A short digression must here be allowed, to narrate the remaining

fortunes of that son, the ill-starred Seigneur de Montigny. His mission

to Madrid in company of the Marquis Berghen has been related in a

previous volume. The last and most melancholy scene in the life of his

fellow envoy has been described in a recent chapter. After that ominous

event, Montigny became most anxious to effect his retreat from Spain.

He had been separated more than a year from his few months' bride.

He was not imprisoned, but he felt himself under the most rigid although

secret inspection. It was utterly impossible for him to obtain leave to

return, or to take his departure without permission. On one occasion,

having left the city accidentally for a ride on horseback to an adjoining

village, he found himself surrounded by an unexpected escort of forty

troopers. Still, however, the King retained a smiling mien. To

Montigny's repeated and urgent requests for dismissal, Philip graciously

urged his desire for a continuance of his visit. He was requested to

remain in order to accompany his sovereign upon that journey to the

Netherlands which would not be much longer delayed. In his impatience

anything seemed preferable to the state of suspense in which he was made

to linger. He eagerly offered, if he were accused or suspected of crime,

to surrender himself to imprisonment if he only could be brought to

trial. Soon after Alva's arrival in the Netherlands, the first part of

this offer was accepted. No sooner were the arrests of Egmont and Horn

known in Madrid, than Montigny was deprived of his liberty, and closely

confined in the alcazar of Segovia. Here he remained imprisoned for

eight or nine months in a high tower, with no attendant save a young

page, Arthur de Munter, who had accompanied him from the Netherlands.

Eight men-at-arms were expressly employed to watch over him and to

prevent his escape.

One day towards the middle of July, 1568, a band of pilgrims, some of

them in Flemish attire, went through the streets of Segovia. They were

chanting, as was customary on such occasions, a low, monotonous song,

in which Montigny, who happened to be listening, suddenly recognized the

language of his fatherland. His surprise was still greater when, upon

paying closer attention, he distinguished the terrible meaning of the

song. The pretended pilgrims, having no other means of communication

with the prisoner, were singing for his information the tragic fates of

his brother, Count Horn, and of his friend, Count Egmont. Mingled with

the strain were warnings of his own approaching doom; if he were not able

to effect his escape before it should be too late. Thus by this friendly

masquerade did Montigny learn the fate of his brother, which otherwise,

in that land of terrible secrecy, might have been concealed from him for

ever.

The hint as to his own preservation was not lost upon him; and he at

once set about a plan of escape. He succeeded in gaining over to his

interests one of the eight soldiers by whom he was guarded, and he was

thus enabled to communicate with many of his own adherents without the

prison walls. His major-domo had previously been permitted to furnish

his master's table with provisions dressed by his own cook. A

correspondence was now carried on by means of letters concealed within

the loaves of bread sent daily to the prisoner. In the same way files

were provided for sawing through his window-bars. A very delicate ladder

of ropes, by which he was to effect his escape into the court below, was

also transmitted. The plan had been completely arranged. A certain Pole

employed in the enterprise was to be at Hernani, with horses in readiness

to convey them to San Sebastian. There a sloop had been engaged, and was

waiting their arrival. Montigny, accordingly, in a letter enclosed

within a loaf of bread--the last, as he hoped, which he should break in

prison--was instructed, after cutting off his beard and otherwise

disguising his person, to execute his plan and join his confederates at

Hernani. Unfortunately, the major-domo of Montigny was in love. Upon

the eve of departure from Spain, his farewell interview with his mistress

was so much protracted that the care of sending the bread was left to

another. The substitute managed so unskilfully that the loaf was brought

to the commandant of the castle, and not to the prisoner. The commandant

broke the bread, discovered the letter, and became master of the whole

plot. All persons engaged in the enterprise were immediately condemned

to death, and the Spanish soldier executed without delay. The others

being considered, on account of their loyalty to their master as

deserving a commutation of punishment, were sent to the galleys. The

major-domo, whose ill-timed gallantry had thus cost Montigny his liberty,

received two hundred lashes in addition. All, however, were eventually

released from imprisonment.

The unfortunate gentleman was now kept in still closer confinement in his

lonely tower. As all his adherents had been disposed of, he could no

longer entertain a hope of escape. In the autumn of this year (1568) it

was thought expedient by Alva to bring his case formally before the Blood

Council. Montigny had committed no crime, but he was one of that band of

popular, nobles whose deaths had been long decreed. Letters were

accordingly sent to Spain, empowering certain functionaries there to

institute that preliminary examination, which, as usual, was to be the

only trial vouchsafed. A long list of interrogatories was addressed to

him on February 7th, 1569, in his prison at Segovia. A week afterwards,

he was again visited by the alcalde, who read over to him the answers

which he had made on the first occasion, and required him to confirm

them. He was then directed to send his procuration to certain persons in

the Netherlands, whom he might wish to appear in his behalf. Montigny

complied by sending several names, with a clause of substitution. All

the persons thus appointed, however, declined to act, unless they could

be furnished with a copy of the procuration, and with a statement of the

articles of accusation. This was positively refused by the Blood

Council. Seeing no possibility of rendering service to their friend by

performing any part in this mockery of justice, they refused to accept

the procuration. They could not defend a case when not only the

testimony, but even the charges against the accused were kept secret.

An individual was accordingly appointed by government to appear in the

prisoner's behalf.

Thus the forms of justice were observed, and Montigny, a close prisoner

in the tower of Segovia, was put upon trial for his life in Brussels.

Certainly nothing could exceed the irony of such a process. The advocate

had never seen his client, thousands of miles away, and was allowed to

hold no communication with him by letter. The proceedings were

instituted by a summons, addressed by the Duke of Alva to Madame de

Montigny in Brussels. That unhappy lady could only appeal to the King.

"Convinced," she said, "that her husband was innocent of the charges

brought against him, she threw herself, overwhelmed and consumed by tears

and misery, at his Majesty's feet. She begged the King to remember the

past services of Montigny, her own youth, and that she had enjoyed his

company but four months. By all these considerations, and by the passion

of Jesus Christ, she adjured the monarch to pardon any faults which her

husband might have committed." The reader can easily judge how much

effect such a tender appeal was like to have upon the heart of Philip.

From that rock; thus feebly smitten, there flowed no fountain of mercy.

It was not more certain that Montigny's answers to the interrogatories

addressed to him had created a triumphant vindication of his course, than

that such vindication would be utterly powerless to save his life. The

charges preferred against him were similar to those which had brought

Egmont and Horn to the block, and it certainly created no ground of hope

for him, that he could prove himself even more innocent of suspicious

conduct than they had done. On the 4th March, 1570, accordingly, the

Duke of Alva pronounced sentence against him. The sentence declared that

his head should be cut off, and afterwards exposed to public view upon

the head of a pike. Upon the 18th March, 1570, the Duke addressed a

requisitory letter to the alcaldes, corregidors, and other judges of

Castile, empowering them to carry the sentence into execution.

On the arrival of this requisition there was a serious debate before the

King in council. It seemed to be the general opinion that there had been

almost severity enough in the Netherlands for the present. The spectacle

of the public execution of another distinguished personage, it was

thought, might now prove more irritating than salutary. The King was

of this opinion himself. It certainly did not occur to him or to his

advisers that this consideration should lead them to spare the life of

an innocent man. The doubts entertained as to the expediency of a fresh

murder were not allowed to benefit the prisoner, who, besides being a

loyal subject and a communicant of the ancient Church, was also clothed

in the white robes of an envoy, claiming not only justice but

hospitality, as the deputy of Philip's sister, Margaret of Parma.

These considerations probably never occurred to the mind of His Majesty.

In view, however, of the peculiar circumstances of the case, it was

unanimously agreed that there should be no more blood publicly shed.

Most of the councillors were in favor of slow poison. Montigny's meat

and drink, they said, should be daily drugged, so that he might die by

little and little. Philip, however, terminated these disquisitions by

deciding that the ends of justice would not thus be sufficiently

answered. The prisoner, he had resolved, should be regularly executed,

but the deed should be secret, and it should be publicly announced that

he had died of a fever.

This point having been settled; the King now set about the arrangement

of his plan with all that close attention to detail which marked his

character. The patient industry which, had God given him a human heart

and a love of right, might have made him a useful monarch, he now devoted

to a scheme of midnight murder with a tranquil sense of enjoyment which

seems almost incredible. There is no exaggeration in calling the deed

a murder, for it certainly was not sanctioned by any law, divine or

human, nor justified or excused by any of the circumstances which are

supposed to palliate homicide. Nor, when the elaborate and superfluous

luxury of arrangements made by Philip for the accomplishment of his

design is considered, can it be doubted that he found a positive pleasure

in his task. It would almost seem that he had become jealous of Alva's

achievements in the work of slaughter. He appeared willing to prove to

those immediately about him, that however capable might be the Viceroy of

conducting public executions on a grand and terrifying scale, there was

yet a certain delicacy of finish never attained by Alva in such business,

and which was all his Majesty's own. The King was resolved to make the

assassination of Montigny a masterpiece.

On the 17th August, 1570, he accordingly directed Don Eugenio de Peralta,

concierge of the fortress of Simancas, to repair to Segovia, and thence

to remove the Seigneur Montigny to Simancas. Here he was to be strictly

immured; yet was to be allowed at times to walk in the corridor adjoining

his chamber. On the 7th October following, the licentiate Don Alonzo de

Avellano, alcalde of Valladolid, was furnished with an order addressed by

the King to Don Eugenio de Peralta, requiring him to place the prisoner

in the hands of the said licentiate, who was charged with the execution

of Alva's sentence. This functionary had, moreover, been provided with a

minute letter of instructions, which had been drawn up according to the

King's directions, on the 1st October. In these royal instructions, it

was stated that, although the sentence was for a public execution, yet

the King had decided in favor of a private one within the walls of the

fortress. It was to be managed so that no one should suspect that

Montigny had been executed, but so that, on the contrary, it should be

universally said and believed that he had died a natural death. Very few

persons, all sworn and threatened into secrecy, were therefore to be

employed. Don Alonzo was to start immediately for Valladolid; which was

within two short leagues of Simancas. At that place he would communicate

with Don Eugenio, and arrange the mode, day, and hour of execution. He

would leave Valladolid on the evening before a holiday, late in the

afternoon, so as to arrive a little after dark at Simancas. He would

take with him a confidential notary, an executioner, and as few servants

as possible. Immediately upon his entrance to the fortress, he was to

communicate the sentence of death to Montigny, in presence of Don Eugenio

and of one or two other persons. He would then console him, in which

task he would be assisted by Don Eugenio. He would afterwards leave him

with the religious person who would be appointed for that purpose. That

night and the whole of the following day, which would be a festival, till

after midnight, would be allotted to Montigny, that he might have time to

confess, to receive the sacraments, to convert himself to God, and to

repent. Between one and two o'clock in the morning the execution was to

take place, in presence of the ecclesiastic, of Don Eugenio de Peralta,

of the notary, and of one or two other persons, who would be needed by

the executioner. The ecclesiastic was to be a wise and prudent person,

and to be informed how little confidence Montigny inspired in the article

of faith. If the prisoner should wish to make a will, it could not be

permitted. As all his property had been confiscated, he could dispose of

nothing. Should he, however, desire to make a memorial of the debts

which he would wish paid; he was to be allowed that liberty. It was,

however, to be stipulated that he was to make no allusion, in any

memorial or letter which he might write, to the execution which was about

to take place. He was to use the language of a man seriously ill, and

who feels himself at the point of death. By this infernal ingenuity it

was proposed to make the victim an accomplice in the plot, and to place a

false exculpation of his assassins in his dying lips. The execution

having been fulfilled, and the death having been announced with the

dissimulation prescribed, the burial was to take place in the church of

Saint Saviour, in Simancas. A moderate degree of pomp, such as befitted

a person of Montigny's quality, was to be allowed, and a decent tomb

erected. A grand mass was also to be celebrated, with a respectable

number, "say seven hundred," of lesser masses. As the servants of the

defunct were few in number, continued the frugal King, they might be

provided each with a suit of mourning. Having thus personally arranged

all the details of this secret work, from the reading of the sentence to

the burial of the prisoner; having settled not only the mode of his

departure from life, but of his passage through purgatory, the King

despatched the agent on his mission.

The royal program was faithfully enacted. Don Alonzo arrived at

Valladolid; and made his arrangements with Don Eugenio. It was agreed

that a paper, prepared by royal authority, and brought by Don Alonzo from

Madrid, should be thrown into the corridor of Montigny's prison. This

paper, written in Latin, ran as follows:

"In the night, as I understand, there will be no chance for your

escape. In the daytime there will be many; for you are then in

charge of a single gouty guardian, no match in strength or speed for

so vigorous a man as you. Make your escape from the 8th to the 12th

of October, at any hour you can, and take the road contiguous to the

castle gate through which you entered. You will find Robert and

John, who will be ready with horses, and with everything necessary.

May God favor your undertaking.--R. D. M."

The letter, thus designedly thrown into the corridor by one confederate,

was soon afterwards picked up by the other, who immediately taxed

Montigny with an attempt to escape. Notwithstanding the vehement

protestations of innocence naturally made by the prisoner, his pretended

project was made the pretext for a still closer imprisonment in the

"Bishop's Tower." A letter, written at Madrid, by Philip's orders, had

been brought by Don Alonzo to Simancas, narrating by anticipation these

circumstances, precisely as they had now occurred. It moreover stated

that Montigny, in consequence of his close confinement, had fallen

grievously ill, and that he would receive all the attention compatible

with his safe keeping. This letter, according to previous orders, was

now signed by Don Eugenio de Peralta, dated 10th October, 1570; and

publicly despatched to Philip. It was thus formally established that

Montigny was seriously ill. A physician, thoroughly instructed and sworn

to secrecy, was now ostentatiously admitted to the tower, bringing with

him a vast quantity of drugs. He duly circulated among the townspeople,

on his return, his opinion that the illustrious prisoner was afflicted

with a disorder from which it was almost impossible that he should

recover. Thus, thanks to Philip's masterly precautions, not a person in

Madrid or Simancas was ignorant that Montigny was dying of a fever, with

the single exception of the patient himself.

On Saturday, the 14th of October, at nightfall, Don Alonzo de Avellano,

accompanied by the prescribed individuals, including Fray Hernando del,

Castillo, an ecclesiastic of high reputation, made their appearance at

the prison of Simancas. At ten in the evening the announcement of the

sentence was made to Montigny. He was visibly agitated at the sudden

intelligence, for it was entirely unexpected by him. He had, on the

contrary, hoped much from the intercession of, the Queen, whose arrival

he had already learned. He soon recovered himself, however, and

requested to be left alone with the ecclesiastic. All the night and the

following day were passed in holy offices. He conducted himself with

great moderation, courage, and tranquillity. He protested his entire

innocence of any complicity with the Prince of Orange, or of any disloyal

designs or sentiments at any period of his life. He drew up a memorial,

expressing his strong attachment to every point of the Catholic faith,

from which he had never for an instant swerved. His whole demeanor was

noble, submissive, and Christian. "In every essential," said Fray

Hernando, "he conducted himself so well that we who remain may bear him

envy." He wrote a paper of instructions concerning his faithful and

bereaved dependents. He placed his signet ring, attached to a small gold

chain, in the hands of the ecclesiastic, to be by him transmitted to his

wife. Another ring, set with turquois, he sent to his mother-in-law, the

Princess Espinoy, from whom he had received it. About an hour after

midnight, on the morning, therefore, of the 16th of October, Fray

Hernando gave notice that the prisoner was ready to die. The alcalde Don

Alonzo then entered, accompanied by the executioner and the notary. The

sentence of Alva was now again recited, the alcalde adding that the King,

"out of his clemency and benignity," had substituted a secret for a

public execution. Montigny admitted that the judgment would be just and

the punishment lenient, if it were conceded that the charges against him

were true. His enemies, however, while he had been thus immured, had

possessed the power to accuse him as they listed. He ceased to speak,

and the executioner then came forward and strangled him. The alcalde,

the notary, and the executioner then immediately started for Valladolid,

so that no person next morning knew that they had been that night at

Simancas, nor could guess the dark deed which they had then and there

accomplished. The terrible, secret they were forbidden, on pain of

death, to reveal.

Montigny, immediately after his death, was clothed in the habit of Saint

Francis, in order to conceal the marks of strangulation. In the course

of the day the body was deposited, according to the King's previous

orders, in the church of Saint Saviour. Don Eugenio de Peralta, who

superintended the interment, uncovered the face of the defunct to prove

his identity, which was instantly recognised by many sorrowing servants.

The next morning the second letter, prepared by Philip long before, and

brought by Don Alonzo de Avellano to Simancas, received the date of 17th

October, 1570, together with the signature of Don Eugenio de Peralta,

keeper of Simancas fortress, and was then publicly despatched to the

King. It stated that, notwithstanding the care given to the Seigneur de

Montigny in his severe illness by the physicians who had attended him, he

had continued to grow worse and worse until the previous morning between

three and four o'clock, when he had expired. The Fray Hernando del

Castillo, who had accidentally happened to be at Simancas, had performed

the holy offices, at the request of the deceased, who had died in so

catholic a frame of mind, that great hopes might be entertained of his

salvation. Although he possessed no property, yet his burial had been

conducted very respectably.

On the 3rd of November, 1570, these two letters, ostensibly written by

Don Eugenio de Peralta, were transmitted by Philip to the Duke of Alva.

They were to serve as evidence of the statement which the Governor-

General was now instructed to make, that the Seigneur de Montigny had

died a natural death in the fortress of Simancas. By the same courier,

the King likewise forwarded a secret memoir, containing the exact history

of the dark transaction, from which memoir the foregoing account has been

prepared. At the same time the Duke was instructed publicly to exhibit

the lying letters of Don Eugenio de Peralta, as containing an authentic

statement of the affair. The King observed, moreover, in his letter,

that there was not a person in Spain who doubted that Montigny had died

of a fever. He added that if the sentiments of the deceased nobleman had

been at all in conformity with his external manifestations, according to

the accounts received of his last moments, it was to be hoped that God

would have mercy upon his soul. The secretary who copied the letter,

took the liberty of adding, however, to this paragraph the suggestion,

that "if Montigny were really a heretic, the devil, who always assists

his children in such moments, would hardly have failed him in his dying

hour." Philip, displeased with this flippancy, caused the passage to be

erased. He even gave vent to his royal indignation in a marginal note,

to the effect that we should always express favorable judgments

concerning the dead--a pious sentiment always dearer to writing masters

than to historians. It seemed never to have occurred however to this

remarkable moralist, that it was quite as reprehensible to strangle an

innocent man as to speak ill of him after his decease.

Thus perished Baron Montigny, four years after his arrival in Madrid as

Duchess Margaret's ambassador, and three years after the death of his

fellow-envoy Marquis Berghen. No apology is necessary for so detailed an

account of this dark and secret tragedy. The great transactions of a

reign are sometimes paltry things; great battles and great treaties,

after vast consumption of life and of breath, often leave the world where

they found it. The events which occupy many of the statelier pages of

history, and which have most lived in the mouths of men, frequently

contain but commonplace lessons of philosophy. It is perhaps otherwise

when, by the resuscitation of secret documents, over which the dust of

three centuries has gathered, we are enabled to study the internal

working of a system of perfect tyranny. Liberal institutions, republican

or constitutional governments, move in the daylight; we see their mode of

operation, feel the jar of their wheels, and are often needlessly alarmed

at their apparent tendencies. The reverse of the picture is not always

so easily attainable. When, therefore, we find a careful portrait of a

consummate tyrant, painted by his own hand, it is worth our while to

pause for a moment, that we may carefully peruse the lineaments.

Certainly, we shall afterwards not love liberty the less.

The Rise of the Dutch Republic — Volume 16: 1569-70 · 第 2 / 3 段