BY W. J. STILLMAN

It has been justly observed, and confirmed by all that we know of the

early history of literature, that the first forms of it were in verse.

This is in accordance with a principle which is stated by Herbert

Spencer on a different but related theme, that "Ornament was before

dress," the artistic instincts underlying and preceding the utilitarian

preoccupations. History indeed was first poetry, as we had Homer before

Thucydides, and as in all countries the traditions of the past take the

form of metrical, and generally musical, recitation. An excellent and

polished school of prose writers is the product of a tendency in

national life of later origin than that which calls out the bards and

ballad-singers, and is proof of a more advanced culture. The Renaissance

in Italy was but the resumption of a life long suspended, and the

succession of the phenomena in which was therefore far more rapid than

was possible in a nation which had to trace the path without any

survivals of a prior awakening; and while centuries necessarily

intervened between Homer and the "Father of History," a generation

sufficed between Dante and Boccaccio, for Italian literature had only to

throw off the leaden garb of Latin form to find its new dress in the

vernacular. Dante certainly wrote Italian prose, but he was more at ease

in verse; and while the latter provoked in him an abundance of those

happy phrases which seem to have been born with the thought they

express, and which pass into the familiar stock of imagery of all later

time, the prose of the 'Convito' and the 'Vita Nuova' hardly ever

recalls itself in common speech by any parallel of felicity.

And Boccaccio too wrote poetry of no ignoble type, but probably because

he was part of an age when verse had become the habitual form of

culture, and all who could write caught the habit of versification,--a

habit easier to fall into in Italian than in any other language. But

while the consecration of time has been given to the 'Commedia,' and the

'Convito' passes into the shadow and perspective of lesser things, so

the many verses of Boccaccio are overlooked, and his greatest prose

work, the 'Decameron,' is that with which his fame is mostly bound up.

Born in 1313, at seven years of age he showed signs of a literary

facility, and his father, a merchant of Florence, put him to school

with a reputable grammarian; but afterward, deciding to devote him to

merchandise, sent him to study arithmetic,--restive and profitless in

which, he was sent to study canon law, and finding his level no better

there, went back to traffic and to Naples in his father's business when

he was about twenty. The story runs that the sight of the tomb of Virgil

turned his thoughts to poetry; but this confusion of the _post hoc_ with

the _propter hoc_ is too common in remote and romantic legend to value

much. The presence of Petrarch in the court of Robert, King of Naples,

is far more likely to have been the kindling of his genius to its

subsequent activity: and the passion he acquired while there for the

illegitimate daughter of the King, Maria,--the Fiammetta of his later

life,--furnished the fuel for its burning; his first work, the

'Filocopo,' being written as an offering to her. It is a prose love

story, mixed with mythological allusions,--after the fashion of the day,

which thought more of the classics than of nature; and like all his

earlier works, prolix and pedantic.

The 'Theseide,' a purely classic theme, the war of Theseus with the

Amazons, is in verse; and was followed by the 'Ameto,' or 'Florentine

Nymphs,' a story of the loves of Ameto, a rustic swain, with one of the

nymphs of the valley of the Affrico, a stream which flows into the Arno

not far from where the poet was born, or where at least he passed his

youth; and to which valley he seems always greatly attached, putting

there the scene of most of his work, including the 'Decameron.' 'Ameto'

is a mythological fiction, in which the characters mingle recitations of

verse with the prose narration, and in which the gods of Greece and Rome

masque in the familiar scenes. Following these came the 'Amorosa

Visione,' and 'Filostrato,' in verse; 'Fiammetta' in prose, being the

imaginary complaint of his beloved at their separation; 'Nimfale

Fiesolano,' in verse, the scene also laid on the Affrico; and then the

'Decameron,' begun in 1348 and finished in 1353, after which he seems to

have gradually acquired a disgust for the world he had lived in as he

had known it, and turned to more serious studies. He wrote a life of

Dante, 'II Corbaccio,' a piece of satirical savagery, the 'Genealogy of

the Gods,' and various minor works; and spent much of his time in

intercourse with Petrarch, whose conversation and influence were of a

different character from that of his earlier life.

[Illustration: G. BOCCACCIO.]

Boccaccio died at Certaldo in the Val d'Elsa, December 2d, 1375. Of the

numerous works he left, that by which his fame as a writer is

established is beyond any question the 'Decameron,' or Ten Days'

Entertainment; in which a merry company of gentlemen and ladies,

appalled by the plague raging in their Florence, take refuge in the

villas near the city, and pass their time in story-telling and rambles

in the beautiful country around, only returning when the plague has

to a great extent abated. The superiority of the 'Decameron' is not only

in the polish and grace of its style, the first complete departure from

the stilted classicism of contemporary narrative, the happy naturalness

of good story-telling,--but in the conception of the work as a whole,

and the marvelous imagination of the filling-in between the framework of

the story of the plague by the hundred tales from all lands and times,

with the fine thread of the narrative of the day-by-day doings of the

merry and gracious company, their wanderings, the exquisite painting of

the Tuscan landscape (in which one recognizes the Val d'Arno even

to-day), and the delicate drawing of their various characters. It is

only when all these elements have been taken into consideration, and the

unity wrought through such a maze of interest and mass of material

without ever becoming dull or being driven to repetition, that we

understand the power of Boccaccio as an artist.

We must take the ten days' holiday as it is painted: a gay and

entrancing record of a fortunate and brilliant summer vacation, every

one of its hundred pictures united with the rest by a delicate tracery

of flowers and landscape, with bird-songs and laughter, bits of tender

and chaste by-play--for there were recognized lovers in the company; and

when this is conceived in its entirety, we must set it in the massive

frame of terrible gloom of the great plague, through which Boccaccio

makes us look at his picture. And then the frame itself becomes a

picture; and its ghastly horror--the apparent fidelity of the

descriptions, which makes one feel as if he had before him the evidence

of an eye-witness--gives a measure of the power of the artist and the

range of his imagination, from an earthly inferno to an earthly

paradise, such as even the 'Commedia' does not give us. In this

stupendous ensemble, the individual tales become mere details, filling

in of the space or time; and, taken out of it, the whole falls into a

mere story-book, in which the only charm is the polish of the parts, the

shine of the fragments that made the mosaic. The tales came from all

quarters, and only needed to be amusing or interesting enough to make

one suppose that they had been listened to with pleasure: stories from

the 'Gesta Romanorum,' the mediæval chronicles, or any gossip of the

past or present, just to make a whole; the criticism one might pass on

them, I imagine, never gave Boccaccio a thought, only the way they were

placed being important. The elaborate preparation for the story-telling;

the grouping of them as a whole, in contrast with the greater story he

put as their contrast and foil; the solemn gloom, the deep chiaroscuro

of this framing, painted like a miniature; the artful way in which he

prepares for his _lieta brigata_ the way out of the charnel-house: these

are the real 'Decameron.' The author presents it in a prelude which has

for its scope only to give the air of reality to the whole, as if not

only the plague, but the 'Decameron,' had been history; and the proof of

his perfect success is in the fact that for centuries the world has been

trying to identify the villas where the merry men and maidens met, as if

they really had met.

"Whenever, most gracious ladies, I reflect how pitiful you

all are by nature, I recognize that this work will in your

opinion have a sad and repulsive beginning, as the painful

memory of the pestilence gone by, fraught with loss to all

who saw or knew of it, and which memory the work will bear on

its front. But I would not that for this you read no further,

through fear that your reading should be always through sighs

and tears. This frightful beginning I prepare for you as for

travelers a rough and steep mountain, beyond which lies a

most beautiful and delightful plain, by so much the more

pleasurable as the difficulty of the ascent and passage of

the mountain had been great. And as the extreme of pleasure

touches pain, so suffering is effaced by a joy succeeding. To

this brief vexation (I call it brief, as contained in few

words) follow closely the sweets and pleasures I have

promised, and which would not be hoped for from such a

beginning if it were not foretold. And to tell the truth, if

I had been able frankly to bring you where I wished by other

way than this rough one, I had willingly done so; but because

I could not, without these recollections, show what was the

occasion of the incidents of which you will read, I was

obliged to write of them."

The elaborate description of the plague which follows, shows not only

Boccaccio's inventive power,--as being, like that of Defoe of the plague

of London (which is a curious parallel to this) altogether imaginary,

since the writer was at Naples during the whole period of the

pestilence,--but also that it was a part indispensable of the entire

scheme, and described with all its ghastly minuteness simply to enhance

the value of his sunshine and merriment. He was in Naples from 1345

until 1350, without any other indication of a visit to Florence than a

chronological table of his life, in which occurs this item:--"1348,

departs in the direction of Tuscany with Louis of Taranto:" as if either

a prince on his travels would take the plague in the course of them, or

a man so closely interested in the events of the time at Naples, and in

the height of his passion for Fiammetta,--the separation from whom he

had hardly endured when earlier (1345) he was separated from her by his

duty to his aged father,--would have chosen the year of the pestilence,

when every one who could, fled Florence, to return there; and we find

him in May, 1349, in Naples, in the full sunshine of Fiammetta's favor,

and remaining there until his father's death in 1350.

There is indeed in Boccaccio's description of the plague that which

convicts it of pure invention, quickened by details gathered from

eye-witnesses,--the very minuteness of the description in certain

points not in accord with the character of the disease, as when he

narrates that the hogs rooting in the garments of the dead thrown out

into the streets "presently, as if they had taken poison, after a few

dizzy turns, fell dead"; and this, which he says he saw with his own

eyes, is the only incident of which he makes this declaration (the

incident on which the unity of his work hinges, the meeting of the merry

troupe in the church of S. Maria Novella, being recorded on the

information of a person "worthy of belief"). Nor does he in his own

person intrude anywhere in the story; so that this bit of intense

realization thrown into the near foreground of his picture, as it were

by chance, and without meaning, yet certified by his own signature, is

the point at which he gets touch of his reader and convinces him of

actuality throughout the romance.

And to my mind this opening chapter, with all its horrors and

charnel-house realization, its slight and suggestive delineation of

character, all grace and beauty springing out of the chaos and social

dissolution, is not only the best part of the work, but the best of

Boccaccio's. The well-spun golden cord on which the "Novelle" are strung

is ornamented, as it were, at the divisions of the days by little cameos

of crafty design; but the opening, the portico of this hundred-chambered

palace of art, has its own proportions and design, and may be taken and

studied alone. Nothing can, it seems to me, better convey the idea of

the death-stricken city, "the surpassing city of Florence, beyond every

other in Italy most beautiful,"--a touch to enhance the depth of his

shade, than the way he brings out in broad traits the greatness of the

doom: setting in the heavens that consuming sun; the paralysis of the

panic; the avarice of men not daunted by death; the helplessness of all

flesh before--

"the just wrath of God for our correction sent upon men; for

healing of such maladies neither counsel of physician nor

virtue of any medicine whatever seemed to avail or have any

effect--even as if nature could not endure this suffering or

the ignorance of the medical attendants (of whom, besides

regular physicians, there was a very great number, both men

and women, who had never had any medical education whatever),

who could discover no cause for the malady and therefore no

appropriate remedy, so that not only very few recovered, but

almost every one attacked died by the third day-after the

appearance of the above-noted signs, some sooner and some

later, and mostly without any fever or violent symptoms. And

this pestilence was of so much greater extent that by merely

communicating with the sick the well were attacked, just as

fire spreads to dry or oiled matter which approaches it....

Of the common people, and perhaps in great part of the middle

classes, the situation was far more miserable, as they,

either through hope of escaping the contagion or poverty,

mostly kept to their houses and sickened by thousands a day,

and not being aided or attended in any respect, almost

without exception died. And many there were who ended their

lives in the public streets by day or night, and many who,

dying in their houses, were only discovered by the stench of

their dead bodies; and of these and others that died

everywhere the city was full. These were mainly disposed of

in the same way by their neighbors, moved more by the fear

that the corruption of the dead bodies should harm them than

by any charity for the deceased. They by themselves or with

the aid of bearers, when they could find any, dragged out of

their houses the bodies of those who had died, and laid them

before the doors, where, especially in the morning, whoever

went about the streets could have seen them without

number,--even to that point had matters come that no more was

thought of men dying than we think of goats; more than a

hundred thousand human beings are believed to have been taken

from life within the walls of Florence, which before the

mortal pestilence were not believed to have contained so many

souls. Oh! how many great palaces, how many beautiful houses,

how many noble dwellings, once full of domestics, of

gentlemen and ladies, became empty even to the last servant!

How many historical families, how many immense estates, what

prodigious riches remained without heirs! How many brave men,

how many beautiful women, how many gay youths whom not only

we, but Galen, Hippocrates, or Esculapius would have

pronounced in excellent health, in the morning dined with

their relatives, companions and friends, and the coming night

supped with those who had passed away."

The ten companions, meeting in the church of S. Maria Novella, seven

ladies and three gentlemen, agree to escape this doom, and, repairing to

one of the deserted villas in the neighborhood, to pass the time of

affliction in merry doings and sayings; and with four maids and three

men-servants, move eastward out of the gloomy city. Their first

habitation is clearly indicated as what is known to-day as the Poggio

Gherardi, under Maiano. After the second day they return towards the

city a short distance and establish themselves in what seems a more

commodious abode, and which I consider incontrovertibly identified as

the Villa Pasolini, or Rasponi, and which was in their day the property

of the Memmi family, the famous pupils of Giotto. The site of this villa

overlooks the Valley of the Ladies, which figures in the framework of

the "Novelle," and in which then there was a lake to which Boccaccio

alludes, now filled up by the alluvium of the Affrico, the author's

beloved river, and which runs through the valley and under the villa.

The valley now forms part of the estate of Professor Willard Fiske. As

the entire adventure is imaginary, and the "merry company" had no

existence except in the dreams of Boccaccio, it is useless to seek any

evidence of actual occupation; but the care he put in the description of

the localities and surroundings, distances, etc., shows that he must

have had in his mind, as the framework of the story, these two

localities. The modern tradition ascribing to the Villa Palmieri the

honor of the second habitation has no confirmation of any kind.

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