CHAPTER VI.

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THE

HISTORY OF ANTIQUITY.

FROM THE GERMAN

OF

PROFESSOR MAX DUNCKER,

BY

EVELYN ABBOTT, M.A., LL.D.,

_FELLOW AND TUTOR OF BALLIOL COLLEGE, OXFORD._

VOL. VI.

LONDON:

RICHARD BENTLEY & SON, NEW BURLINGTON STREET,

Publishers in Ordinary to Her Majesty the Queen.

1882.

Bungay:

CLAY AND TAYLOR, PRINTERS.

CONTENTS.

BOOK VIII. (_CONTINUED._)

_THE EMPIRE OF THE MEDES AND PERSIANS._

CHAPTER VI. PAGE

THE FALL OF THE LYDIAN EMPIRE 3

CHAPTER VII.

THE SUBJUGATION OF ASIA MINOR 47

CHAPTER VIII.

THE FALL OF BABYLON 66

CHAPTER IX.

THE KINGDOM OF CYRUS 100

CHAPTER X.

THE FALL OF EGYPT 131

CHAPTER XI.

THE MARCH TO MEROE 152

CHAPTER XII.

THE DEATH OF CAMBYSES 168

CHAPTER XIII.

THE RISE OF DARIUS 201

CHAPTER XIV.

THE REBELLIONS IN THE PROVINCES 228

CHAPTER XV.

THE ACHIEVEMENTS OF DARIUS ON THE INDUS AND THE DANUBE 258

CHAPTER XVI.

THE CONQUESTS IN AFRICA AND EUROPE 299

CHAPTER XVII.

THE STATE OF DARIUS 315

CHAPTER XVIII.

THE FINANCE AND ARMY OF DARIUS 344

CHAPTER XIX.

THE COURT OF DARIUS 368

CHAPTER XX.

RETROSPECT 398

BOOK VIII. (_CONTINUED._)

THE EMPIRE OF THE MEDES AND PERSIANS.

EASTERN IRAN.

CHAPTER VI.

THE FALL OF THE LYDIAN EMPIRE.

After the fall of Nineveh, Media, Babylonia, and Lydia had continued to

exist side by side in peace and friendship. The successful rebellion of

Cyrus altered at one blow the state of Asia. He had not been contented

with winning independence for the Persians; he had subjected Media to

his power. In the place of a friendly and allied house, the kings of

Lydia and Babylonia saw Astyages deprived of his throne, and Media in

the hands of a bold and ambitious warrior. Nebuchadnezzar of Babylonia

would hardly have allowed the sovereignty of the table-land of Iran to

pass out of the power of a near kinsman into that of Cyrus without

offering some resistance; but he was no longer alive to prevent or

revenge the overthrow of his brother-in-law. His son Evil-merodach had

also come by his death before Astyages succumbed to the arms of Cyrus,

and after a short reign Neriglissar left the kingdom to a boy (III.

392). On the other hand, the Lydian empire was in its fullest vigour.

We are acquainted with the successes which fell to the lot of Alyattes

after his alliance with Media; we saw with what rapidity his son

Croesus brought to a happy conclusion the long struggle against the

Greek cities of the coast. His kingdom now embraced the whole of Asia

Minor, as far as the Halys; the Lycians alone remained independent in

their small mountain canton. Loved and honoured by his people, as

Herodotus indicates, Croesus saw his complete and compact empire in

the greatest prosperity; his treasury was full to overflowing; his

metropolis was the richest city in Asia after Babylon. The Lydian

infantry were excellent and trustworthy; the cavalry were dreaded;

in past days they had measured themselves with success against the

Medes.[1] Thus in the third or fourth year of his reign, in the pride

of his position, surrounded by inexhaustible treasures and the most

splendid magnificence, on his lofty citadel at Sardis, Croesus could

declare himself, against the opinion of the Athenian Solon, the man most

favoured by fortune (III. 458). Two years afterwards Astyages, whose

wife Aryanis was Croesus' sister, was overthrown. Croesus had reason

enough to take the field for his brother-in-law, and anticipate the

danger which might arise for Lydia out of sthis change in the East. He

might hope that his example would set the Babylonians in motion against

the usurper of the Median throne, and cause the Medes themselves to

revolt against their new master. But he appears to have been afraid of

embarking in an uncertain and dangerous war at a great distance from his

own borders. It was not clear that victory at the first onset would

imply lasting success, and Lydia had no attack to fear so long as Cyrus

was occupied in establishing his new dominion in Media, and engaged in

conflicts in the East and North. In Sardis it might be assumed that the

usurper would find great difficulties in his way. Herodotus represents

Sandanis, a distinguished Lydian, as asking Croesus whether he would

take the field against men who clad themselves in leather, and did

not eat what they liked, but what they had, and lived in a rugged

country--who drank water and not wine, and had not even figs or any

other thing that was pleasant? What could the king, if victorious, take

from them, when they had nothing? On the other hand, if conquered, he

had much to lose, and if the Persians once tasted any of the good things

of Lydia, they would never be driven out of the land again.[2] Croesus

hesitated. It was of the greatest importance for Cyrus that Lydia and

Babylonia should not interfere in favour of Astyages and the Medes, that

they remained inactive during the revolution, and allowed him to

establish his dominion in Media without disturbance, to direct his aim

unimpeded against the neighbours of Media, and to subjugate without

opposition the Parthians, Hyrcanians, and Cadusians.

The manner in which war eventually broke out between Lydia and Persia,

the course of the war, and the fortune which overtook Croesus, are

narrated by Herodotus in the following manner: "Solon had scarcely left

Croesus (III. 454, note 3) when the latter saw in a dream the vision

which portended the fate of his son. He had two sons: one was deaf and

dumb, but the other, Attys, was greatly distinguished above all his

companions. The dream told him that he would lose this son by an iron

spear-head. In alarm Croesus found a wife for his son, would not allow

him to go out with the army as before, and removed into the armoury all

the armour which was in the chambers, that nothing might fall upon him.

At the time when Croesus was occupied with the marriage of Attys, a

Phrygian came to Sardis, Adrastus by name, the son of Gordius, the

grandson of Midas, who had unintentionally killed his brother, and had

been banished by his father, and Croesus received him. At the same time

a great boar appeared on the Mysian Olympus, which ravaged the lands of

the Mysians, and as they could not master it, they sent messengers to

Croesus praying him to allow Attys and some chosen youths to come with

dogs to set them free from the monster. Croesus would not let his son

go, for he had just been married. But the son complained to his

father: Previously he had won great glory in war, and in the chase,

now he was kept back from both; how would men look upon him in the

market-place?--in what light would he appear to the citizens and his

young wife? Croesus told him the dream, but Attys replied that the boar

had no hands, and no iron point: Croesus therefore allowed him to go,

and bade Adrastus accompany his son and watch over him. Adrastus

promised to bring back his son uninjured, so far as lay in his power,

in return for the kindness which Croesus had shown him. The boar was

surrounded on Olympus, and javelins thrown at it from every side; the

spear of Adrastus missed the boar and hit Attys. Thus was the dream

of Croesus fulfilled. Adrastus went with the corpse to Croesus, and

besought him to slay him as a sacrifice to the dead. But Croesus replied

that Adrastus had made recompense enough in condemning himself to death.

He had his son buried with proper honours; but Adrastus slew himself on

the grave."

"Two years were spent by Croesus in mourning for his son. Then the

destruction of the empire of Astyages by Cyrus, and the growing power of

the Persians, put an end to the mourning, and caused him to consider

whether he could check the rise of the Persians before they became

great. With this thought in his mind, he determined to test the oracles,

both those of the Greeks and that in Libya, and ascertain whether they

could tell the truth; to the oracle which he found truthful, he would

propose the question, whether he should undertake a campaign against the

Persians. So he sent to the oracles of the Greeks, to Miletus, Delphi,

Abae, and Trophonius, to the sanctuary of Amphiaraus at Thebes, and to

Dodona, to the temple of Ammon in Libya, bidding his messengers inquire

on the hundredth day after their departure from Sardis, what Croesus,

the son of Alyattes, the king of Lydia, was doing on that day. The

answers were to be written down, and brought back to him. What the other

oracles said no one has narrated, but when the Lydians came into the

temple at Delphi and propounded their question, the priestess answered:

'I know the number of the sand, and the measure of the sea; I understand

the dumb, and hear him who speaks not. The scent of the hard-shelled

tortoise comes into my nostrils which is being cooked in brass with

lamb's flesh; brass is below, and brass is above.' The Lydians wrote

this down, and returned to Sardis; and when the other messengers came

back, Croesus opened their letters. He paid no attention to the rest,

but when he came to the answer from Delphi he recognised the power of

the god, and saw that the Delphic oracle alone had been aware of what

he was doing. For on the day appointed he had cooked the flesh of a

tortoise and lamb in a brazen vessel, covered with a brazen lid,

thinking that it would be impossible to discover or invent such a thing.

What answer was brought back from Amphiaraus I cannot say, for it is

nowhere recorded, but Croesus is said to have considered this oracle as

truthful. Then Croesus won the favour of the god of Delphi by great

sacrifices. He offered 3000 victims of every kind, and erected a great

pile of wood on which he burned couches covered with gold and silver,

golden goblets, purple robes and garments, in the hope that he would

thereby gain the favour of the god yet more, and bade the Lydians

sacrifice to their deity whatever each possessed. And as the sacrifice

left behind an enormous mass of molten gold, Croesus caused bricks to be

made, six palms in length, three in breadth, and one in depth; in all

there were 117 bricks. Of these, four were of the purest gold, each two

and a half talents in weight; and the rest of white gold (_i.e._ of

mingled gold and silver), each two talents in weight. In addition, there

was a golden lion which weighed ten talents. When these were finished,

Croesus sent them to Delphi, and added two very large mixing-bowls, one

of gold, weighing eight talents and a half and twelve minae, and one of

silver, the work of Theodorus of Samos, as the Delphians say, and I

believe it, for it is the work of no ordinary artificer; four silver

jars, and two vessels for holy water, one of gold and the other of

silver, circular casts of silver, a golden statue of a woman, three

cubits high, and the necklace and girdles of his queen. All these things

he sent to Delphi, and to Amphiaraus a golden shield and a spear, of

which both the stem and the point were of gold."

"Croesus bade the envoys who carried these gifts ask the oracles,

whether he should march against the Persians, or collect allies. The

answer of both oracles was to the same effect: they told him, that if he

went against Cyrus he would destroy a great empire, and at the same time

advised him to find out who were the most powerful among the Greeks, and

take them as allies. Croesus was greatly delighted when he received this

answer; in the certainty that he would overthrow the empire of Cyrus, he

sent again to Delphi and presented each Delphian with two staters. The

Delphians in return bestowed on the Lydians for all future time the

right to consult the priestess first, the best seats, freedom from

contributions, and the citizenship of Delphi to any Lydian who should

wish to become a Delphian. Croesus inquired of the oracle for the third

time: whether his reign would be of long continuance, and the priestess

replied: 'When a mule becomes king of the Medes, then, O soft-footed

Lydian, fly from the pebbly Hermus; stay not, and take no shame to be a

coward.' Then Croesus was yet more delighted, for he thought that a mule

would never rule over the Medes instead of a man, and therefore neither

he nor his descendants would lose their power. Then he inquired who were

the most mighty among the Hellenes, and when he found that the greatest

part of the Peloponnesus was subject to the Lacedaemonians, he sent

messengers with presents to Sparta to conclude an alliance. The

Lacedaemonians were filled with joy; they knew the oracle which had been

given to Croesus, and made him a friend and ally, as they had previously

received many kindnesses at his hands."

"Croesus now marched to Cappadocia in the hope of crushing Cyrus and the

Persians; he also intended to add Cappadocia to his kingdom, but above

all he wished to take vengeance on Cyrus, who had defeated his

brother-in-law Astyages, and had got him in his power. When he came to

the Halys, which was the boundary between the Lydian and the Persian

kingdoms, he crossed the river by the bridges, and came into the part of

Cappadocia, which is called Pteria (this region, the strongest in the

whole country, lies towards Sinope and the Pontus Euxinus). There he

pitched his camp, desolated the land, took the city of the Pterians, and

enslaved the inhabitants, conquered the neighbouring cities, and drove

out the Syrians, who had done him no harm whatever. But Cyrus collected

his army, adding to it all the nations in his march, and took up a

position against Croesus. Previous to setting out, he had sent heralds

to the Ionians, and requested them to revolt from Croesus. To this

request the Ionians did not listen. Then Cyrus encamped opposite

Croesus, and the two armies tried their strength in the land of Pteria.

A fierce battle was fought; many fell on both sides; neither was

victorious, and when night came they desisted from the battle. Croesus

found that his force was not strong enough; his army was inferior in

numbers to that of the enemy, and when Cyrus did not venture to attack

him on the next day, he returned to Sardis. His object was to summon the

Egyptians, for he had made a treaty with Amasis the king of Egypt before

entering into terms with the Lacedaemonians, to send to the

Babylonians--for with them also and their king Labynetus he had made an

alliance--and to call on the Lacedaemonians to join him at a fixed time.

After uniting these, and collecting all his forces, he intended, as soon

as the winter was over, to march out against the Persians. So when he

arrived at Sardis he sent heralds to his allies, bidding them assemble

in the fifth month at Sardis, and dismissed all the mercenaries in the

army which had fought against Cyrus. He did not expect that Cyrus, who

had contended in the battle without success, would march against Sardis.

When Croesus retired immediately after the battle in Pteria, and it was

discovered that the Lydian forces were to be disbanded, Cyrus saw that

it would be much to his advantage to march upon Sardis with all speed,

before the Lydian army could be collected a second time. He was so rapid

in his movements, that he announced his own arrival to Croesus."

"Though in great difficulties, inasmuch as things had turned out

contrary to his expectations, Croesus led out the Lydians to battle. And

at that time there was no braver and more warlike nation in Asia. They

fought on horseback, armed with long lances, and were excellent riders.

The armies met in the large open plain before Sardis. The cavalry of

Croesus caused alarm to Cyrus, and on the advice of Harpagus the Mede,

he collected all the camels which carried the food and baggage of the

army, took off their burdens, and had them mounted by armed men. These

he placed before the army, then followed the infantry, and after them

the Persian horse. He bade them not to slay Croesus, even though he

should seek to defend himself when taken captive. When the battle broke

out, the Lydian horses were alarmed at the sight and smell of the

camels, and turned, and so the hopes of Croesus were destroyed. Yet the

Lydians did not lose their courage; they sprang from their horses and

met the Persians on foot. At length, when many had fallen on both sides,

the Lydians fled; they were driven into the walls, and besieged by the

Persians. Croesus thought that the siege would occupy a long time, and

sent fresh messengers to his confederates, and also to the

Lacedaemonians, bidding them come as soon as possible. When they arrived

at Sparta three hundred Spartans had been slain by the Argives, yet they

determined to send assistance; their men were armed and ready to sail,

when there came a second message that Sardis was captured, and Croesus a

prisoner."

"Sardis had been invested fourteen days when Cyrus announced to his

army that the man who first climbed the walls should receive presents.

Attempts were made, but as they failed, they were given up. Nevertheless

Hyroeades, a Mardian, determined to climb the citadel at a place where

no watch had been set. It was never supposed possible that the city

could be taken on this side, for the mountain fell precipitously down

towards Mt. Tmolus, and storming was impossible. On the previous day

Hyroeades had seen a Lydian, whose helmet had fallen down, descend after

it, and then climb back with it. He also ascended, others followed, and

when sufficient Persians were on the top, Sardis was taken and the whole

city plundered. After the citadel had been captured a Persian rushed at

Croesus, whom he did not know, to cut him down. When the dumb son of

Croesus saw this, through fear and horror he broke out into speech, and

cried out: 'Man, do not slay Croesus.' And ever after he was able to

speak."

"The Persians led Croesus to Cyrus, who caused a great pyre to be built,

and Croesus to be led to it in chains with twice seven Lydian boys;

whether it was that he intended to offer the firstlings of the victory

to some god, and discharge a vow, or whether he knew that Croesus was

eminent for piety, and wished to see if a god would protect him from

being burnt alive. When Croesus was on the pyre, the words of Solon

came into his mind, in his distress, that no one among living men was to

be accounted happy. When this occurred to him, he sighed deeply after

a long silence, and called out thrice, Solon! On hearing this Cyrus

commanded the interpreters to ask Croesus whom he was calling upon. At

first he was silent; on being pressed, he said: 'On him, whose words I

count it above great treasures that all rulers should hear.' As what he

said was unintelligible, the question was put to him again, and when

they insisted on hearing the whole, he told them, while the pyre was

being kindled at the outer edge, what Solon the Athenian had said to

him. When Cyrus heard this from the interpreters he reflected that he, a

man, was condemning to the flames a man of no less power than himself;

in fear of vengeance, and considering that there was nothing certain

among men, he changed his mind, and gave orders to quench the fire, and

bring down Croesus and those with him. When all attempted in vain to

quench the flames, Croesus, according to the Lydian account, called on

Apollo, entreating him to aid him now if he had ever offered pleasant

gifts, and save him in his extremity. When Croesus was praying in tears

to the god, the sky, which had been clear and still, was suddenly

covered with clouds; a storm burst upon them, and the fire was quenched

by torrents of rain. And Cyrus then saw that Croesus was a man beloved

by the gods, and asked him why he had marched against his land, and made

him his enemy instead of his friend? Croesus replied, that he had been

induced to do this by his own bad fortune and the good fortune of Cyrus.

The god of the Hellenes had urged him to take the field against Cyrus.

Then Cyrus caused the fetters to be struck off him, and placed him near

himself. When Croesus saw the Persians plundering the city, he inquired

of Cyrus: 'What is all this multitude doing with so much eagerness?'

Cyrus answered: 'They are plundering your city and treasures.' He

replied: 'They are mine no longer; it is your property which they are

plundering and sacking. The Persians, courageous by nature, are poor; if

you allow them to plunder and carry off much booty, it may be that the

man who gains the most will rebel against you. If it pleases you, do as

I advise. Place your body-guard at the gates, and bid them take from the

plunderers what they are carrying out, and tell them that a tenth must

be offered to Zeus. You will escape their ill-will, and they will gladly

obey you.' This advice pleased Cyrus. He followed it, and promised

Croesus to grant him a favour in return."

"The favour which Croesus asked was this: Cyrus must allow him to send

the fetters, which he wore, to the Delphic god, and ask whether it was

his manner to deceive those who showed him kindness. Cyrus granted the

prayer with a smile, and promised that he would not refuse a further

request. So Lydians went with the fetters to Delphi, and asked the god

whether he was not ashamed to have urged Croesus to make war upon Cyrus,

who had taken much spoil from him; and at the same time they showed the

fetters. The priestess answered, as it is recorded, that even a god

could not escape his destiny; Croesus was paying the penalty for his

fifth ancestor, who had seized a throne which did not belong to him. The

god had endeavoured to bring it to pass that the punishment should not

fall on Croesus but on his children, but he had only been able to defer

the capture of Sardis for three years; let Croesus know that he had

been taken captive three years later than was ordained. Moreover, the

god had sent him help when on the pyre. It was announced that he would

destroy a great empire if he went against Cyrus, but what empire was not

said. Nor had Croesus understood the response about the mule. Cyrus was

the mule, the son of a Persian father and Median mother, a subject and

his mistress. When Croesus heard this, he saw that he and not the god

was in fault."

Only a meagre excerpt remains of the account given by Ctesias of the

conflict of Cyrus and Croesus. The king of the Sacae, Amorges, marched

with Cyrus against Croesus and Sardis. When the Lydians were shut up in

the city, Croesus, deceived by the portents of the gods, gave his son as

a hostage to Cyrus, and when he subsequently sought to deceive him in

the negotiations, Cyrus caused the son to be slain before the father's

eyes. The mother, when she saw the execution of her son, threw herself

down from the turrets of the walls. Then Cyrus, on the advice of

Oebares, caused wooden figures of Persians to be placed on long poles

and laid against the turrets, that the Lydians might be filled with

terror at the sight of them. In this way the citadel, and the city

itself, was taken. Croesus fled for refuge into the temple of Apollo,

where Cyrus caused him to be placed in chains, but though seals were set

on them, and Oebares was commissioned to keep watch, the fetters were

three times removed from Croesus in a miraculous manner. Then those who

had been put in chains with him were beheaded, as though they had

conspired to liberate their king, and Cyrus brought Croesus into the

palace and caused yet heavier chains to be put upon him; but the fetters

again fell to the ground, this time amid thunder and lightning. At

length Cyrus liberated Croesus, showed him great kindness, and presented

him with the large city of Barene, near Ecbatana, which had been

garrisoned by 5000 cavalry and 10,000 infantry.[3]

Polyaenus relates that Croesus, after his defeat in Cappadocia by Cyrus,

withdrew his troops in the night by a pass. This pass he then filled

with a quantity of timber, to which he set fire in order to check the

pursuit of the Persians. When the armies met a second time for battle,

Cyrus rendered the numerous cavalry of the Lydians, in which they

trusted, useless by placing camels opposite them. Thus they were at once

put to flight, and trod down the infantry, so that Cyrus was again

victorious. At Sardis Croesus once more tried the fortune of battle. As

his Greek allies delayed their coming, he provided the strongest and

tallest Lydians with Greek armour. The sight of the strange arms checked

the Persians. They were terrified by the sound of the spears striking

against the brazen shields, and the glitter of the shields caused their

horses to take fright and turn. They retired, and Cyrus concluded a

treaty for three days with Croesus, in which he was to withdraw his

forces from Sardis. But as soon as it was night he turned his army again

upon Sardis, and attacked the city unexpectedly. The ascent of the walls

by scaling ladders was successful, yet Croesus maintained the citadel

and defended it bravely in the deceptive hope that his allies would

arrive. Then Cyrus caused the relatives of those who were with Croesus

in the citadel to be seized and bound, and brought before the walls; and

he announced to their kinsmen on the towers that if the citadel were

given up the captives would be set at liberty, if not they would all be

hanged. This induced the Lydians in the citadel to open the gates. But

in another passage Polyaenus repeats the version of Ctesias about the

capture of the city. Cyrus caused figures in Persian clothing, and

wearing beards, with quivers on their shoulders and bows in their hands,

to be placed on tall poles of equal length, and in the night these were

laid against the walls of the citadel so that the figures rose above the

wall. At break of day Cyrus attacked the part of the city underneath the

citadel. The attacks were beaten off, but on turning round some Lydians

saw the figures above the citadel, and thinking that it had been stormed

by the Persians, they fled, and Cyrus took Sardis by storm.[4]

In Xenophon the Persians and Medes are contending against Babylonia. On

the representation of the king of Babylon that those two nations would

subjugate all the world, unless measures were taken to prevent them,

Croesus marches out to aid the king,[5] with an army of 40,000 horse,

and about 150,000 light-armed infantry and bowmen. But the united army

of the Lydians and Babylonians, though it reached nearly 60,000 cavalry

and more than 200,000 infantry,[6] was defeated. Cyrus turned his steps

towards Lydia, and Croesus collected a new army on the Pactolus of

Lydians, Phrygians, Paphlagonians, and Lycaonians, who were joined by

the Cilicians and Cappadocians. The Egyptians and Cyprians came on board

ship; envoys went to Lacedaemon to ask for troops. With this army Croesus

marched to meet Cyrus at Thymbrara. Here the battle took place. Cyrus

had placed two archers on each of the camels; these were ranged

opposite the enemy's cavalry, and even from a distance the Lydian horses

sought to avoid the camels; some turn round, others rear, and press upon

each other. So the Persians succeeded in overthrowing the disorganised

cavalry. But the battle had to be fought out with the javelin, lance,

and sword; the Persians were not victorious without great bloodshed.

Croesus flies to Sardis, the Lydians alone remain faithful, the rest of

his army disperses. Cyrus pursues him on the next morning, and at once

invests Sardis. In the very night after the camp was pitched before

Sardis, Chaldaeans (_i.e._ Gordyaeans, Carduchians)[7], and Persians climb

the fortifications where they seem to be steepest. They were led by a

Persian, who having formerly been the slave of one on the watch in the

citadel, knew the place where the rocks could be climbed from the river.

The Lydians abandoned the walls, as soon as they saw the citadel taken.

Croesus shut himself up in his palace, and asked for quarter. Cyrus had

him brought into his presence, and said that it was not his intention to

abandon to his soldiers the richest city in Asia after Babylon, but they

must have some reward for their efforts and dangers which they had

undergone. Croesus replied that the sack of the city would destroy the

sources of wealth, the woven stuffs and industry of the place; if it

were spared the Lydians would gladly bring the best of what they had,

and in a year's time the city would once more be in great prosperity.

Then Cyrus asked Croesus how it came to pass that he who was such a

zealous servant of Apollo, and did everything by his direction, had

fallen into calamity. Croesus replied that he had brought upon him the

aversion of the god by putting it to the test whether his announcements

were true. He believed indeed that he had appeased his wrath by rich

presents of gold and silver, and when he lost his youthful son he had

further asked how he could most happily pass the rest of his life, and

the god had answered, "By knowing thyself, thou wilt live happily." He

had regarded this condition of happiness as a very easy one; a man might

have some difficulty in learning to know others, but himself he could

know quite easily. "But I did not know myself," Croesus continues in

Xenophon, "when I fancied that I was equal to you in war; you are

descended from the gods, from a series of kings, and from your youth

have been exercised in brave deeds. My ancestor was a slave who became

king. Now I know myself." Cyrus allowed him to retain his wife and

daughters, gave him servants and entertainment, and took him with him

wherever he went, either because he held the advice of Croesus to be

useful, or because this seemed to him the safest thing to do.[8]

Only fragments have come down to us of Diodorus' narrative of the fall

of Croesus; in some respects these agree with the account of Herodotus;

more frequently they differ from it. He may have borrowed from

Ephorus.[9] Diodorus began with the death of Attys by the javelin of the

Phrygian Adrastus. Croesus at first threatens to have Adrastus burnt

alive, but forgives his offence when he offers his own life for it. But

he voluntarily slays himself at the tomb of Attys. Diodorus then gives

an account of the oracles--the first, which Croesus received at Delphi

before the war on behalf of his dumb son,--Croesus was foolish in

wishing to hear the much-desired voice of his child; he would speak in a

day of disaster--the second, about the consequences of crossing the

Halys; the third, about the mule. Croesus sent Eurybatus of Ephesus with

gold, apparently to Delphi, but in reality to the Peloponnesus, in order

to receive as many Hellenes as possible into his pay; but Eurybatus

passed over to Cyrus, and revealed everything to him. This act of

treachery was held in such detestation by the Greeks, that to his day a

villain was called Eurybatus. When Cyrus had reached the passes of

Cappadocia with his united forces he sent heralds to Croesus, to

discover his forces, and to tell him that Cyrus would pardon his former

offences and nominate him satrap of Lydia, if he would appear at his

gates and there proclaim himself a servant like the rest. Croesus

replied that Cyrus and the Persians would sooner endure to be his

slaves, as in former times they had been the servants of the Medes; as

regarded himself, he had never obeyed the order of another person. When

Croesus had been taken captive, and the flames of the pyre quenched,

Diodorus represents Croesus putting to Cyrus the question which we find

in Herodotus (p. 14), about the sacking of the city; Cyrus puts an end

to the plundering, and orders the possessions of the inhabitants to be

brought into the palace. We are further told, that as the rain had

suddenly come down and quenched the flames, Cyrus regarded Croesus as a

pious man. Moreover, he kept Solon's saying in mind; he held Croesus in

honour, and made him his adviser, regarding one who had associated with

so many wise men as being himself prudent and able.[10]

Justin's excerpt from Pompeius Trogus gives a brief account of the fall

of the Lydian kingdom. When Cyrus had reduced the greater part of the

nations which had previously been subject to the Medes, Croesus, the

king of Lydia, whose power and wealth were then very great, came to the

help of the Babylonians. He was conquered and retired into his kingdom.

When Cyrus had settled his quarrel with Babylon, he engaged in war with

Lydia. He easily put to flight the Lydian army, already dispirited by

the previous defeat. Croesus himself was captured. "But the less the

danger of the war, the milder was the use made of the victory. To

Croesus was given his life, portions of his property, and the city of

Barka, where he lived a life, which, if not that of a king, approached

nearly to royal magnificence."[11]

The end only of the account of Nicolaus of Damascus, containing the

story of the intended burning of Croesus, has come down to us. Cyrus, we

are told, had great sympathy with the misfortune of Croesus, but the

Persians insisted that he should be burnt as an enemy. A great pyre was

erected at the foot of a hill. Cyrus marched out with all his army; a

great multitude of natives and foreigners gathered together. When

Croesus and fourteen Lydians were brought out in chains, all the Lydians

broke out into sighs and lamentations, and beat their heads, so that the

weeping and wailing of men and women was greater now than it had been at

the capture of the city. This showed what affection Croesus inspired

among his subjects. "They tore their garments, and thousands of women

ran weeping forward. Croesus advanced without tears, and with a firm

countenance, and when he reached Cyrus he asked with a loud voice that

his son might be brought to him. This was done. The son embraced his

father, and said with tears: 'Woe is me, my father. Of what avail was

your piety; when will the gods help us? Have they granted me speech only

to bewail our misfortunes?' Turning to the Persians he said: 'Burn me

also; I am no less your enemy than my father.' But Croesus checked him

with these words: 'I alone determined on the war, and no one else of the

Lydians; therefore I alone must pay the penalty.' When numerous servants

of the Lydian women had brought rich garments and ornaments of every

kind to be burned with him, Croesus kissed his son and the Lydians who

were standing by, and ascended the pyre; but the son raised his hands to

heaven and cried aloud: 'King Apollo, and all ye gods to whom my father

has done honour, come now to our help, that the piety of mankind may not

be destroyed with Croesus.' His friends could hardly restrain him from

casting himself on the pyre. But on a sudden Herophile, the sibyl of

Ephesus, appeared, and descended from the height, and cried: 'Ye fools,

what injustice is this? Supreme Zeus, and Phoebus, and glorious

Amphiaraus will not permit it. Obey the truthful sayings of my words,

that the god may not visit your frenzy with grievous destruction.' Cyrus

caused the oracle to be interpreted to the Persians that they might

desist from their purpose, but they set the pile on fire with torches on

every side. Then Croesus called thrice on the name of Solon, and Cyrus

wept, that he should be compelled by the Persians to do an unrighteous

act, and burn a king who was no less in honour than himself. When the

Persians looked on Cyrus and saw his distress, they changed their

minds, and the king bade those who were near him put out the fire. But

the pile was on fire and no one could quench it. Then Croesus called on

Apollo for help, because his enemies wished to save him and could not.

From the morning the day had been cloudy, but without rain, but when

Croesus had prayed, dark clouds rolled up from every side, lightning and

thunder followed fast, and the rain poured down in such streams that not

only was the pyre quenched but men could hardly withstand the storm. A

purple canopy was quickly spread over Croesus, but the Persians,

terrified at the storm, the darkness, and the panic which had come upon

the horses owing to the tempest, were seized with fear of the gods. They

thought of the saying of the sibyl and the commands of Zoroaster, cast

themselves on the earth, and cried for pardon. From this date the rule

of Zoroaster, which had existed among the Persians for a long time, not

to burn their dead nor pollute fire in any way, was strictly observed.

Cyrus led Croesus into the palace, treated him as a friend, seeing that

he was a pious man, and bade him ask without hesitation for any favour

that he chose. Croesus asked that he might send his fetters to Delphi

and ask the god, why he had deceived him by his responses and driven him

into war, when he had sent him such trophies; the messengers were also

to ask whether the gods of the Greeks paid no heed to the gifts which

they received. Cyrus granted this request with a smile and said that he

would not refuse Croesus even a greater favour; he made him his friend,

and when he left Sardis, restored his wives and children, and took him

as a companion. Some say that he would have made him viceroy of Sardis,

if he had not been afraid that this would induce the Lydians to

revolt."[12]

We have already noticed how deep was the impression made on the Greeks

by the greatness and splendour of the Lydian kingdom. Lydia was the

power of the East with which they first came into immediate contact, the

first Oriental court which they had before their eyes. A king of Lydia

had subjugated the great cities of the coast; his wide dominion, power,

and wisdom were the admiration of the Greeks; his glory and treasures

excited their astonishment; he had shown himself kindly and gracious

towards them, and sent the richest gifts to their gods--and this king it

was who fell by a sudden overthrow from his splendid position. He

succumbed to a foreign and distant nation, whose name up to that time

was hardly known to Greece, and his fall brought with it distress and

mischief for the Greeks of the west coast of Asia Minor. This sudden

fall of Croesus was a striking event, and most disastrous for the

Greeks, the more striking owing to the unexpected and rapid nature of

the change. How could so brave, wise, and religious a ruler fall from

the summit of fortune into the deepest distress, and come by a mischance

which brought disaster not only on himself and his kingdom, but also on

the Greek cities? How could this be the result of an undertaking begun

on the authority of the god of Delphi? These questions forced themselves

on the Greeks of Anatolia, and beyond the sea, and their legends were at

pains to solve the problem. In the mind of Herodotus the solution was

the punishment which sooner or later overtakes every unrighteous act.

Gyges, the ancestor of Croesus, had robbed the ancient royal family of

the Lydians, the race of Sandon, of their throne. It was the vengeance

for this crime which overtook Croesus. It was a widely-spread and

favourite story among the Greeks, how Solon of Athens, unmoved by the

successes, the prosperity, and splendour of Croesus, had warned him in

his proud citadel at Sardis of the mutability of human things, and

preferred to his brilliant position as a sovereign the modest lot of a

life well spent in the performance of duty. We have observed (III. 458)

that this narrative is not without some basis of fact. Could there be a

more impressive illustration of the saying of Solon than the fate which

had overtaken Croesus? The tradition of the Greeks, especially of the

Delphian priesthood, was aware of several oracular responses which had

been given to Croesus. Herodotus' point of view led him to believe that

no one, though warned by portents, dreams, and oracles, could escape the

doom which hung over him. In this fact lay the justification of the

Delphian oracle in regard to the prophecies given to Croesus. It had

announced what was correct, but owing to the blindness sent upon him by

fate, Croesus had not been able to understand its meaning.

Guided by these views, Herodotus represents misfortune as coming on

Croesus in one blow upon another immediately after he had displayed the

splendour of his empire to Solon, and in foolish vainglory had declared

himself to be the most fortunate of men. That Croesus had two sons, one

a youth of promise, the other dumb, and that he lost the former in the

bloom of his youth, are facts mentioned by Xenophon as well as

Herodotus.[13] A dream indicates to Croesus the death which is destined

for his noble son; and the means which he adopts to avert the death

serve to bring it about. Adrastus, who first slays his own brother, then

the son of Croesus, and at length slays himself on the young man's

grave, is called a scion of the old Phrygian royal family of Midas and

Gordius; hence there is a close connection between the fall of the

Phrygian and Lydian houses. The Greeks worshipped Nemesis Adrastea,

_i.e._ the doom which none can escape, on the Granicus, and on a

mountain near Cyzicus.[14] In the tradition of the Lydians, Attys was

their first king, whom Herodotus calls the son of the god Manes;

according to the legend of the Phrygians and Lydians, he had been slain

by a boar.[15] As we saw, the Phrygians mourned each year for the death

of Attys, who had been carried off in the bloom of youth (I. 532). When

death had overtaken this son, Croesus sent to Delphi to ascertain

whether his remaining son should ever receive the gift of speech; and

the answer was returned that he would speak on a day of great

misfortune. Thus the prescience of the Delphic priestess is brought

forward in the most emphatic manner.

The overthrow of Astyages caused Croesus to examine a whole series of

oracles that he might ascertain whether they knew what was hidden from

men, before he inquired whether he should march against Cyrus. Before

this examination, Croesus had sought and received many prophecies at

Delphi, and now he tests not this oracle only, but many others. The

mixture of belief and scepticism which would give rise to such an

examination is not in itself incredible, but the manner in which the

test is carried out in the narrative of Herodotus, or rather of the

Delphian priesthood, is wholly beyond belief. The frivolous

question--what was the king of the Lydians doing on a certain day--the

drift of which was so obvious, would certainly be left unanswered by any

oracle of repute which was believed to receive revelations from the

gods. If we consider the nature of the Delphic prophecy, which claimed

rather to announce the responses of Apollo than to bring to light the

past or the future; the religious solemnity of the ceremonies, which

they who would consult the oracle had to perform; the small number of

the days on which the priestess spoke, we may be quite sure that the

priests would have rejected the question. Herodotus cannot give the

answers of the other oracles--not even the answer of Amphiaraus (which

is also mentioned in the account of Nicolaus), and yet this oracle must

have stood the test no less than Delphi, for Croesus sent presents to

it, and laid before it his second question. To Apollo of Miletus, whose

answer to the first question Herodotus does not know, and of whom the

second question is not asked, Croesus dedicates exactly the same gifts

as those sent to Apollo of Delphi after he had stood the test. Hence it

is quite clear that the supposed examination of the oracles is merely a

story invented by the Greeks to glorify the Delphic shrine. Croesus

fell, in spite of the splendid presents he had made to the Delphic god,

on whose advice he had acted; in order to maintain the divine wisdom of

the oracle against this charge, it must be proved to have knowledge of

the most secret things. And it is true that Croesus had put the oracle

to the test, though in another manner, by following up the answer to his

question whether he should go against the Persians, with a second

question--whether his empire would continue. The story how splendidly

Delphi had stood the test then received an apparently certain

foundation in the hexameters about the lamb's flesh and tortoise, which

was subsequently manufactured in Delphi in the name of the priestess.

The narrative of the campaign in Herodotus is obviously intended to put

Croesus in the wrong, and burden him with guilt of his own in addition

to the offence of his ancestor. Sandanis warns him in vain (p. 5). Cyrus

has done nothing to injure Croesus, and therefore Croesus is the

aggressor. He crosses the Halys, invades the territory of Cyrus, in

order to conquer Cappadocia and avenge Astyages on Cyrus; he causes the

land of the Cappadocians to be desolated; and Herodotus lays stress on

the fact that this nation was quite innocent. Guilt is followed by

incapacity, after the indecisive battle. Croesus disbands his army for

the singular reason that it "was inferior in numbers to that of Cyrus."

He is then surprised in Sardis; the citadel is naturally ascended in the

very place where in old days king Meles omitted to carry the lion which

was to make the walls of Sardis impregnable, because he thought it

unnecessary, the place being inaccessible. (I. 561). Croesus is saved

from instant death, because the deaf and dumb son receives his speech on

a day of misfortune, as Delphi had announced. The son can not only

speak, but knows how to address his father by name. The favour of the

gods, who turn again to Croesus when he has expiated the guilt of Gyges

and himself by his overthrow, is shown in this miracle, and more plainly

still on the funeral pyre. The wisdom of the Greeks, and of Solon, is

set in the clearest light, when Croesus in his deepest distress, on the

brink of a terrible death, remembers the warning once given him by

Solon. If such a recollection forms the most brilliant evidence of the

insight of the Greeks, it might also give the motive for the rescue of

Croesus.

The occurrences on and at the pyre partake so strongly of the miraculous

that Herodotus himself is puzzled. What reason could Cyrus, whose

gentleness Herodotus himself extols, have for condemning Croesus to a

death by fire, and with him fourteen Lydian youths? Herodotus knows that

fire is a god in the eyes of the Persians, and that corpses could not be

burnt.[16] He says: "Cyrus either wished to offer first-fruits to some

god, or to fulfil a vow, or to ascertain whether Apollo would assist the

pious Croesus." When narrating the astonishing incidents which took

place on the pyre, he drops the positive tone, and continues the story

with "the Lydians say." The pyre is already kindled when the question is

asked by the interpreters, What is the meaning of the cry "Solon"?

Croesus is at first obstinately silent, then answers obscurely; and only

after long pressure tells of his meeting with Solon, which could not be

done very briefly if it was to be made intelligible to Cyrus, and the

narrative had to be translated by the interpreters, as Herodotus himself

relates. Then Cyrus is seized with remorse for the execution he has

commanded, and the attempt is made to quench the pyre. Impossible as all

this is, Croesus at the last moment confesses that Solon is right, and

Solon's deep insight moves the heart of the great sovereign of the

Persians, and rescues the once prosperous but now fallen king.

In his minute account of the cremation, which, in his rhetorical manner,

he connects with the recovery of speech by the deaf and dumb son,

Nicolaus of Damascus felt difficulties like those in Herodotus. The law

bidding the Persians not to pollute fire, nor to "burn the dead," is

well known to him. He removes the contradiction by representing the

cremation as taking place against the will of Cyrus, and remarks that

after this incident the regulation was more strictly observed. In his

story also the change is made by the mention of Solon's name. When Cyrus

had ascertained what Solon had said to Croesus, he began to weep, and

saw that he had done wrong, and the pain of their king touches the heart

of the Persians. This movement is assisted in Nicolaus by the sibyl of

Ephesus; in which no doubt he follows the legend of Ephesus; Croesus had

made large presents to the temple of Artemis in that city (III. 451).

In Herodotus, as in Diodorus and Nicolaus, it is the rain, by which the

pyre is quenched, which causes Cyrus to continue his gentle treatment of

Croesus. Moreover, the excellent advice, which Croesus with immediate

prudence gives, for putting an end to the plunder of Sardis, and other

matters in Herodotus, in Diodorus, and Xenophon, co-operate in

influencing Cyrus to hold such a wise man in respect. Xenophon knows, or

at any rate says, nothing of the burning of Croesus. Ctesias knows

nothing of it: in his account miracles of another kind are vouchsafed to

the imprisoned Croesus by Apollo in his temple; the triple loosing of

the bonds, and their final removal with thunder and lightning, determine

Cyrus to set him at liberty and make provision for him.

Lastly, it was incumbent on Herodotus and the Greek narratives to

justify the Delphian oracle with regard to the responses given to

Croesus. In Herodotus and Nicolaus this justification is introduced and

pointed by the sending of the fetters, which Croesus had worn, as the

first-fruits of the promised victory to Delphi, and the question whether

it was the manner of the Greek gods to deceive those who had done them

kindness. Following, no doubt, the legend of the Delphic priesthood,

Herodotus then gives the defence of the priestess, that Croesus had not

rightly understood the oracles,--though as we shall see, he had

understood them correctly enough. The priestess further tells Croesus,

that he was destined to pay the penalty for the offence, which his

ancestor Gyges had committed against Candaules, though the Delphic

oracle had sanctioned this crime and carried it out. Then destiny has to

bear the blame. No man can escape his doom; the god of Delphi had

deferred the fall of Croesus for three years, and saved him from the

flames of the funeral pyre. The god of Delphi had thus announced the

truth (to prove this Cyrus is made the son of a Median mother), and had

shown his gratitude for the gifts of Croesus by delaying his overthrow,

and rescuing him from the flames, as Croesus must himself confess.

Xenophon dwells yet more on the justification. Croesus had placed

himself in the wrong with the god, by putting it to the test whether he

could tell the truth; then he hopes that he has appeased him by rich

presents, but he misunderstands the further response of the god, "that

he will be happy when he knows himself," for in descent, bravery, and

generalship he holds himself the equal of Cyrus. In Herodotus and

Nicolaus the gift of speech to the deaf and dumb son, the quenching of

the pyre,--in Herodotus also the delay of destiny, and in Ctesias, the

miraculous loosing of the fetters,--are proofs that the dedicatory gifts

of Croesus and his piety had not been in vain. They could not avert his

doom, but they had alleviated it; the god of the Greeks, whom he

serves, has at the last saved him from the most cruel fate, and brought

it about that Croesus ends his days, if not as a ruler, yet in peace and

dignity.

In spite of all the national and individual points of view which mark

Herodotus' account of the fall of Croesus, and the legends which he has

woven into it, and used for his own purposes--the fanciful colours which

stamp it as fabulous--it nevertheless contains a nucleus of historical

truth, and we can give it a place before the rest as a narrative of

facts. We have seen above how suddenly the successful rebellion of Cyrus

put an end to the close relations between Babylonia, Lydia, and Media;

how Lydia was touched by this change, how clearly the intervention of

Lydia was needed, and what reasons could induce Croesus to defer it.

Croesus was obviously brought to abandon his delay by the successes

which Cyrus achieved in establishing his dominion over the Medes, and

extending it to North and South, but above all by his conquests in the

West and the advance of the Persian border to the Halys. Herodotus'

account shows us very clearly that Cappadocia had become subject to

Cyrus. When, on a previous occasion, the Medes reached the Halys,

Alyattes, the father of Croesus, had taken up arms; was he to fall short

of this example, in the presence of a power which had grown up more

rapidly and threatened greater danger than the Medes? As Herodotus told

us, it was his intention to attack Cyrus before he became too powerful.

We may conclude with certainty from what Herodotus relates, that Croesus

did not hide from himself the importance and difficulty of the

undertaking. Above all he sought to win the favour of Sandon the

national deity (I. 564). The Lydians offered large burnt-sacrifices to

this deity, their sun-god; on a huge pyre they burnt numerous victims,

gold and silver vessels, and costly robes in his honour. Herodotus tells

us that Croesus bade the Lydians sacrifice from their own stores on that

occasion; hence the great sacrifice, the gold of which Croesus dedicated

to the god of Miletus and Delphi, was a national offering, which Croesus

presented to Sandon. We have already shown that the Greeks recognised in

the sun-god of the Lydians their own Apollo and Hercules, while the

Lydians found their solar deity in the Apollo of the Greeks. When Gyges

undertook to overthrow the old royal family which claimed to spring from

this sun-god, and could not succeed in his attempt, an answer was sought

from the sun-god of Delphi. The god of the Greeks then dethroned the

descendants of the Lydian deity. In the year 556 B.C.[17] Croesus had

already sent to Delphi, and given dedicatory offerings to the god of

Delphi and to the Ismenian Apollo at Thebes; and at the present time,

when he had resolved to enter on a severe struggle for his throne and

kingdom, he called to mind the god, to whose oracle his house owed its

position; he would now receive by his favour both kingdom and crown. So

Apollo of Miletus and Delphi received silver and gold which had been

consecrated by the fire. The bricks into which it was formed were

intended to bear the lion which was also fashioned out of the same

gold--the symbol of the burning sun, the image of the Lydian god. The

four golden bricks formed the uppermost steps. The total amount of the

gold dedicated at Delphi and Miletus reached 270 talents. For the

presents at Miletus Croesus used the property of Sadyattes, which he had

confiscated at the beginning of his reign, dedicated, and applied as an

offering.[18] When Croesus sent the gifts to Delphi, he inquired of the

oracle, as Gyges had previously done. At this time--about 140 years

before Croesus--the question had been who was to ascend the throne of

Lydia; now the question was, whether the descendant of Gyges would

maintain it in the conflict against Persia. The answer of the priestess,

which Aristotle and Diodorus have preserved in metre,[19]--"That Croesus

by crossing the Halys would destroy a great kingdom"--is genuine, and

was certainly given in the meaning that Croesus should undertake the war

and would destroy the kingdom of his opponent. The object of Croesus in

asking the question was to know whether he would be fortunate in his

attack on Persia. If it was the object of the priesthood to give a

dubious answer to this question, they could not possibly have answered

the further question--whether he should take allies to help him,--with

the command that he must take the "most powerful of the Hellenes." At

that time the Spartans were beyond all question the most powerful of the

Hellenes. How could the priests of Delphi, who owing to the close

connection in which they stood to Sparta were well aware that the oracle

would be a law to that state, send the Spartans to defeat and

destruction, if they foresaw such a thing?[20] That at Delphi, owing to

the impression made on the Greeks by the power, greatness, and splendour

of the Lydian empire, the remote and unknown Persians were underrated is

quite probable, and indeed sufficiently proved by the subsequent embassy

of the Spartans to Cyrus. The first response did not entirely remove

the doubts of Croesus, so he asked a second time--"whether his dominion

would continue long," and this question received a thoroughly

satisfactory answer, _i.e._ an answer which, in the obscure form

purposely adopted by oracles, deferred the defeat of the Lydians to

distant times, and impossible conditions.

Croesus had not waited for the oracle to provide himself with sufficient

support in his undertaking. Yet it suited him to enter into negotiations

with the Spartans, who after a series of successful contests against the

Pisatae, Argos, and some cantons of Arcadia, had obtained the foremost

place in the Peloponnesus. At an earlier time Croesus had sent the

Spartans a considerable present for the erection of a statue of Apollo,

and their grateful feeling towards him would certainly be strengthened

by the authority of the Delphian oracle, whose response was known to the

Spartans, as Herodotus expressly states (p. 9). Even in Xenophon's

account they declared themselves ready to send auxiliary troops to

Sardis.[21] Croesus did not stop here: he sent Eurybatus to obtain yet

more troops in Hellas. Herodotus told us that Croesus was in league with

Egypt and Babylonia against Persia before he made the treaty with

Sparta. Amasis, king of Egypt, had determined to support Croesus,

perhaps in return for the service which Gyges had once rendered to

Psammetichus, when he sent soldiers to aid him against his

fellow-princes, the vassals of Assyria (III. 301). The attitude of

Babylonia must be decisive. If Lydia and Babylonia, who were both

equally threatened by the new power, united in a firm military alliance,

they might hope to contend successfully with the prince of the

Persians. At Babylon, after the accession of Nabonetus in the year 555

B.C., the royal power was again in strong hands. According to Herodotus,

there was a league between Croesus and Nabonetus against Persia.

Xenophon represents Croesus as coming to the aid of the king of Babylon.

Justin states that Cyrus was at war with Babylon when Croesus attacked

him; Cyrus drove him back, came to terms with Babylonia, and carried the

war to Lydia. From all this we may assume that Lydia and Babylonia were

united, and that they undertook the war against Persia in common.

Croesus then might consider that careful preparations had been made for

his enterprise, when in the year 549 B.C., and as we may pre-suppose

with certainty, in the spring of the year, he took the field.[22] He

crossed the Halys, and directed his course to the commanding plateau of

Pteria, which Herodotus rightly regards as the strongest position in

those regions. He took Pteria, and the neighbouring cities, and laid

waste the land, with the view no doubt of making it impossible for the

Persian army to support itself. There he remained, either because he

shrank from going further, and seeking a decisive conflict at a distance

from his own borders, or because he expected a diversion on the part of

the Babylonians.

The attack of Croesus was unexpected by Cyrus. He was also engaged with

another enemy. These conclusions we may draw from the fact that it was

autumn according to Herodotus before the armies stood opposite each

other. Herodotus further remarks that Babylon, the Bactrians, and the

Sacae caused Cyrus to return out of Asia Minor.[23] By lingering in

Cappadocia Croesus had given Cyrus time to collect his army and add to

it the troops of the countries through which he passed on his march to

the West. With his usual circumspection he sought to avail himself of

the weak points in his enemy. He sent ambassadors to the Greek cities

subject to Croesus, on the West coast, to urge them to revolt that he

might raise up enemies in the rear of the Lydians. Croesus awaited the

attack of the Persians in the neighbourhood of the conquered Pteria.

Herodotus tells that the contest was severe. In spite of the

considerable superiority of numbers on the Persian side, the Lydians did

not give way. The battle was not decided, when night came on. In truth

the victory was with the Lydians, whose bravery made such an impression

on Cyrus that he would not renew the battle. But the timidity of Croesus

put in his hands all the advantages of a victory. After the bloody day

it seemed better to Croesus, as is the case with men of weaker mould,

not to risk everything, but to put off the final decision; he thought it

safer to retire, in order to strengthen his army and so fight with

equal numbers. Under the supposition that Cyrus would not venture to

advance "as the winter was at the gate," he retired to Lydia. He

intended to use the winter for collecting the forces of his confederates

at Sardis. He requested Nabonetus of Babylon, the Lacedaemonians and the

Pharaoh, to embark their forces on the Syrian coast, the Laconian Gulf,

and at the mouths of the Nile, in time for them to reach Sardis in the

fifth month, _i.e._ in the early spring. To the want of resolution which

had suggested the thought of retreat, Croesus, when returning, added

another great act of folly. He disbanded "the mercenaries" of his army

(Alyattes had made use of hired soldiers), bidding them come again to

Sardis in the spring, and returned home with the Lydians alone. Such a

series of blunders could not go unpunished in the presence of a general

like Cyrus. In no case could he remain in the devastated country of the

Cappadocians. He must go either forwards or backwards. To choose the

latter was voluntarily to abandon the advantages which the retreat of

Croesus offered. Yet he did not content himself with slowly following

the unexpected retreat of the Lydians. He appears to have been informed

of the plans of Croesus by Eurybatus of Ephesus, whose treason is not

only mentioned by Diodorus after Ephorus, but alluded to by Plato,

Demosthenes, and Aeschines.[24] By a rapid march upon the enemy's

metropolis Cyrus intended to cripple the Lydian forces, hit Croesus in

the very centre of his power, and bring the war to an end at a blow. He

came so quickly, that, as Herodotus says, he announced his own arrival.

The sudden appearance of the Persian army in the neighbourhood of

Sardis completely startled and terrified Croesus. He retired in order to

be able to place in the field a number of warriors equal to the army of

Cyrus, and now he was compelled to shut himself up in the walls of

Sardis or fight with far smaller numbers than took the field at Pteria.

He chose the latter, and awaited the attack on the plain of the Hermus,

which was large enough to provide a field for his excellent cavalry.

Though he had a great advantage in his forces, and in the consciousness

of his superiority to his enemy, Cyrus omitted no means for securing the

victory. He had experienced at Pteria the attack of the Lydian horse,

their superiority to his own cavalry, in spite of the practice in riding

which the Persians underwent from their youth up, and the excellence of

the Median horse. To render useless the attack of these horsemen, Cyrus

caused the camels which carried the baggage and supplies of his army to

be mounted, and placed them in the first line. This arrangement is

mentioned not only by Herodotus but also by Xenophon. No doubt the

Lydian horse would be frightened by the noise and unwonted aspect of

these animals. Though robbed of their best arm and mode of fighting, the

Lydians nevertheless resolved to dismount and carry on the battle on

foot. They pressed courageously on the Persians, and could only be

driven into the gates of Sardis after a bloody battle. Croesus was now

limited to the walls of his city, and compelled to defend them. He hoped

to be able to hold the city till his confederates should come, to whom

on the approach of Cyrus he had sent with appeals for immediate

assistance. But on the fourteenth day after the investment of the city,

as Herodotus maintains, Cyrus brought matters to a decision. Then the

Mardian climbed the steep rock on the Pactolus, on which the citadel

lay, at a place where no guard was set, the citadel and city were taken,

and Croesus became a prisoner. A picture at Pompeii exhibits Cyrus

before his tent, and Harpagus beside him, at the moment when Croesus is

brought forward.

Herodotus' narrative of the ascent of the citadel of Sardis is confirmed

by a precisely analogous incident which took place more than three

centuries later. Antiochus III. had besieged his brother-in-law Achaeus

for more than a year in Sardis, and in vain. All hope of taking the city

except by starvation was given up, when Lagoras, a Cretan, observed that

the walls must be left without a guard where the citadel and the city

met. At this point the walls rose on steep rocks above a cleft into

which the besieged threw from the towers their dead along with the

carcasses of beasts of burden and horses. As the birds of prey when they

had eaten the corpses settled on the walls, Lagoras concluded that no

guards were stationed there. By night he examined whether it was quite

impossible to climb up and plant scaling-ladders there. When he

discovered a ravine by which this seemed practicable, he acquainted the

king. The necessary preparations were made; in the night, towards

morning, when the moon had set, Lagoras with sixteen companions climbed

up the rocks; 2000 men were ready to support him. The spur on which the

wall lay was so steep that even when the morning broke a jutting piece

of rock prevented the garrison from seeing what was going on, and when

Antiochus led his army against the Persian gate the garrison went to

meet them. Meanwhile the assailants by means of two ladders scaled the

walls close against the citadel and opened the nearest door; the

confusion which ensued put the city in the hands of Antiochus after a

short struggle. Yet Achaeus maintained the citadel; by a secret steep and

dangerous path in the rear he was able to keep up a communication with

Ptolemy Philopator of Egypt, and finally he attempted to escape by this

means, but he was betrayed and fell into the hands of Antiochus (213

B.C.).[25]

Croesus determined not to survive the great overthrow and sudden

disaster which he had brought upon Lydia by his campaign. The Lydians

had become the slaves of the Persians, but it might be possible to

appease the wrath of Sandon, from whom all this misfortune must have

come; it might be that the god would again show favour to his people,

turn aside their misfortune and slavery, and raise up the kingdom from

the depths. In vain had Croesus attempted by lavish presents to win the

favour of Sandon-Apollo; there still remained the last great sacrifice.

So he resolved to offer himself as a peace-offering for his land and

people. In this way he might succeed in laying the foundation of the

future liberation and rise of Lydia, in conquering by his death his

successful opponent. The sacrifice of the heir to the throne and of the

king himself in his purple to avert the anger of the sun-god was not

unknown in Semitic rites. Zimri of Israel had burnt himself with his

citadel in Tirzah; Ahaz of Judah, when defeated by the Damascenes, had

sacrificed his son as a burnt-offering; Manasses of Judah "caused his

son to pass through the fire in the valley of Ben Hinnom" (III. 43,

209); the last king of Asshur had burnt himself with his palace in the

year 607 B.C.; Hamilcar, the son of Hanno, threw himself into the flames

of the sacrificial fire in order to turn the battle of Himera. Cyrus had

no reason for preventing the death of his opponent, if he chose to die.

Though he was offering himself as a sacrifice to his gods, these gods

were false in the eyes of the Persians--they were evil spirits or

demons. The Persian king could quite understand the resolution of

Croesus not to outlive the fall of a prosperous and mighty kingdom, and

to escape a long imprisonment, and would probably look on it as worthy

of a brave man. Still less could he object to the wish of a king to die

in his royal robes. That the cremation was a sacrifice and not an

execution is further proved by the circumstance that Croesus is

accompanied by twice seven youths. It could never have entered the mind

of Cyrus to seize and execute fourteen youths, but they might be quite

ready to sacrifice themselves with their king. The seventh planet

belonged to Adar-Sandon, _i.e._ to the angry sun-god, and Croesus had

sat on the throne fourteen years. The gifts also which the Lydian women

bring or send to the pyre (costly robes and ornaments of every kind, as

was customary in the great sacrifices of Sandon), are a distinct proof

of a peace-offering. In the picture at Pompeii Croesus has laurel

branches round his head, and a wand of laurel in his right hand, and

this marks him out, though in the Greek manner, as dedicated to Sandon;

a vase in the Louvre presents him seated on the pyre, in a royal robe,

with a crown of laurel on his head. In his left hand he holds a sceptre,

with the right he is pouring libations from a goblet, while a servant is

sprinkling with water the already burning pyre.[26] But the sun-god

would not accept the royal sacrifice and peace-offering. It was no

favourable sign that the weather was gloomy ([Greek: cheimon]) on that

day, as Nicolaus, who here, no doubt, follows Xanthus the Lydian, tells

us, though no rain had fallen. The pyre was kindled; Croesus prayed that

Sandon would graciously accept the offering--the invocation of the god

by Croesus with tears Herodotus gives on the authority of the

Lydians[27]--but the prayer is not heard; a storm of rain descends, and

the pyre is quenched. This was an unmistakable sign, the

clearly-pronounced decision of the god, that he did not and would not

accept the sacrifice. Croesus must abandon his purpose.[28]

At no time can Cyrus have had the intention of doing any further injury

to the captive king of the Lvdians. Herodotus told us that before the

battle at Sardis he bade his soldiers spare Croesus. And he would be the

more inclined to show favour and grace to a man whose death heaven had

openly prevented. As Ctesias told us (p. 16), he allotted to Croesus the

city of Barene, near Ecbatana, as a residence or means of support.

Ptolemy mentions the city of Uarna in the neighbourhood of Ragha, and

the Avesta speaks of Varena in the same region.[29] After that day

Croesus submitted to his fate; we find him at the court of Cyrus as well

as at that of Cambyses in an honourable position; both Cyrus and his

successor at times apply to him for advice.

The convulsion which Cyrus had caused in the Median empire might have

ended with placing the Persians at the summit instead of the Medes, and

establishing the power of Cyrus within the old borders of the Median

kingdom. Had Lydia and Babylonia resolved to recognise this change; had

they reasons for the assumption that Cyrus would not go beyond these

limits, the old relation of the three powers might have been renewed,

though it would not have been confirmed by the bonds of alliance. But

Lydia no less than Babylonia believed that they were threatened by the

advance of Cyrus. At the time when Croesus attacked him, Cyrus certainly

did not intend to proceed to the West beyond the borders of Cappadocia.

This is proved by the fact that he kept within the Halys after the

conquest of that country. He must establish his power in the East before

he could extend his views to the distant West and Asia Minor. It was

Babylon which at that time was threatened, if not actually attacked, by

Cyrus. The advance of the Persians to the West, which Croesus intended

to prevent by his attack, was really caused by it. He brought on the

storm which he sought to allay before it burst upon him. By attempting

to check the advance of Cyrus in the midst of Asia he invited him to

Sardis. The dominion of the Mermnadae was at an end; Croesus had lost it

140 years after his ancestor Gyges had won it. It is seldom that a

sovereign is hurled so suddenly as Croesus from the summit of power and

prosperity; that the splendour of a high and glorious position stands in

such close and striking proximity to the deepest humiliation. There is

hardly any instance of a warlike and brave nation passing so suddenly

and utterly into obscurity as the Lydians; and never has so ancient, so

flourishing, and powerful a kingdom, while yet in the period of its

growth, been so swiftly overthrown, never to rise again.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Herod. 1, 74, 79, 155; Xenoph. "Cyri inst." 7, 2, 11.

[2] Herod. 1, 71; and equally from the Persian point of view, Xenophon,

"Cyri inst." 6, 2, 22.

[3] Ctes. "Pers." 4; Fragm. 31, ed. Mueller.

[4] Polyaen. "Strateg." 7, 6, 3, 19; 7, 8, [Woelfflin].

[5] "Cyri inst." 1, 5, 3.

[6] "Cyri inst." 2, 1, 5, 6.

[7] Xenoph. "Anab." 5, 5, 17. Vol. I. 257.

[8] "Cyri inst." 2, 1, 5; 6, 2, 8, 9; 7, 2, 15 ff.

[9] I draw this conclusion from the story of Eurybatus, which was told

by Ephorus; Fragm. 100, ed. Mueller.

[10] Excerpt. Vatic, p. 26; "De virtute et vitiis," p. 553. [=9, 31 ff.]

[11] Justin, 1, 7. Lucian ("Contemplat." 9) represents Cyrus as

conquering Babylonia and then marching against Lydia.

[12] [Nic. Damasc. Frag. 68, ed. Mueller.]

[13] "Cyri inst." 7, 2, 20.

[14] Strabo, p. 575, 587.

[15] Pausan. 7, 17, 9. 10.

[16] Herod. 1, 131; 3, 16.

[17] Marmor Parnium, ep. 41.

[18] Boeckh, "Staatshaushaltung" 1. 10, 11; H. Stein on Herod. 1, 50.

[19] Aristot. "Rhetor." 3, 5; Diod. Exc. Vatic. p. 25, 26[=9, 31].

[20] Herod. 1, 69.

[21] "Cyri inst." 6, 2, 10, 11.

[22] The Parian marble mentions a mission of Croesus to Delphi in the

year 556. The date of the year for the capture of Sardis is destroyed,

and cannot be even approximately restored, as the nearest dates are

either mutilated or destroyed. The dates in Eusebius are derived from

Apollodorus, who in turn draws from Eratosthenes. Eusebius puts the

testing of the oracles in Olymp. 57,3 = 550 B.C., the march of Cyrus

against Croesus in Ol. 57,4 = 549 B.C., the capture of Croesus in Ol.

58,3 = 546 B.C. Jerome represents Croesus as beginning the war in Ol.

57,3 = 550 B.C. and puts his capture in Ol. 58,1 = 548 B.C. According to

the statement of Syncellus (1,455, ed. Bonn.), Croesus was defeated in

the 14th year of Cyrus, which would give 547 B.C., if with Eusebius, who

allows Cyrus to reign 31 years, we put his accession in 560 B.C. (V. p.

381 _n._). The interval of three years which Eusebius (549-546) and two

years which Jerome (550-548) places between the beginning of the war and

the capture of Croesus, appears to be due to the three years for which,

according to Herodotus, Apollo delayed the overthrow of Croesus; the

presents came to Delphi three years before the fall (Herod. 1, 91).

According to Herodotus the campaign occupies only one summer and autumn.

The temple of Delphi was burned down in 548 B.C. (Ol. 58,1; Pausan. 10,

5, 13), and as Herodotus represents the temple as intact at the time

when Croesus sent to Delphi after his fall, this must have taken place

before 548 B.C., and therefore Croesus must have been conquered by Cyrus

in 549 B.C. If the justification of the oracle in Herodotus is merely an

invention of the priests, yet in things so well known the existing

circumstances could not be left out of sight. It is certain that if the

presents of Croesus had been injured by the burning of the temple before

his fall, this evil omen would not have been left out of sight by the

legend, or by Herodotus, who himself saw and mentions the lion of

Croesus at Delphi which had been injured by the fire (1, 50). I have

therefore no scruple in putting the fall of the Lydian kingdom in the

year 549 B.C. Though the reign given by Herodotus for Croesus, fourteen

years and fourteen days, may have arisen out of the fourteen Lydian boys

who wished to be sacrificed with their king (p. 12), yet Eusebius,

Jerome, and Syncellus put the reign of Croesus at 15 years. It may

therefore be regarded as an established fact that his reign ended in the

fifteenth year. According to Herodotus (1, 64, 65), it might seem as

though he were of opinion that Croesus sought allies in Hellas at the

time when Pisistratus was tyrant for the third time over Athens. But

this would be an error due to Herodotus' habit of anticipation. We can

only be concerned with the second tyranny of Pisistratus, which belongs

to the years 550 and 549 B.C. Against the argument here used--that the

priests could not leave out of sight the actual circumstances in things

so widely known, even in their inventions, Buedinger objects: "The

chronological relations in Lydian-Persian history were neither various

nor generally known, when Herodotus visited Delphi." The objection would

be pertinent if the legend of the priests had only been manufactured

during Herodotus' stay at Delphi, and for his use. This is not tenable.

The fall of Croesus was an event which deeply moved the Hellenic world,

and created the most lively astonishment; the responses of Delphi had

allured him to war; the oracle must at once justify itself if it were

not to lose considerably in its authority. The justification must,

therefore, have been invented at once; in the cities of Anatolia it

would be best known at that time how and when the Mede came into the

land with the fall of Croesus ([Greek: pelikos esth' hoth' ho Medos

aphiketo]; Xenophanes in Athenaeus, p. 54), and it was also known

everywhere how long before the great presents of Croesus had come to

Miletus and Delphi. This must be noticed by the Delphian priests. But,

as I have expressly said, I have not laid any great stress on this fact,

but on the burning of the temple in 548 B.C., for that is the only

certain point which can be gained. It does not seem possible to me to

make Xenophon's account of the Lydian and Babylonian wars of Cyrus in

the Cyropaedia a reason for placing the overthrow of Croesus in 541 B.C.

and putting back the beginning of the third tyranny of Pisistratus to

that date in order to suit this account. There are also reasons of fact

against such a date, which are given elsewhere.

[23] Herod. 1, 153.

[24] Plat. "Protagoras," p. 327. Demosth. "De Corona," 24; Aesch. "in

Ctesiph." 137, and the Scholia.

[25] Polyb. 7, 15; 8, 22.

[26] Raoul Rochette, "Memoires de l'institut," 17, 2, p. 278 ff.

[27] Herod. 1, 87.

[28] Buedinger objects to this view that the Lydian tradition, which

would be favourable to Croesus, could not possibly convert the merit of

such a sacrifice into an execution. Whether the tradition of the Lydians

was favourable or not to Croesus is not handed down; that the Greeks

were favourable to him we know for certain. It is the tradition of the

Greek cities--favourable to Croesus and unfavourable to Cyrus--which we

have in the account of Herodotus. The rescue of Croesus and the wisdom

of Solon were the points of view given in the Greek tradition and

guiding it. If Nicolaus of Damascus has used Xanthus, and his account

rests on a combination of the Greek and Lydian tradition--it is

precisely in his account that the sacrifice, and the prevention of it by

rain, comes out more clearly than in Herodotus.

[29] Steph. Byzant. [Greek: Barene]. The Barce of Justin (1, 7) must be

the same city. [Barene in Jeep's ed.] Ptolem. 6, 2, 8; "Vend." 1, 68.