“The War between us and them is now reduced to one single

point--_Impressment!_--A cause for which we should not have

commenced a War, but without an arrangement of which our Government

now say they cannot make Peace. If ever there was a _just_

cause for War in the sight of Almighty God, this cause is on

our side just. The essence of this Cause is on the British side

_Oppression_, on our side _personal liberty_. We are fighting for

the _Sailor’s Cause_. The English Cause is the _Press-gang_. It

seems to me that in the very Nature of this Cause we ought to find

some resources for maintaining it, by operation upon the minds of

our own Seamen, and upon those of the Adversary’s. It is sometimes

customary for the Commanders of Ships to address their crews, on

going into action; and to inspirit them by motives drawn from

the cause they are called to support. In this War, when our Ships

go into action, their Commanders have the best possible materials

for cheering their men to extraordinary exertions of duty. How

the English Admirals and Captains will acquit themselves on such

occasions I can easily conjecture. But I fancy to myself a Captain

telling them honestly that they are fighting for the Cause of

Impressment. That having been most of them impressed themselves,

in the face of every principle of Freedom, of which their Country

boasted, they must all be sensible how _just_ and how _glorious_

the right of the Press-gang is, and how clear the right of

practising it upon American Sailors as well as upon themselves must

be. I think they will not very readily recur to such arguments....

The English talk of the _Seduction_ practiced by us upon their

Seamen. There is a Seduction in the very Nature of this Cause,

which it would be strange indeed if their Seamen were insensible

to. I have heard that many of their Seamen taken by us have shown

a reluctance at being exchanged, from an unwillingness to be sent

back to be impressed again. A more admirable comment upon the

character of the War could not be imagined. Prisoners who deem it

a hardship to be exchanged! With what heart can they fight for the

principle which is to rivet the chains of their own servitude?

“I have been reading a multitude of speculations in the English

Newspapers, about the capture of their two Frigates _Guerrière_ and

_Macedonian_. They have settled it that the American forty-fours

are line of battle-ships in disguise, and that henceforth all the

frigates in the British Navy are to have the privilege of running

away from them![8] This of itself is no despicable result of the

first half-year of War. Let it be once understood as a matter of

course that every single frigate in the British Navy is to shrink

from a contest with the large American frigates, and even this will

have its effect upon the Spirits of the Tars on both sides. It

differs a little from the time when the _Guerrière_ went out with

her name painted in Capitals on her fore-topsail, in search of our

disguised line of battle-ship _President_.[9]

“But the English Admiralty have further ordered the immediate

construction of seventeen new frigates, to be disguised line of

Battle ships too. Their particular destination is to be to fight

the Americans. Their numbers will be six to one against us,

unless we too taking the hint from one success can build frigate

for frigate and meet them on their own terms; in which case if

our new ships are commanded and officered, and manned like the

_Constitution_ and the _United States_ and _Wasp_,[10] I am

persuaded they will in process of time gain one step more upon the

maxims of the British Navy, and settle it as a principle that

single English ships are not to fight Americans of equal force.

Thus much I believe it will be in their power to do. And further I

wish them never to go. I hope they will never catch the indolent

affectation of seeking Battle against superior force. An English

pretension which has been so well chastised in the fate of their

two frigates.

“Our Navy, like all our other Institutions, is formed upon the

English model. With regard to the Navy at least the superiority

of that model to all others extant is incontestable. But in the

British Navy itself there are a multitude of abuses against which

we may guard, and there are many improvements of which it is

susceptible, and for which the field is open before us. Our three

44 gun ships were originally built not as the English pretend for

line of Battle ships, but to be a little more than a match in

force to the largest European Frigates, and the experience both of

our partial War with France, in 1798 and 1799 as well as of our

present War with England has proved the wisdom of the principle

upon which they were constructed. It has been a great and momentous

question among our Statesmen whether we should have any Navy or

not. It will probably still be a great question, but Great Britain

appears determined to solve all our doubts and difficulties upon

the subject. She blockades our Coast, and is resolved to crush us

instantly upon the Ocean. We must sink without a struggle, under

her hand, or we must have a Navy....”

NAPOLEON’S RETREAT FROM MOSCOW

John Quincy Adams to Mrs. John Adams

“St. Petersburg, 30 November, 1812.

“ ... It may well be doubted whether in the compass of human

history since the Creation of the World, a greater, more sudden and

more total reverse of Fortune was ever experienced by man, than is

now exhibiting in the person of a man, whom Fortune for a previous

course of nearly twenty years had favored with a steadiness and

a prodigality equally unexampled in the annals of mankind. He

entered Russia at the head of three hundred thousand men, on the

24th of last June. On the 15th of September he took possession of

Moscow, the Russian armies having retreated before him almost as

fast as he could advance; not however without attempting to stop

him by two Battles, one of which [Borodino] was perhaps the most

bloody that had been fought for many ages. He appears really to

have concluded that all he had to do was to reach Moscow, and the

Russian Empire would be prostrate at his feet. Instead of that it

was precisely then that his serious difficulties began. Moscow

was destroyed; partly by his troops, and partly by the Russians

themselves. His Communications in his rear were continually

interrupted and harassed by separate small Detachments from the

Russian Army. His two flanks, one upon the Dvina, and the other

upon the frontier of Austria were both overpowered by superior

forces, which were drawing together and closing behind him; and

after having passed six weeks in total inaction at Moscow, he found

himself with a starving and almost naked army, eight hundred miles

from his frontier, exposed to all the rigour of a Russian Winter,

with an Army before him superior to his own and a Country behind

him already ravaged by himself, and where he had left scarcely a

possibility of any other sentiment than that of execration and

vengeance upon himself and his followers.

“He began his retreat on the 28th of October, scarcely a month

since, and at this moment, if he yet lives, he has scarcely the

ruins of an Army remaining with him. He has been pursued with all

the eagerness that could be felt by an exasperated and triumphant

Enemy. Thousands of his men have perished by famine,--thousands by

the extremity of the Season, and in the course of the last ten days

we have heard of more than thirty thousand who have laid down their

arms almost without resistance. His Cavalry is in a more dreadful

condition even than his Infantry. He has lost the greatest part

of his Artillery,--has abandoned most of the baggage of his army,

and has been even reduced to blow up his own stores of ammunition.

The two wings of the Russian Armies have formed their junction and

closed the passage to his retreat; and according to every human

probability within ten days the whole remnant of his host will be

compelled like the rest to lay down their arms and surrender at

discretion. If he has a soul capable of surviving such an Event, he

will probably be a prisoner himself.

“Should he by some extraordinary accident escape in his own person,

he has no longer a force nor the means of assembling one which can

in the slightest degree be formidable to Russia. Even before his

Career of victory had ceased, commotions against his Government

had manifested themselves in his own Capital, on a false rumour of

his death which had been circulated. Now, that if he returns at

all, it must be as a solitary fugitive, it is scarcely possible

that he should be safer at the Thuileries [_sic_], than he would

be in Russia. His allies, almost every one of whom was such upon

the bitterest compulsion, and upon whom he has brought the most

impending danger of ruin, may not content themselves merely with

deserting him. Revolutions in Germany, France, and Italy must be

the inevitable consequence of this state of things, and Russia,

whose influence in the political affairs of the World he expressly

threatened to destroy, will henceforth be the arbitress of Europe.

“It has pleased Heaven for many years to preserve this man, and

to make him prosper, as an instrument of divine wrath to scourge

mankind. His race is now run, and his own term of punishment has

commenced.--‘Fret not thyself because of him who prospereth in his

way, because of the man who bringeth wicked devices to pass--for

yet a little while, and the wicked shall not be; yea, thou shalt

diligently consider his place and it shall not be.’ How often have

I thought of this Oracle of divine truth, with an application of

the Sentiment to this very man upon whom it is now so signally

fulfilling. And how ardently would I pray the supreme disposer of

Events that the other and more consolatory part of the same promise

may now be also near its accomplishment--‘But the _meek_ shall

inherit the Earth, and shall delight themselves in the abundance of

Peace.’”

John Quincy Adams to Mrs. John Adams

“St. Petersburg, 31 December, 1812.

“ ... In my last letter I gave you a sketch of the situation at

that time of Napoleon the Great. There is no Account yet that he

has personally surrendered himself;[11] but he has only saved

himself by the swiftness of his flight, which on one occasion at

least he was obliged to pursue in disguise. Of the immense host

with which six months since he invaded Russia, nine tenths at least

are prisoners, or food for worms. They have been surrendering

by ten thousands at a time, and at this Moment there are at

least one hundred and fifty thousand of them in the power of the

Emperor Alexander. From Moscow to Prussia, eight hundred miles

of road have been strewed with his Artillery, Baggage-Waggons,

Ammunition-Chests, dead and dying men who he has been forced to

abandon to their fate. Pursued all the time by three large regular

armies of a most embittered and exasperated Enemy, and by an almost

numberless militia of peasants, stung by the destruction of their

harvests and cottages which he had carried before him, and spurr’d

to Revenge at once themselves, their Country and their Religion.

To complete his disasters, the Season itself during the greatest

part of his Retreat has been unusually rigorous even for this

Northern Climate. So that it has become a sort of bye-word among

the Common People here that the two Russian Generals who have

conquered Napoleon and all his Marshals are General _Famine_ and

General _Frost_. There may be and probably is some exaggeration

in the accounts which have been received and officially published

here of the late Events; but where the realities are so certain and

so momentous the temptation to exaggerate and misrepresent almost

vanishes.

“In all human probability the Career of Napoleon’s conquests is

at an end. France can no longer give the law to the Continent of

Europe. How he will make up his account with Germany, the victim

of his former successful rashness, and with France, who rewarded

it with an Imperial Crown is now to be seen. The transition

from the condition of France in June last to her present State

is much greater than would be from the present to her defensive

campaign against the Duke of Brunswick in 1792. A new Era is

dawning upon Europe. The possibility of a more propitious prospect

is discernible; but to the great disposer of Events only is it

known whether this new Revolution is to be an opening for some

alleviation to human misery or whether it is to be only a variation

of Calamities.

“ ... I have already mentioned that the season has been unusually

rigorous. In the course of this month of December, we have had

seventeen days in succession with Fahrenheit’s thermometer almost

invariably below 0. I now write you at that temperature, and

notwithstanding the stoves and double windows my fingers can hardly

hold the pen. The Sun rises at a quarter past 9 in the morning,

and sets a quarter before 3 in the afternoon; so that we must live

almost by Candlelight. We are all literally and really sick of the

Climate. It is certainly contrary to the course of Nature, for men

of the South to invade the Regions of the North. Napoleon should

have thought of that....”

John Quincy Adams to Mrs. John Adams

“St. Petersburg, 19 July, 1813.

“ ... The Battle of Lützen[12] was claimed by both parties as a

Victory, and was here celebrated as such by a Te Deum. But in

its consequences it was the most important Victory ever won by

Bonaparte--for it proved to all Europe that France was still able

to cope with her Enemies, and even to make head against them.

A second Battle[13] three weeks after had a similar and more

unequivocal result. Between the first and second Battles Napoleon

had proposed that a Congress should be assembled at Prague in

Bohemia, to which all the powers at War, including the United

States of America, should be invited to send Plenipotentiaries

for the purpose of concluding a general Peace; and he offered to

stipulate an Armistice, during the Negotiation. After the second

Battle, Russia and Prussia, with the concurrence of Austria,

accepted the proposition for an Armistice, limited however to the

term of six weeks, probably with a view to receive the answer

from England, whether she should choose to be represented at the

Congress or not. This Armistice is now on the point of expiring,

but is said to have been prolonged for six weeks more. In the

meantime Napoleon has quartered his army upon the Territory of his

Enemy in Silesia, is levying a contribution upon Hamburg of about

ten Millions of Dollars, is doubly fortifying all his positions

upon the Elbe, and receiving continual reinforcements to be

prepared for renewing an offensive campaign. He has made sure of

the aid and support of Denmark and Saxony, and strongly confirmed

Austria in her propensities to neutrality. If the War should be

renewed his prospects, though infinitely below those with which he

invaded Russia, last Summer, will be far above those with which

he entered upon the present Campaign in April. If the Congress

should meet he will not have it in his power to give the law to

Europe; but the Peace must be in effect of reciprocal and important

concessions.

“There has nothing occurred since the commencement of the French

Revolution which has occasioned such astonishment throughout Europe

as this state of things. There are many examples in History of the

extraordinary defeat and annihilation of immensely powerful armies.

But the reappearance of a second overpowering host, within five

Months after the dissolution of the first, is I believe without a

parallel....”[14]

John Quincy Adams to Mrs. John Adams

“St. Petersburg, 19 November, 1813.

“ ... Since the renewal of the War in Germany the odds of force

have been too decisive against the French, and the catastrophe

of their Army [at Dresden and Leipsic] has been nearly equal to

that of the last year.[15] Napoleon himself has been defeated

and overpowered by the four combined armies of Austria, Russia,

Prussia and Sweden, and on the 19th of October escaped from Leipsic

leaving his ally the king of Saxony a Prisoner, more than twenty

of his Generals, and forty thousand men also prisoners, and 400

pieces of Cannon, Ammunition, baggage, etc., in proportion to the

conquerors. All his other German Allies have deserted him and taken

side against him; the Austrians are advancing in Italy, and Lord

Wellington with his English, Spaniards and Portuguese, are invading

France from the Pyrenees....”

John Quincy Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams

“St. Petersburg, 24 January, 1814.

“ ... The Events of the last two years have opened a new prospect

to all Europe, and have discovered the glassy substance of the

Colossal Power of France. Had that power been acquired by Wisdom,

it might have been consolidated by Time and the most ordinary

portion of Prudence. The Emperor Napoleon says that he was

never _seduced_ by Prosperity; but when he comes to be judged

impartially by Posterity, that will not be their sentence. His

Fortune will be among the wonders of the age in which he has lived.

His Military Talent and Genius will place him high in the Rank

of Great Captains; but his intemperate Passion, his presumptuous

Insolence, and his Spanish and Russian Wars, will reduce him very

nearly to the level of ordinary Men. At all Events he will be one

of the standing examples of human Vicissitude--ranged, not among

the Alexanders, Cæsars and Charlemagnes, but among the Hannibals,

Pompeys and Charles the 12ths. I believe his Romance is drawing

towards its close; and that he will soon cease even to yield a

pretext for the War against France. England alone will be ‘afraid

of the Gunpowder Percy, though he should be dead.’”[16]

John Quincy Adams to Mrs. John Adams

“Reval, 12 May, 1814.

“ ... The Coalition of all Europe against France has at length

been crowned with complete success. The annals of the World do

not I believe furnish an example of such a reverse of Fortune as

that Nation has experienced within the last two years.[17] The

interposition of Providence to produce this mighty change has been

so signal, so peculiar, so distinct from all human co-operation,

that in ages less addicted to superstition than the present

it might have been considered as miraculous. As a Judgment of

Heaven, it will undoubtedly be considered by all pious Minds now

and hereafter, and I cannot but indulge the Hope that it opens a

Prospect of at least more Tranquility and Security to the civilized

part of Mankind than they have enjoyed the last half Century.

France for the last twenty-five Years has been the scourge of

Europe; in every change of her Government she has manifested the

same ambitious, domineering, oppressive and rapacious Spirit to

all her Neighbours. She has now fallen a wretched and helpless

victim into their hands--dethroning the Sovereign she had chosen,

and taking back the family she had expelled, at their command;

and ready to be dismembered and parceled out as the Resentment

or the Generosity of her Conquerors shall determine. The final

Result is now universally, and in a great degree justly imputable

to one Man. Had Napoleon Bonaparte, with his extraordinary Genius,

and transcendent military talents, possessed an ordinary portion

of Judgment or common Sense, France might have been for ages the

preponderating Power in Europe, and he might have transmitted to

his Posterity the most powerful Empire upon Earth, and a name

to stand by the side of Alexander, Cæsar and Charlemagne--A name

surrounded by such a blaze of Glory as to blind the eyes of all

humankind to the baseness of its origin and even to the blood with

which it would still have been polluted. But if the Catastrophe

is the work of one Man, it was the Spirit of the Times and of the

Nation, which brought forward that Man, and concentrated in his

person and character the whole issue of the Revolution. ‘Oh! it

is the Sport (says Shakespear) to see the Engineer hoist by his

own petard.’ The sufferings of Europe are compensated and avenged

in the humiliation of France.... The great danger of the present

moment appears to me to be that the policy of crippling France to

guard against her future power will be carried too far....”

MADAME DE STAËL

John Q. Adams to Thomas B. Adams

“St. Petersburg, 22d November, 1812.

“ ... Toward the close of the last summer arrived here as a sort of

semi official appendage to the British embassy an old acquaintance

of yours, Sir Francis D’Ivernois, who as you know has been for many

years a distinguished political writer in the French language and

in the Interest of the British Government. He came not I believe

with, but very soon after, the Embassador Lord Cathcart.[18] just

at the same time a lady of celebrated fame, Madame de Staël, the

daughter of Mr. Necker, was also here on a transient visit.[19]

As I had not the honor of being personally known to Madame de

Staël and as we had just received information of the American

Declaration of war against Britain, I had no expectation of having

any communication or intercourse either with the Embassador or the

lady. And I regretted this the less as my whole soul was at that

period absorbed in the distressed situation of my family.... Early

one morning I received a note from Madame de Staël, requesting me

to call on her at her lodgings that same day at noon as she wished

to speak to me on a subject respecting America.

“I went accordingly at the hour appointed and upon entering the

lady’s _salon_ found there a company of some fifteen or twenty

persons, not a soul of whom I had ever seen before. An elderly

gentleman in the full uniform of an English General was seated on

a sofa and the lady whom I immediately perceived to be Madame de

Staël was complimenting him with equal elegance and fluency upon

the glories of his nation, his countryman, Lord Wellington, and

his own. The Battle of Salamanca and the bombardment of Copenhagen

were themes upon which much was to be said and upon which she said

much.[20]

“When I went in she intermitted her discourse for a moment to

receive me and offer me a seat which I immediately took and for

about half an hour had the opportunity to admire the brilliancy of

her genius as it sparkled incessantly in her conversation. There

was something a little too broad and direct in the substance of

the panegyrics which she pronounced to allow them the claim of

refinement. There was neither disguise nor veil to cover their

naked beauties, but they were expressed with so much variety and

vivacity that the hearers had not time to examine the thread of

their texture. Lord Cathcart received the compliments pointed at

himself with becoming modesty; those to his nation with apparent

satisfaction and those to the conquest of Salamanca with silent

acquiescence. The lady insisted that the British was the most

astonishing nation of antient or modern times, the only preservers

of social order, the defenders exclusively of the liberties of

mankind, to which his lordship added that their glory was in

being a moral nation, a character which he was sure they would

always preserve. The glittering sprightliness of the Lady and

the stately gravity of the Embassador were as well contrasted as

their respective topics of praise, and if my mind had been at cast

to relish anything in the nature of an exhibition I should have

been much amused at hearing a Frenchwoman’s celebration of the

generosity of the English towards other nations and a lecture upon

national morality from the commander of the expedition Copenhagen.

[Illustration: Owned by the Century Association, New York.

Half-tone plate engraved by H. Davidson

JOHN QUINCY ADAMS

FROM THE PORTRAIT, PAINTED IN 1835, BY ASHER B. DURAND]

“During this sentimental duet between the ambassador and the

Embassadress, kept my seat, merely an auditor. The rest of the

company were equally silent. Among them was an English Naval

Officer, Admiral Bentinck, since deceased. He was then quite the

chevalier d’honneur to Madame de Staël but whether the scene did

not strike him precisely as it did me or whether his feelings

resulting from it were of a more serious nature than mine the

moment it was finished he drew a very long breath and sighed it

out as if relieved from an offensive burden saying only ‘thank God

that’s over.’ He and all the rest of the company immediately after

that retired and left me tête-à-tête with Madame de Staël.

“The subject respecting America was to tell me that she had a

large sum in the American funds and to enquire whether I knew how

she could contrive to receive the interest which she had hitherto

received from England. I gave her such information as I possessed.

She had also some lands in the State of New York of which she

wished to know the value. I answered her as well as I could but her

lands and her funds did not appear to occupy much of her thoughts.

The Century Illustrated Monthly Magazine (June 1913) Vol. LXXXVI. New Series: Vol. LXIV. May to October, 1913 · 第 11 / 20 段