glad to observe that the biographical works of Patrick

Walker are shortly to be reprinted by Mr. John Stevenson, Bookseller,

Prince’s Street, whose shop is well known, or ought to be so, by all

the true lovers of curious little old smoke-dried volumes.

[34] Birrel’s account of this matter is as follows:—“[1600.] The 2 of

Apryll, being the Sabbath day, Robert Auchmutie, barber, slew James

Wauchope, at the combat in St. Leonard’s Hill; and, upon the 23, the

said Rt. put in ward in the tolbuith of Edr.; and in the meine time of

his being in ward, he hang ane cloke w’t’out the window of the irone

hous, and anither w’t in the window yr.; and, saying yat he was sick,

and might not see the light, he had aquafortis continuallie seithing

at the irone window, quhill, at the last, the irone window wes eiten

throw; sua, upon a morneing, he caused his prentes boy attend quhen the

towne gaird should have dissolvit, at q’lk tyme the boy waitit one,

and gaif hes Mr ane token yat the said gaird wer gone, be the schewe

or waiff of his hand-curche. The said Robt. hung out an tow, q’ron he

thought to have cumeit doune; the said gairde espyit the waiff of the

hand-curche, and sua the said Robt was disappointit of hes intentione

and devys; and sua, on the 10 day, he wes beheidit at the Cross, upon

ane scaffold.” P. 48, 49.

[35] The Gallowlee was not the usual place of execution; but the most

flagrant criminals were generally hung there in chains. Many of the

martyrs were exhibited on its summit, which Patrick Walker records with

due horror. It ceased to be employed for any purpose of this kind about

the middle of the last century; since which period with one exception,

no criminals have been hung in chains in Scotland. Its site was a

rising ground immediately below the Botanic Garden, in Leith Walk.

When the New Town was in the progress of building, the sand used for

the composition of the mortar was procured from this spot; on which

account the miracle of a hill turned into a valley has taken place,

and it is at the present day that low beautiful esplanade of which

Eagle and Henderson’s nursery is formed. The Gallowlee turned out a

source of great emolument to the possessor, sixpence being allowed

for every cartful of sand that was taken away. But the proprietor was

never truly benefited by the circumstance. Being addicted to drinking,

he was in the habit of spending every sixpence as he received it. A

tavern was set up near the spot, which was formerly unaccommodated with

such a convenience, for the sole purpose of selling whisky to _Matthew

Richmond_,—and he was its only customer. A fortune was soon acquired of

the profits of the drink alone; and when the source of the affluence

ceased, poor Matthew was left poorer than he had originally been, after

having flung away the proffered chance of immense wealth. Never did

gamester more completely sink the last acre of his estate, than did

_muckle Matthew Richmond_ drink down the last grain of the sand-hill of

the Gallowlee!

Illustrations of the author of Waverley · 第 7 / 11 章